Sian Mulholland
North Antrim · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“Members from different parties recognised that our justice system must continue to evolve and continue to have children, young people and victims at its heart. What, we know, works to reduce offending and create safer communities has that support. <BR /> <BR />Not every contribution reflected that approach.”
“I will use my final Member's statement before recess to reflect on the work of the Ten is Too Young Coalition and all those who have worked so passionately to increase the minimum age of criminal responsibility (MACR), including Voice of Young People in Care, the Children's Law Centre, NIACRO, the Northern Ireland Commissioner for Childre…”
“We so often hear calls in the Chamber for legislation that is evidence-led, data-driven and compliant with our human rights obligations. Those are principles that I wholeheartedly support, but they cannot be principles that are applied only when they are convenient. Children's rights are human rights too.”
“<BR /> <BR />The triggering of the petition of concern mechanism was a misuse of a mechanism that was designed to protect minority rights. Here it is, blocking change designed to protect those who are most vulnerable.”
“Safeguarding falls within your remit, Minister. We know that, but we also know that it is the responsibility of each and every one of us. That is part of the Children (Northern Ireland) Order 1995. Faith-based counselling is not subject to the same regulation as other clinical counselling services.”
“Thank you, Minister. I am glad to hear you say that the role played by social workers is "complex and challenging". From what I hear from those who have contacted me, social workers are stretched to capacity. What is the Department doing to address that?”
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“, all of whom so often stole the show at Áras an Uachtaráin. They reflected the warmth, gentleness and humanity that he brought to the role. Has there ever been a more wholesome image of a world leader than that of President Higgins with his dogs nuzzling at his legs, looking for a wee pet on the head, in the midst of press conference? <BR /> <BR />After 14 years of service as uachtarán na hÉireann”
“During his presidency, he reminded us again and again that the arts help us to see not just ourselves but one another more clearly. <BR /> <BR />Of course, we cannot speak of his presidency without mentioning his faithful companions: first, Shadow, then Síoda, Bród and, of course, the remaining pup, Misneach”
“It is an honour to have the opportunity to pay tribute to President Michael D Higgins, a man whose contribution to public life, the arts and the Irish language has left an indelible mark on the island of Ireland. His lifelong commitment to the revival and celebration of the Irish language has been a source of inspiration. He has reminded us that the language is not only a means of communication but a vessel of identity, culture, belonging and literature. Through his words and example, he has shown that the Irish language lives not just in classrooms or Gaeltacht areas but in the hearts of all who cherish it. <BR /> <BR />Equally, his steadfast advocacy for the arts —an area that I am incredibly passionate about — including poets, musicians, storytellers, playwrights and dreamers, has enriched our shared cultural life.”
“Minister, will you outline what further steps you are taking to strengthen the statutory sex offender notification requirements?”
“Housing should not be a privilege that is dictated by economic disparity; rather, it should be a basic right and the foundation of every thriving, sustainable community.”
“Anecdotally, many of us know about countless others that are operating informally throughout the wider north coast area and are not properly registered. <BR /> <BR />We need better data and transparency and a public register of short-term lets and second homes, as is the case in Scotland and Wales. We need to empower our councils, and we need to be able to designate short-term let control areas or to introduce new planning use for short-term lets and second homes. We need rates reform, like Wales and Scotland. We should explore a fair premium on non-primary residences, with revenue being reinvested in affordable housing or for waste infrastructure in order to allow new homes to be built. That has to be an Executive-wide plan.”
“As the saying goes, it takes a village to raise a child, but so many people on the north coast are losing that village life. <BR /> <BR />For those who are unable to buy, the picture is no better. Between 2018 and 2023, private rents in Causeway Coast and Glens increased faster than in any other council area in Northern Ireland. When landlords can earn several times more from a short-term let, the incentive to remove properties from the long-term rental market is clear, and it is devastating. Causeway Coast and Glens Borough Council has also said that 40% of all certified self-catering accommodation units in Northern Ireland are registered in the Causeway Coast and Glens area. As has been mentioned before, those are just the ones that are properly registered.”
“Those are extraordinary figures for any community that is trying to sustain schools, services and civic life. <BR /> <BR />On top of that, there is a striking disparity because Causeway Coast and Glens has both the lowest average wage and the highest average house price in Northern Ireland. That tells its own story. Local people are being priced out while homes sit dark for most of the year, once the summer sun sets. I have spoken to constituents who have had to move to Ballymena, Ballymoney or Coleraine just to find somewhere that is affordable to buy. The knock-on effects of that are so significant, particularly with childcare pressures, longer commutes and families who are growing up without the close network of grandparents and family members nearby.”
“People there have told me that they cannot find homes that they can afford. What once was a real concern about housing affordability has turned into a community crisis. The proliferation of second homes and short-term rentals is absolutely reshaping our coast and our rural way of life. <BR /> <BR />The Department for Communities says that 13% of the homes in the Causeway Coast and Glens Borough Council area have no usual residents. That is more than double the Northern Ireland average of around 6%, and, in some coastal settlements, it is far higher. The council has told us that in Portballintrae, which straddles the two constituencies, between 45% and 51% of properties are second homes. When you go canvassing and walk past those homes, you will knock six doors before you come across someone who lives in the house full-time.”
“It is a common issue right across the coast, and there is now an urgency about it. I thank the proposer of the motion for bringing it once again to the House. <BR /> <BR />What once was a housing crisis is now a real threat to the very sustenance of our rural and coastal communities. I see that every day for myself as I drive around and when I am driving home. I see the darkened rows of houses that sit empty through the week and especially through the winter. Our high streets quieten as soon as the tourists leave, and the schools struggle to keep their doors open. Barnish Primary School in Carey closed because families have had to move away. I hear about the situation so often in my surgeries, particularly in what I call the north of North Antrim, which is situated in the Causeway Coast and Glens Borough Council area.”
“As an MLA for North Antrim, I have the privilege of representing communities that take in much of our north coast. I was delighted to hear Ms Hunter referencing Ballycastle. It is just a wee nod that the north coast does not stop on the road out of Portballintrae; it goes right the way around. What unites those places is not just their beauty; it is their popularity. From Bushmills to Ballycastle and Cushendun to Portballintrae, the balance between tourism and community is vulnerable to tipping too far. <BR /> <BR />The motion goes right to the core of what I see as mattering most to me in my job. It is about maintaining those thriving, sustainable communities where our local shops, local schools and services flourish by being able to depend on people to live and work locally all year round.”
“Minister, can you outline for us how you have secured public money for the benefit of farm businesses? Maybe we can start to learn a bit more about how you are delivering for farmers.”
“The UK Government have to end their piecemeal communications and provide the certainty that the sector so desperately requires. The people of Northern Ireland, especially those who are furthest from work and opportunity, deserve nothing less.”
“Northern Ireland needs stronger revenue funding to sustain people-focused programmes, not just investment in infrastructure. We have consistently raised those concerns at Westminster. The Alliance MP, Sorcha Eastwood, has persistently lobbied that a local growth fund that is tailored specifically to Northern Ireland and co-designed with the sector has to be on the table. <BR /> <BR />The sector is calling for the swift creation of a task-driven, time-bound co-design group, involving the Department for the Economy, local councils, Invest NI, Enterprise NI and local enterprise agencies. That group should deliver, by the end of November, a fully costed and improved enterprise support model that will be ready for implementation in April 2026.”
“We have seen that before when funding has been removed en masse from the community and voluntary sector. <BR /> <BR />Right now, the sector's call is clear: clarity and contingency agreements and arrangements are urgently needed. NICVA and its partners are seeking a bridging arrangement and an extension of the current funding in order to avoid being plunged off a funding cliff. Furthermore, the Government have to confirm that the local growth fund will be delivered through a regional programme that is tailored specifically to Northern Ireland, with community and voluntary organisations at its core. There has to be a genuine co-design process, which draws on evidence and local knowledge and expertise, to shape the fund's operation. Crucially, as the previous contributor mentioned, the proposed ratio of capital allocation has to be revised.”
“If you strip away voluntary and community sector support, there is no alternative to absorb the impact. Vulnerable groups will be further marginalised; pressures on our health and social care system will increase; the justice system will come under greater strain; employers who are already struggling to find workers will face further challenges; and, ultimately, inequality will deepen and opportunity will shrink. Those are the consequences. <BR /> <BR />Another element is that, if the funding cliff edge is not addressed, not only will the thousands of people whom we have discussed lose support every year, but around 650 skilled staff will be at risk. That expertise and dedication cannot be quickly or easily replaced; it is institutional knowledge that we simply will not get back.”
“There is still no confirmed delivery plan or timeline. That is no way to treat a sector, especially one that has given so much to our society. <BR /> <BR />Without decisive action, the sector stands at yet another funding cliff edge. According to NICVA's NI Can't Wait campaign, many of the thousands of recipients of those programmes — whether they are individuals with disabilities, carers, women who are returning to work, young people with criminal records, older people or rural people who are without access to sustainable employment — have already been failed by the system. We have heard already that we have some of the highest rates of economic inactivity — as much as I do not like that term — in the UK and the lowest employment rate amongst disabled people.”
“With reduced funding, increased reliance on short-term arrangements and a climate of ongoing uncertainty, it does not look good for those organisations.”
“We have heard today how they face a funding crisis that is not of their making but arises from ongoing delays and, crucially, uncertainty from the UK Government. Despite their resilience and dedication, those organisations now operate under constant threat of financial instability, forced to survive on short-term contracts and unable to make meaningful long-term plans. That goes for the staff, who are unable to get mortgages because of their lack of full-time and permanent contracts, and the organisations. <BR /> <BR />The sector has felt like it has been in continual free fall since the removal of EU funding. The NICVA economic inclusion paper makes clear the scale of the problem that the sector faces.”
“Wow. For decades, voluntary and community sector organisations have been at the heart of our society, forming that crucial backbone and stepping in where the state has faltered. They have consistently delivered vital services, especially during turbulent times, including Executive collapses caused by parties around the Chamber, and amid chronic underfunding from the UK Government. Their value cannot be overstated, and I echo the welcome to them to Parliament Buildings today. <BR /> <BR />My perspective in the debate is shaped by my experience as an MLA more recently and by my previous life as a youth worker and a worker in the voluntary and community sector. I have seen at first hand the lifeline that those organisations provide.”
“Minister, are you aware of research from the UK Government on their evaluation of the right-to-rent scheme and research by the Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants, which shows that the right-to-rent scheme has led to racial discrimination against lawful tenants? What analysis has your Department undertaken to assess those risks in Northern Ireland, in our context, before you attempt to bring in the right-to-rent scheme here?”
“Does the Member agree that that cash-first approach is really what families have told us that they need most?”
“Given that so many of the voluntary organisations that have been funded by the local growth fund are looking at disability and employment schemes, can your Department do anything in conjunction with the Department for the Economy, such as bringing in something that we have spoken about before around JobStart instead of the statutory programmes? Maybe that could be used to bolster some of the community and voluntary sector. Is there any way around that?”
“Minister, has there been any discussion of an allocation from the investment strategy to the Northern Ireland Football Fund? That might help with some of the things that we are talking about.”
“<BR /> <BR />As I have said many times, poverty does not just happen in silos, and we have a society that cannot tackle it in silos. We already have a law to make Departments work together: the Children's Services Co-operation Act (Northern Ireland) 2015. Recommendation 9 in the Public Accounts Committee's report on child poverty said that it is clear that the Act is not being used to its full potential. It recommended that the Department of Finance work with all Departments to remove the barriers and bring forward an action plan. I hope that that Act can be used, whether it is around the scrutiny of the strategy or cross-departmental working. It is clear that we could be doing so much, but, right now, the draft anti-poverty strategy is not going to fulfil the objectives that the Minister has set out so far.”
“No. I have a lot to get through, David. If I have time at the end, I will let you in. <BR /> <BR />Research from the Republic of Ireland also shows the impact of combining that cash and in-kind support. According to Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI) in 2025, when you count the child payments and the in-work supports, alongside free preschool meals and free school meals, more than 150,000 children were lifted out of poverty. Closer to home, I turn to the 'Welfare Mitigations Review', which was led by Les Allamby. It found that offsetting the two-child limit and bolstering family incomes with those new payments is exactly the kind of targeted intervention that we should see in an anti-poverty strategy.”
“The MLA for East Belfast David Brooks said that "throwing money at the problem" does not work. Respectfully, thousands of children in Scotland would disagree with that.”
“Analysis has shown that that payment reduced relative child poverty by around four to five percentage points. That has lifted thousands of children out of poverty. Whilst analysis has also shown that, yes, Scotland has not met every interim target, the point is much greater than that. It is about the fact that Scotland has targets in situ. It measures progress and can adjust policy as and when it needs to and when it sees what is and is not working. We can learn something from that model. <BR /> <BR />I attended a Rising Together Against Poverty event at the start of September with lots of community and voluntary sector organisations. I heard very clearly that a cash-first approach was the most effective and impactful way to immediately help families. That approach worked in Scotland.”
“It also ducks the objective need element, offering no single consistent test of who actually needs the help most. Taken together, it is not yet a lawful plan of action, and I think that it leaves the Executive exposed to challenge again. I ask this: what are we doing, if we are knowingly putting forward a strategy that, so far, is not measurable or target driven and is not clearly anchored in objective need? Without those clear targets and budgets, I do not believe that it can be effective, meaning that the children whom it claims to help will continue to suffer. <BR /> <BR />We support the call for a Northern Ireland child payment, as we have previously. Whilst there are issues with the Scottish scheme, it shows the way. It sets statutory targets that are bolstered by that payment.”
“Their responses offer the evidence-based alternatives that we need. We need a rights-based, life cycle, intersectional strategy with time-bound, measurable actions, clear accountability and proper resourcing, grounded in lived experience. <BR /> <BR />My focus today is on what I see as a weakness — the legality. As the Ulster University submission by Dr Mark Simpson, Prof Gráinne McKeever and Dr Ciara Fitzpatrick made clear, the draft, as we see it, fails to meet the Executive's duty to adopt a strategy based on objective need. By the Honourable Lord Justice Treacy's test, a lawful strategy must have a start, a middle and an end, with measurable outcomes. The draft has a start — we can see that — but there are no measurable endpoints or timelines, and the outcomes are vague means, not ends.”
“I thank the signatories to the motion genuinely. I welcome any and every opportunity to continue the conversation about child poverty and to keep it at the forefront of our minds. <BR /> <BR />I will not rehearse the catalogue of perceived shortcomings and the basic problems that we see in the draft anti-poverty strategy. The Northern Ireland Anti-Poverty Network, Children in Northern Ireland, the Northern Ireland Commissioner for Children and Young People, the Cliff Edge Coalition, the expert panel and the strategy group have all set them out with clarity, and I do not think that I would do them justice by just repeating them. The Northern Ireland Office and the Public Accounts Committee have also spelled out what they think was wrong with previous child poverty strategies and how to fix them.”
“Let us use our discretion, which we already have, to say when good relations would plainly be hindered. <BR /> <BR />The choice today is not between Irish and English or between culture and consent. Rather, the debate is about seeing a Béal Feirste”
“More people from different backgrounds are dipping a toe in the Irish language, even if it is just a wee one. That is a positive story that we should nurture, not politicise. <BR /> <BR />That brings me back to tone. Calling neighbours' cultural expression "oppressive" or considering it territorial does nothing but harden hearts. It is not a zero-sum exercise. If we talk about the issue in that way, we will guarantee division and not achieve anything. This is not about forcing anyone to adopt the language as their own but about respect. There is also a practical path that we can take. The council committed to a two-year review of the policy, so let us wait for that in good faith. Let us look at the response rates and the engagement quality. Let us improve the information.”
“is not a bullet for any cause, and nor should it be a reason for intimidation of others. <BR /> <BR />Where therefore should we land? First, there is the potential for Irish and other minority languages to promote our common culture, and street signage can help to do that in a modest, everyday way. Secondly, it should not go where local people do not yet particularly want it. Consent and context matter. If a clear majority of residents on a given street are not interested, for whatever reason, it simply may not be the right place or the right time to introduce it. Thirdly, the way in which support is built is through respectful engagement, conversations, outreach and practical reassurance, not through street-by-street trench warfare, as the motion may have us believe. Fourthly, we should be proud of Belfast's progress.”
“Just a second. <BR /> <BR />To be clear, my children singing 'Baa, Baa, Caora Dubh'”
“We want to clarify our position. We believe that the policy is not the problem. Rather, the problem is the way in which a number of cases have been approached. If we are to listen to the calls of the Irish language community, which wants to depoliticise the language, we have to do that on every level and from every side.”
“Indeed, in the words of a DUP councillor in Belfast City Hall:”
“I want to continue, because I do not have an awful lot of time. <BR /> <BR />The more recent policy aimed to remove an unreasonable barrier while maintaining discretion, precisely so that we could weigh up local feeling and good relations, but community bridges will hold only if they are built with consent. Trust is built by talking to residents, answering questions and demystifying what a bilingual sign is, and that sometimes does mean saying, "Not here, not now, not yet". The point is to bring people along. <BR /> <BR />As has been mentioned, councillors can still exercise discretion, including through a good relations test. My party, unlike the SDLP, Sinn Féin and Green Party groupings on Belfast City Council, has stuck to its position that a sign should not be put in place if a majority of residents respond against it.”
“In practice, that meant that that visibility was kept, and refined, in areas that had already fully embraced the language. The more recent policy —.”
“, no matter how unfortunate that may be for people to hear. <BR /> <BR />The motion states that only 12% of applications for Irish language signs — in fact, they are dual language signs — are approved by the majority of residents who live there. That is a distortion of the facts. The policy focuses on respondents, not on the total number of residents. That is a key distinction to make. On the motion's assertion that, in nine out of 10 cases, the wishes of the minority are trumping those of the majority, I would like to know from where those figures come, because I am not clear on that. <BR /> <BR />Our peace settlement and international standards state that minority cultural rights matter. For years before 2022, a supermajority was required for the introduction of Irish signage.”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. <BR /> <BR />What first struck me about the motion, aside from the fact that we are spending time discussing the outworkings of a council policy, not just the policy detail or lack thereof, was the tone. Using terms such as "oppressive", "marking of territory" and "imposed upon" is not the way in which to lower the temperature and open a door to our shared history, which is a history that also includes "others" and Presbyterians at its croí”
“I will continue with my speech and get to that.”
“There is a myth about Alliance that we want everyone to be put into a big pot of homogenous beige; we do not want that. We want people to be able to celebrate and respect the culture of others.”
“I rise as someone with giota beag Gaeilge — a little bit of Irish. I am an aspiring learner; it is something that I have tried to do. I think of Béal Feirste — Belfast; the heart of my constituency, Ballymena — an Baile Meánach — the Middle Townland; and Loughguile — Loch gCaol — River of the Narrow Water. For me, all those things are part of the story. My favourite is somewhere that I pass every day as I come to Stormont: Knocknagoney — Cnoc na gCoiníní — Hill of the Rabbits, so called because, once upon a time, before Tesco was there, it was hiving with rabbits apparently. <BR /> <BR />Bilingual street nameplates do not replace anyone's identity. We are not asking people to take on the culture as if it is their own. We are asking for respect.”
“First, thank you, Minister, for joining me to visit the Antrim Arms Hotel in Ballycastle during the summer to see just how much impact dilapidated buildings can actually have, particularly on small rural towns. Secondly, I agree with your positive outlook on life, so do you agree that the Dilapidation Bill will make a significant difference to people who live with the consequences of derelict buildings?”
“I understand that that is the only scrutiny that we can do, particularly those of us on the Committee for Communities, but there has to be a joined-up approach to all that. That is where there is a missing link. <BR /> <BR />If the Assembly passes the motion, it will send a clear message to the Executive about the need to align budgets, work across Departments and improve skills and procurement so that retrofitting and new builds can both move forward. That will turn fuel poverty into affordable, safe, warm homes and waiting lists into house keys in pockets. I look forward to the warm healthy homes scheme that the Minister will bring forward, and I implore Members to support our motion.”
“On the two tracks that I mentioned, we have a choice. We can retrofit the homes that we have, particularly those that are coldest and costliest to heat and, from my point of view, the rural stock. We can also build the new social houses that people need to be low energy and renewable ready from day 1. As Kellie said in proposing the motion, and as I always mention when we talk about poverty, it is not about whether we can afford to do both things; it is about whether we can afford not to do them. <BR /> <BR />On the spend-to-save model, I understand what the Minister said about the budgetary constraints that his Department is under, but is there not a way to do it? We are asking for him to work across Departments to look at where savings can be made right across the board. It is not just about the Minister's Department.”
“There are ways that we can look at it. I am not entirely sure that what the Member has outlined would be the best way forward, but there are ways. Again, for me, it is about working together. It is about the joined-up nature of work across Departments. For me, it always comes back to one of the failings and weaknesses of this place, which is that we work in silos. So often, Ministers are scrutinised only for their Department's actions. However, when it comes to things that are so cross-cutting, such as fuel poverty and saving money for people in poverty, scrutiny is difficult because of how the Assembly is made up.”
“Are you going to talk about houses being underwater, Gerry, because I am not sure that we need that right now?”
“There are commitments to protect people from the actual cost of inaction because if we fail to meet energy efficiency and renewable goals, it does not spare people: it just leaves them colder, poorer and further behind. It is my belief that we have to commit to two tracks in parallel.”