Sian Mulholland
North Antrim · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“Members from different parties recognised that our justice system must continue to evolve and continue to have children, young people and victims at its heart. What, we know, works to reduce offending and create safer communities has that support. <BR /> <BR />Not every contribution reflected that approach.”
“I will use my final Member's statement before recess to reflect on the work of the Ten is Too Young Coalition and all those who have worked so passionately to increase the minimum age of criminal responsibility (MACR), including Voice of Young People in Care, the Children's Law Centre, NIACRO, the Northern Ireland Commissioner for Childre…”
“We so often hear calls in the Chamber for legislation that is evidence-led, data-driven and compliant with our human rights obligations. Those are principles that I wholeheartedly support, but they cannot be principles that are applied only when they are convenient. Children's rights are human rights too.”
“<BR /> <BR />The triggering of the petition of concern mechanism was a misuse of a mechanism that was designed to protect minority rights. Here it is, blocking change designed to protect those who are most vulnerable.”
“Safeguarding falls within your remit, Minister. We know that, but we also know that it is the responsibility of each and every one of us. That is part of the Children (Northern Ireland) Order 1995. Faith-based counselling is not subject to the same regulation as other clinical counselling services.”
“Thank you, Minister. I am glad to hear you say that the role played by social workers is "complex and challenging". From what I hear from those who have contacted me, social workers are stretched to capacity. What is the Department doing to address that?”
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“We will undermine our food safety and traceability standards, damage Northern Ireland's reputation in key markets and risk additional trade barriers if NI's livestock sector is seen to be non-compliant. Stripping away the enforcement powers would be reckless and would put ideology over food safety, jobs and the future of our farmers. <BR /> <BR />Farming in North Antrim is at the heart of our economy and our way of life. The Minister and I want to support, protect and enhance the opportunities for our farmers around the world. The SR provides certainty and ensures that our farmers can trade, our food remains safe and our agricultural system and industry remain strong. Ultimately, it is about maintaining farm-to-fork traceability, as others have said.”
“Let me be clear: that is not an attack on our place in the UK; it is about ensuring that Northern Ireland's exports can be distinguished from GB's so that we maintain compliance with EU food safety standards. It is a common-sense measure that allows our farmers to continue to trade freely rather than face unnecessary barriers. The issue should not be political: it is practical. The Minister is working to help farmers thrive in every market to ensure that farming communities have the certainty, sustainability and support that they need. <BR /> <BR />There has been a lot of scaremongering about the issue. There is nothing to fear if we continue to follow the rules by which we should already be abiding. If the SR is annulled, we will remove DAERA's ability to enforce livestock identification laws, creating further uncertainty for farmers.”
“The statutory rule is about ensuring that Northern Ireland's farmers can continue to trade with confidence, maintain access to markets and uphold, as has been mentioned, world-class food safety standards. The SR does not create new policy. It ensures that our domestic laws remain functional by aligning them with EU animal health law. The SR is restoring essential enforcement powers, powers that ensure that our farmers can comply with the necessary food safety and traceability rules without any uncertainty or risk. <BR /> <BR />As has been said, one of the key technical changes required by the animal health law is the use of XI ear tags rather than UK tags.”
“It is pure, short-sighted short-termism at its worst. The DUP is using farmers as a political football. Some Members are putting ideology over practical governance and what is best for our farmers. How can we expect Northern Ireland to thrive if we continually sabotage our ability to function? <BR /> <BR />In my constituency, farming is not just an industry but a way of life. Generations of families have worked the land, built their businesses and provided food not just for local markets but for GB, Ireland and well beyond. They want certainty, not disruption. They want opportunities to grow, not unnecessary trade barriers. They want to thrive, not just survive.”
“Like my colleague, I oppose the prayer of annulment, because it is not in the best interests of any farmer, food producer or rural community in Northern Ireland, including the rural community that I represent in North Antrim. This is not about sovereignty or ideology but about food safety, consumer confidence and ensuring that our agrisector continues to thrive. <BR /> <BR />I cannot help but question why the prayer of annulment motion was tabled and what the end goal is, because it really is not about strengthening our economy or supporting our communities. It is not about helping farmers in North Antrim or anywhere else in Northern Ireland. It is about appealing to a narrow political base rather than acting in the best interests of the people whom we are here to serve, and that is negligence.”
“I want to make sure that, regardless of whether it is a deaf child in a rural primary school, a deaf young person entering further education or a family navigating the early years of their deaf child's development, we see a difference in their daily lives.”
“Families should not have to fight to be heard, if you will excuse the pun, across different government strategies. The Bill must ensure that all Departments work towards the same goal. We cannot allow the Bill to be passed only to see slow and fragmented implementation. <BR /> <BR />Clause 9 requires a five-yearly report. Minister, will you give us a bit of an understanding of why five years was chosen? Is five years too long? A shorter reporting term, particularly at the beginning of the roll-out of the legislation, could be really useful. <BR /> <BR />The Bill has the potential to be truly transformative. However, its success will be defined by how it is implemented.”
“<BR /> <BR />Early intervention is not about just language acquisition, and I know that it does not fall just on your Department, Minister. It is a cross-departmental issue, which is why the Bill is so important. It is about mental health, emotional development, education and skills development and fulfilling potential. We know that deaf children are twice as likely to experience mental health concerns as their hearing peers. The earlier we get things right, the more we can reduce those lifelong inequalities, and that is my hope for the Bill. The Bill must be recognised beyond your Department, Minister. The Department of Health, for instance, must ensure that its family and parenting support strategy fully accounts for the needs of deaf children.”
“Deaf children need access to a language-rich environment from the start, whether that is BSL or ISL, spoken language or a combination. Families must be able to make informed choices at birth about their communication, free from bias and with the right information and support. That includes ensuring high-quality audiology services so that no family is left waiting for a diagnosis; providing sensory teachers to work with children from the point of identification and help families to navigate communication choices in a way that suits them; and offering free sign language classes to families, as set out in clause 2(2)(b), so that parents, siblings, grandparents and carers can develop the skills to communicate from the beginning.”
“Would that be appropriate in this circumstance so that there is no cliff edge where a child has to transition to adult services whilst trying to engage, for example, in tertiary education? Are we able to ensure inclusive spaces in youth services, sports organisations and faith-based groups, where deaf children and young people can participate fully in social and recreational activities? The Bill is an opportunity to embed real inclusion for young people across all aspects of life. That will happen only if a wide range of organisations are included in the regulations and they all recognise their roles in implementing the Bill, not as a tick-box exercise but as a fundamental shift in practice, which is what the Bill has to signal. <BR /> <BR />Early intervention is key.”
“<BR /> <BR />We need to embed across multiple sectors the early childhood and childcare strategies to ensure that all preschools — public, private and voluntary — are fully accessible and able to meet the needs of deaf children and their families. For primary and secondary education, we need to equip all schools, regardless of their governance, to meet the needs of deaf pupils. For further and higher education, we need to provide the right support so that young people can transition seamlessly from school to college, university or apprenticeship. <BR /> <BR />The Bill looks at a child as being someone up to the age of 19. With the Children's Services Co-operation Act 2015, for example, if there are mitigating circumstances, we can extend the age of a child.”
“For example, will all school types and all preschool settings, regardless of their status or governance arrangements, be included? The Bill presents an opportunity to extend the principles far beyond education, including full inclusion for deaf children in areas such as play, leisure and recreation. What organisations will be included? That is why the Bill must be implemented in a way that reflects the full breadth of a child's experience. Its intention to recognise and promote sign language, ensuring that deaf children and the adults who care for them have access to sign language in their everyday lives and supporting the development of deaf culture, marks such a positive step forward.”
“The spirit of the legislation will work only if we take into account their lived experience at every opportunity. <BR /> <BR />One of the most important aspects of the Bill is that it forces us to think differently. Too often, we approach support for deaf children as though their needs begin and end with specific Departments, agencies or organisations. A child's life does not fit into neat compartments. A child is not just a pupil in a school or a service user in a healthcare setting. A child is part of a family, part of a community and part of wider society. Although I recognise the progress that the Bill represents, I hope that we can carefully consider the range of prescribed organisations that fall within the Bill's scope that will be defined in regulations.”
“I fully support the Bill's intention to ensure that deaf children and their families can enjoy full access to government and public services through sign language. The Bill must achieve access to practical support that will drive fundamental change. It is essential that the Bill and any secondary legislation ensure that access to sign language is promoted in all areas of deaf children and young people's lives. That should be reflected in the measures developed to implement the Bill, including the guidance that the Department issues. It is vital that the Bill be implemented with the necessary resourcing and accompanied by robust review and reporting arrangements that take into account the views and the lived experiences of deaf children and young people and their families.”
“As other Members have said, the Sign Language Bill is a seminal moment, in that it gives British Sign Language and Irish Sign Language their rightful and formal place as languages. I commend the Minister and DFC officials and especially the stakeholders who have never given up, regardless of the context. <BR /> <BR />Over the past couple of days, I have had the privilege of hearing directly from the National Deaf Children's Society, which has warmly welcomed the Bill and rightly so. The recognition of BSL and ISL as official languages in Northern Ireland is so significant, and I particularly welcome the commitment to ensuring that deaf children and their families can access sign language classes.”
“I thank the Minister for opening the debate in such a powerful way. There could not have been a more appropriate way to introduce the Bill to the House, so thank you very much. I also extend a huge "Thank you" to those who have joined us in the Public Gallery. I will try to speak a little more slowly than my normal breakneck speed for those who may be able to lip-read. <BR /> <BR />Today, we have our first opportunity to debate how we bring about meaningful and transformational change for our deaf community. As the Alliance Party's spokesperson for children and young people, I will focus my comments on the impact that the Bill will hopefully have on children and young people.”
“We need commitment to a multi-year Budget approach that allows for long-term planning. Only then can we ensure that the Department fulfils its mandate to improve the lives of those who depend on it most.”
“The interim financial framework, which was agreed in May 2024, provided an additional £431 million of funding for public services, but it needs to be further progressed to a more permanent framework that properly reflects our relative needs. There are wider structural issues due to the cycle of crisis and collapse that we cannot ignore. The 2024-25 Budget was the tenth single-year Budget in a row, as many others in the Chamber have mentioned. We cannot have financial sustainability without political sustainability. That is why we have consistently and persistently advocated for reform. <BR /> <BR />In conclusion, while the Department for Communities has worked within difficult financial constraints to support individuals and families, the current financial framework is unsustainable.”
“It also demonstrates that, as we have raised in the Assembly in the past couple of weeks, the more people there are who have to move on to universal credit, the more need there is for us to mitigate the five-week wait with something much more effective than advance loans so that, hopefully, we do not see that breach in the capital limits next year. <BR /> <BR />The 2024-25 Budget was hugely challenging at the outset. We came into it after a prolonged period of austerity and stop-start government, with resource bids outstripping the funding available for allocation by 3:1 at times and similar pressures on our capital budgets. Agreeing that 2024-25 Budget was the first step in offering stability, but so much more needs to be done.”
“While the Department has outlined that it has made progress on its priorities, it is clear that funding constraints have limited its ability to deliver on all fronts. The reliance on the in-year monitoring rounds to address funding shortfalls has been a recurring challenge. That has enabled a reactive approach, which undermines the long-term financial planning that we need to see in a Department that deals with such a huge number of critical services. <BR /> <BR />The recent Excess Vote also notes the breaches in capital limits, notably due to the unanticipated increases in universal credit advances. That demonstrates the difficulty in using financial foresight.”
“Throughout the financial year, the Department for Communities has said that it has had to adapt to shifting financial circumstances by making difficult decisions. The funding trajectory of the Department has evolved through the successive monitoring rounds. In the June monitoring round, £10 million was allocated to homelessness interventions and discretionary support, and, in the October monitoring round, £500,000 was allocated to the arts sector, £24 million for social housing new builds and £17 million for winter fuel support. In the January monitoring round, £4·5 million was allocated for new-build social housing and there was continued support for Supporting People. In the February adjustments, £1·4 million was allocated for critical emergency financial assistance for those affected by storm Éowyn.”
“We need to look at how we can make that a more stable feature within an ongoing budget. Those engaging with the most vulnerable in society need stability and dignity in their work.”
“However, some, including me, would argue that that is not nearly enough to sustain and nurture a thriving sector that contributes so much for so little. The Supporting People programme, which assists those with additional housing needs, also received funding in that monitoring round, but ongoing demand highlights the challenge of ensuring that there is consistent and sustainable support for those who rely on those services. It is not good enough that, in some cases, those working in that sector live on a month-to-month contract.”
“<BR /> <BR />Yesterday, we heard that £12 million is being used to mitigate welfare payments for those moving to universal credit from legacy benefits. It is noted that the Minister intends to put welfare mitigations on a statutory footing, but we need to stop relying on the sole authority of the Budget Bill to fill the gap where legislation is not forthcoming. We expect to see that welfare legislation in the next six weeks, so we should not be in the position next year of looking at £12 million coming out on the sole authority of the Budget Bill. <BR /> <BR />Beyond welfare and housing, the Department secured funding to further support the arts and cultural initiatives, with a £500,000 allocation to protect those vital sectors.”
“In the October monitoring round, £24 million was allocated for new-build social housing, but, as I said, demand continues to exceed supply. <BR /> <BR />The Department has also had to navigate increased demand for welfare support. Discretionary support and homelessness prevention received allocations to help to mitigate the rising hardship, particularly in light of changes to welfare policy and the ongoing cost-of-living crisis. The winter fuel support allocation of £17 million was a key intervention, demonstrating a focus, albeit rather unfocused, on protecting those at risk of fuel poverty. However, that was a reactive measure rather than a long-term strategic solution to the underlying issue of financial instability for vulnerable households, which, obviously, leads us back to the lack of an anti-poverty strategy.”
“Evidently, the challenge for the Department has been to manage limited resources effectively while striving to meet the growing demand for services. <BR /> <BR />It is clear that one of the key priorities for the Department over the past year has been housing. At various monitoring rounds throughout the year, additional funding was secured for social housing new builds, reflecting the urgent need in our communities for more affordable homes. However, challenges remain in meeting that demand, particularly in homelessness interventions, where increasing pressures continue to strain resources. Additionally, there is the monthly cost of temporary accommodation. The cladding safety scheme also received targeted funding, highlighting the Department's commitment to ensuring safer living conditions for tenants.”
“<BR /> <BR />In the main, the spring Supplementary Estimates and the Budget Bill are backward-looking, reflecting changes that take place between the Main Estimates and Supplementary Estimates through in-year monitoring rounds, so it is crucial that we take stock of the financial trajectory of the Department for Communities over the past year. The Department plays a vital role in supporting some of our most vulnerable from providing housing and welfare support to tackling social exclusion, as well as supporting the arts, culture and sport sectors. <BR /> <BR />At the outset of the financial year, the Department faced significant pressures. The resource bids outstripped available funding threefold, and similar constraints were evident in the capital allocations.”
“First, I welcome the Minister to his new role. I am sure that he is delighted that I will not be haranguing him about landslides any more. I wish him well in his new role. <BR /> <BR />As I am a member of the Communities Committee, I will focus my remarks on the Department for Communities, and that will be the crux of my contribution. As a former youth worker and a strong advocate of social justice and inclusion, I have seen at first hand how much a Budget matters, not just in economic terms but to those whom I represent. A Budget determines whether families have a home and whether they can heat that home; whether communities are safe; whether people have somewhere to turn to in crisis, such as ill health or bereavement; and whether we can support people back into work.”
“Thank you. How has the extended vacancy in that position impacted on the public opinion of politics and public appointments?”
“I thank the Minister for bringing the statement to the House. I think that we all agree that more money being put into the pockets of those who need it is our end goal. The Minister highlighted the 10,000 annual fraud allegations, and, in response to his colleague Mrs Erskine, he referenced some of those prosecutions. What percentage do we have of penalties or cautions, and what was the total cost of investigating the cases compared with the amount of fraud detected?”
“We also believe in practical solutions. That is exactly what our amendment proposes. <BR /> <BR />Our constituents deserve better. They deserve a social security system that brings genuine security, treats them with dignity and supports rather than undermines their efforts to improve their circumstances.”
“<BR /> <BR />The cost of implementing the changes would be far outweighed by the savings in human suffering and in the long-term social and economic costs of poverty and debt. Some might argue that those changes would be too expensive, but the question that I have to ask the Assembly is this: what is the cost of not acting? Similarly, does any Member in the Chamber really believe that a future working group would come up with anything different or an alternative solution? We have had quite a few working groups, and we have had the independent review of welfare mitigations, which was extensive in its recommendations. <BR /> <BR />We are firm believers in evidence-based policymaking. The evidence is clear: the five-week wait is causing immense hardship, pushing people into debt and undermining the objectives of universal credit.”
“While the reform would require temporarily suspending UC conditionality, such as work search requirements for the backdated assessment period, that is a reasonable price to pay to avoid the poverty caused by the five-week wait. It is not an unreasonable request. It is a practical solution that would reduce or eliminate the need for the five-week wait in many cases. It is notable that, whilst it would cost money up front, it would significantly reduce or, in many cases, eliminate the need for advance payments and the use of the likes of the contingency fund, so money would be saved there. Even more important, it would significantly reduce the cost and impact of poverty caused by the current system.”
“It is an approach that has been supported by expert stakeholders, including the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR), the Joseph Rowntree Foundation and Policy in Practice, all of which I met and discussed the solution with while preparing our paper. <BR /> <BR />A balanced approach, as outlined by IPPR, would be to allow claimants to backdate their claim by two weeks. Essentially, they would receive half of their estimated award up front and could then take out a smaller advance payment with more affordable repayment terms spread out over a longer period. That solution would still encourage people to apply for UC promptly but would significantly reduce their initial debt burden and control the costs for the system.”
“<BR /> <BR />More fundamentally, we urge the introduction of a system of backdating for a claimant's first universal credit assessment period. Using the month before a person's claim for universal credit for their initial assessment period in order to provide a much quicker first payment for some eligible claimants can happen currently, but it is available only in certain circumstances and requires an extraordinary amount of proof. Backdating the first assessment period in that way would give some eligible claimants much faster or, in some cases, immediate access to payment, provided that they had not earned too much in the previous month. It avoids the need for people to take an advance payment and risk falling into that cycle.”
“It is not offered as a standard first response to those who engage in their first universal credit claim and is often hidden online. People do not see it when they go in to their journal. The contingency fund or whatever its new identity is confirmed to be should be the default option. I agree with Mr Durkan on the option of an easy-to-understand leaflet. When you are in the midst of the life admin that comes with a universal credit claim, it can be really difficult to understand the options that are open to you. Something that is easy to understand and accessible to all, particularly the most vulnerable, would be a welcome option. The scale of the fund should be widened to counter the number of claimants getting into debt before their UC journey has even begun.”
“While that cross-departmental programme addresses all aspects of paramilitary activity and organised crime, it places particular emphasis on combating illegal moneylending, especially in cases of criminals preying on and intimidating society's most vulnerable. <BR /> <BR />In the here and now, the Minister for Communities has the power to take meaningful action and make meaningful change. While the universal credit contingency fund is welcome, it is too limited in its scope, scale and eligibility, as Mr Durkan mentioned. For probably as long as I have been an MLA, we have called for the fund to be urgently renamed and reformed to make it more accessible to those who desperately need it. We have heard repeatedly from claimants who have never even heard of the contingency fund.”
“<BR /> <BR />Perhaps most alarming is the growing evidence of vulnerable people turning to illegal moneylenders or loan sharks out of sheer desperation during the five-week wait. Those predatory criminals exploit people's desperation, charging exorbitant interest rates and often using threats and intimidation to collect payments. During the debate on our motion about child poverty, Members heard about two young single mothers who had their windows broken because of their inability to repay debt to illegal moneylenders. It is not just a financial issue; it is a serious social and criminal justice issue. <BR /> <BR />I commend the efforts of the Executive programme for tackling paramilitary activity and organised crime. That comprehensive cross-departmental initiative is led by the Department of Justice under Minister Naomi Long.”
“While we support the principles of simplifying the benefits system and making work pay, we cannot stand by while the five-week wait undermines those very objectives. The current system of advance payments is not the solution either: it merely spreads the hardship over a longer period as claimants struggle to repay those advances from their already stretched monthly payments. Since universal credit was introduced in Northern Ireland, over 100,000 households have taken out an advance payment. I find it deeply concerning that many claimants are not made aware of the risks of taking on an advance payment. They are immediate-term fixes that, in most cases, simply kick the financial crisis slightly further down the road.”
“That is not coincidental; it is causal. Parents, who make up over 50% of universal credit claimants in Northern Ireland, face unique challenges during that five-week wait. Some legacy benefits offer a two-week run-on period, whereas child tax credit does not. That leaves many parents without any additional support for their child's needs. Additionally, the fact that parents have to pay childcare fees a month up front often forces them to take on more debt or to give up work entirely if they experience that five-week wait. <BR /> <BR />The Alliance Party has consistently called for reform of universal credit. If it is to be worth anything, the social security system must provide a safety net at the point where people need help, rather than letting them fall, without having any financial support for five weeks.”
“In many cases, verification delays, claim amendments and other issues may mean that the wait is even longer than five weeks. UK data shows that one in eight new universal credit claimants were not paid on time in January 2024. In Northern Ireland, universal credit claimants have highlighted waits of up to six to eight weeks for their first payment. More widely, the Work and Pensions Select Committee heard evidence from people who had waited for more than 11 weeks without receiving anything. <BR /> <BR />The Trussell Trust reported that there was a consistent pattern across these islands that, wherever universal credit had been rolled out, food bank use had increased. In areas where universal credit had been in place for 12 months or more, food banks had seen an average increase in demand of up to 52%.”
“The five-week wait is not an accidental flaw but an explicit design feature of the universal credit system that is driving poverty and misery in every corner of Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />The evidence of the impact of the wait is overwhelming. While conducting research on the general issues that people faced with universal credit last year, my party and I found that the top issue that came up — overwhelmingly so — was the five-week wait, because of the impact that it has in both the short and long term on people who are dealing with loans, be they official or illegal. That research led to the development of our policy paper, 'No More Time to Wait', the title of which came directly from a claimant's saying, "Never mind the five-week wait; we have no more time to wait".”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I thank the proposer of the motion. We have much common ground. I am really pleased to speak about one of the most pressing issues that face the constituents whom I deal with about universal credit. <BR /> <BR />As the roll-out of universal credit continues, with households in receipt of tax credits needing to be migrated before 5 April, even more households will face the punitive five-week wait. We need to understand what that means in practice. It means people living for five weeks without any income whatever when they are already vulnerable. It means five weeks of impossible choices between heating and eating; five weeks of mounting anxiety over rent arrears; and five weeks that can push families who are just about managing into a spiral of debt from which it is absolutely impossible to escape.”
“Expanding our respite services, domiciliary care services and day services, as well as having tailored support for young adults with special needs, would not only give carers the chance to rest but improve the well-being of those for whom they care. <BR /> <BR />This may be a difficult issue, but it is solvable. If we fail to act, we will continue to condemn carers to a life of poverty, burnout and isolation. If we take decisive action today, we can transform the lives of thousands of unpaid carers, giving them financial security, employment opportunities and the social care that they deserve. They are not asking for luxuries; they are asking for fairness, recognition and support. It is our duty to deliver that. Like anything in life, the more we give, the greater the effect will be.”
“<BR /> <BR />Equally vital are statutory paid carers' leave and flexible working arrangements. We think that those measures could empower between 4,800 and 8,900 unpaid carers to stay in employment, as reported in 'Making the case for change: supporting unpaid carers in Northern Ireland' from October 2024. In the Carers NI survey, 82% of carers identified paid carer's leave as being essential for balancing work and care. Those policies have the potential to save the Government over £40 million, with businesses benefiting from millions of pounds of savings from employee retention. <BR /> <BR />We have to reform our social care system in order to provide reliable, high-quality replacement care. In the survey that I mentioned, 74% of carers said that "affordable, accessible and reliable" replacement care is crucial.”
“The 'Policy measures to tackle poverty among unpaid carers in Northern Ireland' document from October 2023 highlights that one such solution is the carer's allowance supplement, which is mentioned in the motion. It could be a payment of £270, paid twice annually, mirroring the Scottish scheme. That model has been shown to help carers in Scotland to cover their essential expenses, reduce debt and improve their mental health and well-being. It enjoys widespread support among unpaid carers and stakeholders in Northern Ireland, who see it as an ideal starting point for reform. Crucially, the supplement would lift 3,400 carers out of poverty immediately, with that figure rising to 4,400 by 2033, reducing the deep poverty rate by 2·8 percentage points.”
“Making those changes is not simply about fairness; it is about unlocking immense benefits for carers, the people whom they care for, employers and the wider economy. When we support carers, the ripple effects are profound: for carers, there is financial security, peace of mind and an improved quality of life; for the people being cared for, having happier and healthier carers means that they receive a higher quality of care; for employers, it means retaining skilled employees, reduced staff turnover and improved workplace well-being; and, when it comes to the economy, supporting carers to remain in employment could save millions, increase productivity and boost tax receipts. <BR /> <BR />We have to focus on practical solutions.”
“Even with the increase in earnings limit last year and the recently announced uplift, carer's allowance is so restrictive that many carers are forced to choose between reducing their hours or leaving their job altogether. That is why we want to see that cross-departmental solution. We have been calling for a tapered approach to carer's allowance, as with other welfare benefits, to give people that flexibility. <BR /> <BR />The survey that I mentioned shows that 55% of carers are in employment but that 75% find that balancing work and care is really stressful. Nearly a third have had to leave their jobs, saying that caring responsibilities have impacted on their ability to save for their retirement, therefore impacting on their future. That is not just personal inconvenience; it is a massive loss to our workforce and economy.”
“I miss out on so many other things that people my age take for granted, like spending time with my friends or saving to go to university, but my dad depends on me, and I would not want it any other way". <BR /> <BR />Too many carers suffer in silence, concealing their struggles to avoid burdening, or feeling as though they are burdening, those whom they care for. That should not be the reality of caregiving in our developed society. I want to change that narrative. Carers want to work, but barriers stand in their way. Our caring system sometimes forces them to choose between caregiving and earning an income. Many workplaces lack the flexibility that carers need. I know that that is not your responsibility, Minister, hence our amendment, by which we seek to introduce a cross-departmental approach.”
“Some 63% worry about their living costs, and 15% report being in debt because of their caring responsibilities. The system punishes people for stepping up and stepping in for those who need them most. It has to change. <BR /> <BR />Carers are not only grappling with long-term financial insecurity. Many endure daily hardship. According to the same survey, 58% of carers struggle to afford their electricity and gas, and 34% cannot afford food. Of those who struggle with food costs, 62% have skipped meals to ensure that the person whom they care for has enough to eat. A young carer told me, "I have had to turn down job opportunities because they just do not fit around my caring responsibilities.”