Maggie Chapman
Scottish Green Party · Scotland
“Our prison system is not working. Like so many other institutions, including our national health service and our schools, prisons reflect the society that they serve. That society is deeply unfair and profoundly unequal. Schools struggle to help young people to learn and thrive, as too many children arrive in the classroom hungry.”
“Overall levels of crime are about half what they were in 1991. However, we have left prisons, just like our schools and NHS, to pick up the pieces of failures elsewhere in society.”
“Far too often, we take people who have already been failed by society and place them in institutions that fail them again—institutions that are increasingly unable to guarantee basic standards of welfare, dignity and human rights.”
“For those who have committed less serious crimes and are serving shorter sentences, it makes no sense at all to spend, as the motion states, £52,000 per year on prison, given that we know that, in many cases, prison will not help them to stop reoffending.”
“With greater use of effective alternatives to custody, and sentencing that follows the evidence, we will need fewer but better resourced prisons that can genuinely support rehabilitation and reintegration. That approach is working right now in other countries.”
“It is no surprise, then, that prisons often perform worse than alternatives when it comes to reducing reoffending and preventing future harm. Short sentences for non-violent crimes, in particular, for which there are the clearest alternatives, result in some of the highest rates of prisoners leaving prison and coming into conflict with th…”
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“I am grateful to the cabinet secretary for securing the debate. As she has outlined, gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls is one of the sustainable development goals, and it is one that we should all strive to implement. As Katy Clark has just stated, we must use whatever mechanisms we have at our disposal to tackle misogyny. I, too, regret the Scottish Government’s decision to drop the planned misogyny legislation. Since its inception eight years ago, the National Advisory Council on Women and Girls has been a wise, prescient, brave and visionary body. Its members, including the brilliant, compassionate and much-missed Emma Ritch, realised that progress would require mechanisms of accountability as well as substantive changes.”
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“More importantly, it could have a negative impact on householders, not least those living in the mixed-tenure buildings that were mentioned. Public inquiries take significant time and have significant costs, and the focus, at least right now, must be on finding solutions and getting people settled. Having people settled and settling the matter is what I want to achieve. North Lanarkshire Council has worked with affected home owners, which demonstrates that, although the issue is undoubtedly complex, we can find a path through it by working together. My colleague Audrey Nicoll said that a meaningful and fair solution must be found. I want to find that, and I commit the Government to assisting in that. Meeting closed at 18:14. This is the final edition of the Official Report for this meeting.”
“Màiri McAllan: I appreciate that and will endeavour to make the decision as soon as possible. Liam Kerr will understand that I must consider the terms of that decision very carefully. As I mentioned, I have also written to the Deputy Prime Minister, who is the housing secretary for England. The properties were sold under the right to buy, which long pre-dates the devolution era. That is not buck passing—it is an instance of responsible Governments and individuals bringing together a coalition of responsible and responsive individuals. I am aware of the calls for a public inquiry and for the establishment of a RAAC register. I think that the latter is impractical, because such a register would have to be continually updated as remediation took place.”
“On the Government’s part, my officials have received, and are considering, Aberdeen City Council’s request for the housing infrastructure fund, which has been mentioned, to be repurposed to allow the local authority to support efforts with RAAC. I am currently taking advice on that proposal, and ministers will make a decision on it in due course. I also wrote to the Deputy Prime Minister. RAAC is unquestionably— Liam Kerr: Will the cabinet secretary accept an intervention? Màiri McAllan: I am very short of time. Do I have any time in hand? The Deputy Presiding Officer: I can give you the time back. Màiri McAllan: Thank you. I will take the intervention. Liam Kerr: Residents will, of course, ask exactly the question that I am about to ask. We do not have a lot of time, so how soon will that decision be made?”
“Màiri McAllan: That point underlines the importance of identifying and remediating RAAC wherever it exists, particularly in mixed-tenure properties. I turn to some of the solutions on the table for properties in Aberdeen. Aberdeen City Council has engaged with us and with home owners on voluntary sales based on market value, although I understand that that is a concern because the presence of RAAC has diminished the market value of those properties. The council has offered disturbance payments and relocation support, and it has met reasonable legal costs incurred in connection with all of that. I know that the option of roof replacement is also being considered as an alternative to the initial agreed position of demolition and that discussions on that matter between home owners and the council are on- going.”
“I urge anyone commenting on RAAC to be mindful of how they frame that. Anyone who suspects that they have RAAC should seek professional help to have a thorough investigation. I turn to the point that, I agree, is most important at the moment. Maggie Chapman: The cabinet secretary says that residents should seek help and get a survey, but the cost of that is a challenge in the first place. There are also people who live in blocks and who do not themselves have RAAC while those in a neighbouring property do. That has a direct impact on the value and safety of their property, but they cannot effect any remediation because their property is not directly affected, even though they are, to all intents and purposes, in a RAAC- affected building.”
“What people need is confirmation from the cabinet secretary today that, in the case of Torry residents, the money will be released, and they need to know whether the Government will commit to any solutions in relation to funding or otherwise that residents can rely on in order to remediate their homes. Màiri McAllan: I appreciate Meghan Gallacher’s point. As I have said, I will come on to talk about solutions very soon, but it is important not to mislead the public. Progress has been made. Comprehensive surveys have been undertaken across the public sector, and I am addressing matters on housing today. The other point to stress is that we must be careful in how we talk about RAAC, which, when manufactured, designed, installed and maintained properly, need not be dangerous and can function in the long term.”
“I know that solutions are the most important thing. Before I come on to talk about solutions, I will pick up on a couple of points that are important to put on the record. First, Meghan Gallacher talked of there having been no progress. With the greatest of respect, she is incorrect. I refer her to my colleague Ivan McKee’s statement on 29 May, in which he set out the progress that has been made in identifying and rectifying RAAC in the public sector. Meghan Gallacher: If memory serves me well, my point was about having more talking shops, more ministerial engagements and so on. That is not progress.”
“I want to reassure them that they do not need to worry that there will be any lack of continuity between their meeting the former minister and their meeting me. I will take forward the outcomes of that meeting, which also goes for the meeting in respect of Dundee. Liam Kerr: I will cut to the chase. I am sure that residents would be grateful for a meeting, but they would be even more grateful if you would just release the £20 million, or even £5 million of it, that was promised to Aberdeen in order to get the issue sorted right now. The Deputy Presiding Officer: Always speak through the chair. Màiri McAllan: I will come to some of the solutions that are on the table in a second, but Liam Kerr included the point about a meeting in his motion, so I want to do him and residents the courtesy of addressing it.”
“I say very straightforwardly that, although the issues should be worked through principally between home owners, their council and Governments, I want to give what support we can. Let me close off from the outset the issue of meeting residents. Of course I will meet residents—I would be glad to. I know some of the Torry community already—we spent an afternoon together on a matter in my previous portfolio. The only point that I make is that they recently met my colleague the former housing minister, alongside Liam Kerr and Audrey Nicoll, as was mentioned. I say that so that I can— Liam Kerr: Will the cabinet secretary take an intervention? Màiri McAllan: I will take the intervention in a second.”
“This has been noted, but I want to put on the record that my being appointed to this role at this time is about the Government stressing the importance that we place on housing. We are identifying the central importance of housing and how much it can contribute to our principal aims of reducing poverty, growing our economy and achieving net zero. Having said that, and bearing in mind the importance of having a warm, safe and affordable home on a personal level, I offer my sincere sympathies to anyone whose home has been adversely affected by RAAC. I understand how worrying it can be. I put myself entirely in their shoes, and I completely understand why support is being sought and why their local members of Parliament are advocating for them.”
“We need people-centred and co-ordinated solutions, including full transparency, proper compensation, safe and free housing, retrofit when possible and rebuilding to modern standards, funded together by local government and the Scottish and UK Governments, because nobody should be left in limbo for a place that they call home. 18:05 The Cabinet Secretary for Housing (Màiri McAllan): I am very grateful to have had the opportunity to hear members’ reflections on the debate, and I am grateful to Liam Kerr for securing it. I am very pleased to make my first contribution in the chamber since returning from maternity leave last week. I am also pleased that this is my first contribution as housing secretary, because we are discussing an important issue.”
“I was glad to have arranged a meeting between the then housing minister, Paul McLennan, and constituents in Dundee who are concerned about RAAC. That meeting took place just last week, following the meeting that Paul McLennan had attended in Torry. Several commitments were made at those meetings, and I would welcome comments from the cabinet secretary and early engagement with her on how those issues will be taken forward. RAAC has been a known risk for more than 40 years, but, today, families in Dundee, Aberdeen, Angus and beyond face eviction, financial ruin and emotional distress. It is a national crisis that transcends council borders.”
“Some councils are opting for demolition and rebuilding, some are offering limited financial support for remediation and some are not engaging with residents at all. However, the emotional toll on individuals, families and communities is common across all areas. Residents are worried and anxious. They fear homelessness or bankruptcy. Their mental health is suffering, as Liam Kerr outlined. Their communities are being destabilised. We must not underestimate the negative impacts that that is having on individuals, families and their communities. We need co-ordinated action and shared working. I would like to see a national audit that covers private and social properties, with public reporting supported by councils and both of our Governments. We must ensure that the protection of residents is our priority in the matter.”
“There are multiple continuing investigations, but—this is crucial—the lack of systematic testing by local authorities places private and social housing on not only an unequal but an uncertain footing. We also note that different brand names of RAAC are being treated differently without any clear explanation being given. There are also challenges because more and more documents are emerging that show that the risks of RAAC have been known for a considerable time—at least 40 years. Despite that, some public bodies seem unwilling to admit that systematic surveys or interventions are necessary and that they might even have some responsibility for that. There are also significant inequalities across Scotland in how communities are being treated.”
“Alongside that principle, it is important to consider the value of public accountability. Public bodies must act transparently. They must consult residents and ensure just compensation or rehousing, especially for those who are hit hardest by the structural failures of RAAC. I will spend a bit of time considering that point. Across the North East Scotland region, there remains considerable uncertainty about the scale of RAAC. In Dundee, more than 900 properties had been reported as being affected, but that figure was corrected to 887—526 social homes and 361 private homes. In Aberdeen, 504 homes—366 council properties and 138 private dwellings—are affected. At least 26 affected homes have been identified in Monifieth. However, residents, tenants and home owners are concerned that those numbers do not represent the full scale of the issue.”
“I am grateful to Liam Kerr for securing the debate, and I echo other members’ comments in welcoming the cabinet secretary to her new role. At the heart of the debate are peoples’ homes. For anyone, whether they are a renter or a home owner, the thought that the safety of their home might be compromised—that it might not be structurally sound—and that they might face not only financial loss but immense upheaval must be one of the most unsettling feelings to experience. Our homes are our foundation. They are the place where we should feel safe and secure. They are the place that gives us the starting point for our days and that offers rest and sanctuary. The Scottish Greens believe that every person deserves a safe, affordable and secure home. Housing is not a commodity but a social necessity.”
“We want to see recognition of the state of Palestine, as is seen in a growing number of countries around the world. The Greens also believe that we must see support for and action towards boycott, divestment and sanctions. We should not be normalising genocidal states. We should not be celebrating their inclusion in sporting or cultural activities. We should instead be using every ounce of our economic, social and political power to isolate the genocidal Israeli state and secure a very different future for Palestine and the wider middle east. The crisis in Gaza is not inevitable. War is not inevitable. Both are a consequence of political failure, and our Governments are complicit in that failure. The Palestinian people deserve better. 18:51”
“More than 55,000 Palestinians have already been murdered, the majority of whom were women, children and the elderly, and yet we are training the very army that is carrying out such atrocities. As if that was not bad enough, UK taxpayers’ money—our money—is being used to subsidise weapons companies that manufacture arms and components that are being used to destroy infrastructure and life in Gaza and, it seems, also in Iran, with Israel escalating instability across the region at the weekend. We can no longer say that our Governments are not complicit in a situation that is “worse than hell on earth” according to the head of the International Committee of the Red Cross. We have to call it what it is—genocide and ethnic cleansing—and act accordingly. We should be doing everything that we can to stop the UK’s complicity.”
“However, this is not just about the ICC and legal routes to justice, or getting into Gaza the food, water, medical supplies, fuel, clothes and so much more that we all take for granted every day. We must also consider the role that we, in Scotland and the UK, are and could be playing in this on- going genocide. We hear of the heroic attempts to get aid into or people out of Gaza and the West Bank, and we commend those who are committed to humanitarian and peace work. What we do not hear much about or see any accountability for are the actions of our state institutions that serve to pour fuel on the fire of this war. The UK’s military forces are currently training Israeli Defence Force personnel.”
“Those acts of aggression are clearly designed to cause as much human suffering as possible and to make it is as difficult as possible to resist the blockade and to rebuild, restore and live. If we, in this Parliament, find the actions of Putin in Ukraine to be so unpalatable—and we rightly,do—then we should find the actions of Netanyahu and his regime to be just as abhorrent. The International Criminal Court has had an arrest warrant out for Netanyahu since November 2024. We should take a similarly robust stance as we do with Putin. We should also be doing whatever we can to ensure that Netanyahu and the others who are responsible for these atrocities are held to account, that the blockade is lifted and that unhindered humanitarian access across Gaza is supported and encouraged.”
“I thank Bill Kidd for securing this debate. Collective punishment is a war crime under international humanitarian law, and it is specifically prohibited by the Geneva conventions. Yet, collective punishment is exactly what the blockade of Gaza, imposed by the apartheid, genocidal Israeli state, is inflicting on Palestinians. Using the starvation of civilians as a weapon of war goes against international law and the customs of war. The humanitarian crisis that we see in Gaza is a direct consequence of that collective punishment. Alongside that are Israel’s actions to destroy all the infrastructure of society and culture, flattening schools, homes, hospitals and universities.”
“In the JRF’s “UK Poverty 2024” report, it is clear that six successive UK Prime Ministers have overseen deepening poverty over the past 20 years. It describes that as “social failure at scale”. That is exactly why the Government looks not only at how many children we can keep out of poverty and how many children we can assist in many different ways, but at how we can help children to get out of deep poverty. It is positive that the level of deep poverty among children fell by four percentage points in 2023-24. That means that 40,000 fewer children were in deep poverty because of the work that the Scottish Government has undertaken. However, I recognise that the Scottish and UK Governments have more to do on the issue.”
“Earlier this month, the Joseph Rowntree Foundation provided a toolkit that describes the wide-ranging transformations that are needed if we are to meet the 2031 child poverty reduction targets. It makes clear the distinctions between poverty, deep poverty and very deep poverty. One in three children in poverty are in deep poverty and are more than £1,000 a month away from getting out of poverty. The Scottish child payment and employment support will not close that gap. If we do not deal with very deep poverty, we will not reach our targets. What holistic and targeted interventions are planned that will focus on families in deep and very deep poverty? Shirley-Anne Somerville: Maggie Chapman is quite right to point to the specific challenge of deep poverty.”
“Our future depends on our ability to embrace that identity with open arms, to stand against the xenophobia that is peddled by the right wing and to say clearly, loudly and proudly that everyone who makes Scotland their home is welcome and that they belong here. 15:55”
“We urgently need a migration policy that is tailored to Scotland’s realities and that puts dignity and human rights first. We need a youth mobility scheme that rebuilds what was lost after Brexit and restores the freedom of movement that allowed young people to learn, grow and connect across borders. Crucially, we must change the way in which we talk about migration. We must reject the language of scarcity and suspicion. We must insist that our communities are richer—culturally, economically and spiritually—because of the people who have chosen to come here. Scotland has always been a nation of migration, both outward and inward.”
“The UK Government’s hostile environment approach is rooted in denial of our history and of the UK’s role in creating the conditions that force people to move now. The immigration white paper continues the legacy of harm. It ignores Scotland’s specific demographic and economic needs, disregards proposals from our Government and deepens the dehumanisation of people who deserve compassion, not condemnation. The Scottish Greens have long advocated for a migration system that is rooted in fairness, human rights and compassion and that recognises people not as economic units but as full members of society. Many of the most harmful migration policies—the raids, detention centres and deportations—are grounded in racist assumptions that must be challenged and dismantled.”
“For centuries, the British empire profited from the exploitation of people and land around the globe, from Africa to south Asia to the Caribbean. Borders were drawn, communities were displaced and resources were looted. Those legacies are still with us. It is both deeply unjust and bitterly ironic that the very states that built their wealth on global movement and domination now criminalise those who move in search of safety and dignity. Many migrants are fleeing the instability, poverty and conflict that imperial powers, including the UK, played a key role in creating. Increasingly, climate change, too, drives displacement. We must remember that those least responsible for the climate change crisis are most affected by it. When we speak of immigration policy, we must also speak of responsibility—not just legal but moral and historical.”
“They enrich our society in every possible way. They are part of us. They are us. However, again and again, we are asked to accept the cruel and divisive narratives that are pushed by Westminster. Those narratives cast human beings as threats, speak of illegal migrants as if legality ever equated to morality and promote a so-called hostile environment—words that are designed not just to exclude but to dehumanise. We must ask ourselves why people migrate. Why are so many forced to uproot their lives, families and futures? Too often, migration is spoken of in isolation, as if it happens in a vacuum, but it is often a direct consequence of histories of empire, colonial extraction and economic injustice.”
“I am pleased to contribute to the debate, not only to support the motion but to speak to a principle that must guide us in everything that we do: every person who chooses to make Scotland their home brings with them value, dignity and the potential to contribute meaningfully to our shared future. I also want to use my time to challenge the toxic narratives that continue to define UK immigration policy. We must be absolutely clear that immigration is a societal good and not a problem to be managed. We should celebrate it. Indeed, Scotland’s communities, culture, economies and public services are strengthened every day by people who have come here from around the globe. They bring with them skills, ideas, cultures, care and resilience. They are nurses, teachers, farmers, carers and artists. They are our friends and neighbours.”
“As Foysol Choudhury has just said, there is no time limit on trauma, so it is time for the Scottish Government to act on the committee’s recommendations. The Redress for Survivors (Historical Child Abuse in Care) (Scotland) Act 2021 was, as Thompsons Solicitors has pointed out, based on principles of dignity, respect and compassion. The associated regulations turned out not to be consistent with those principles and not to consider the longer-term issues at stake. That was a mistake, but one that can and must be rectified. We must ensure that Redress Scotland is given what it needs to deliver justice, as Colin Smyth has said, and to provide justice for the Fornethy survivors. That is because this issue is not about process—it is about justice. 13:18”
“Secondly, the petition seeks closure in the present, through having the experiences of those women recognised appropriately; through obtaining answers to their questions; through an apology that is full, precise and unstinting; and through assurances that, as far as is humanly possible, we will see to it that this wrong will never recur. Thirdly, the petition calls for compensation to go into the future, as recognition of the reality of loss, as acknowledgement of responsibility and as seeds of future growth and flourishing. Trauma-informed practice is not enough without trauma-informed policy, and I very much appreciate the petitions committee’s work on this matter. It has worked exactly as it should have done, by responding to concerns, investigating the situation and making practical and feasible recommendations for action.”
“We have heard survivors tell their stories of the types of harm that they experienced and the losses that they bore—of childhood, joy and safety. We heard of the power imbalances, which affected not only them as children, but their parents and families, who experienced little or no choice in the decision to send their little girls away. We have also heard about the responsibility for that harm. Who should bear that responsibility, both individual and institutional? We should acknowledge that past, however uncomfortable it might be for us.”
“That petition begins—and I quote— “Survivors need acknowledgement, closure and compensation.” It is right that we voiced those words today, because they reflect the three time dimensions of the process. First, the petition seeks acknowledgment of the past. Fornethy survivors experienced harm, not as objects but as children, young people and human beings. Redress Scotland’s presumption of truth is important here. I am sure that we will all empathise with the stories told by survivors— children being taken from their homes in the city to a strange place and separated from their parents and their families for long weeks with no way of reaching them, and possibly with no way of knowing when their ordeal would end.”
“I thank Colin Smyth for lodging his motion and securing this debate, and for his very powerful and moving opening speech. I concur with every single word. I am so immensely grateful, too, to the Fornethy survivors for their determination in their fight for justice. It is right that we recognise and commend that courage and perseverance today, although they should never have been put in the position of having to fight. It should shame us all—though I do thank them, and I am sorry that I cannot be there in person this afternoon. I am also grateful to the Citizen Participation and Public Petitions Committee for its sensitive discussions on the petition submitted by the Fornethy survivors.”
“When we are able to make all our own decisions, and to make justice real in all those areas that are currently denied to us, we will need the wisdom and expertise of the Scottish Law Commission to guide us on the path forward. This evening, we gather to thank the current commission for its work, to remember the past 60 years of valuable contributions and to acknowledge that, although so much of that valuable work goes unnoticed, it is not unappreciated. We value and appreciate it, and I reiterate our congratulations and good wishes to the commission. The Deputy Presiding Officer: I call the minister to respond to the debate. 17:50”
“We could add many other examples, including the introduction of no-fault divorce in 1976 and the Legitimation (Scotland) Act 1986. Recently, we have seen the commission undertake valuable work on issues including remedies for domestic abuse, surrogacy and cohabitation breakdown. Finally, the work of the Scottish Law Commission helps us to build a secure foundation for law and justice for the independent Scotland to which so many of us aspire. When we get there, we will begin not with a blank slate, nor merely with the legacy of Westminster, but with our own tradition, informed and expanded by our values, our priorities and our vision.”
“That was resisted—rightly, I believe—although there has, of course, been on- going and positive engagement between the two bodies. Secondly, the commission enables the law to develop in ways that build and support our shared wellbeing. Legal systems have traditionally been constructed in order to protect and give legitimacy to social hierarchies, patriarchal privilege, the accumulation of private property and the exclusion of dissent, but they do not have to do that. Law can be a means of liberation in place of oppression. Stuart McMillan’s motion refers to two examples of exactly how the Scottish Law Commission has facilitated that movement of progress, through the abolition of feudal tenure and the protection of vulnerable people.”
“We in Scotland are used to that, however, and our commission, despite struggles to obtain the resources and staffing that it needs, has carried out hugely valuable work, quietly and without fuss or fanfare. It well deserves its 60th birthday wishes. I believe that the Scottish Law Commission enhances our collective life in three principal ways. First, it recognises and continues Scotland’s distinctive legal tradition. That tradition is rightly celebrated as a unique combination of elements, representing our connections to the classical world, to European perspectives and to local histories, relationships, rights and responsibilities. In the early years of the two law commissions, there were suggestions that cross-border consolidation might ensue, with the formulation of a so-called British law.”
“I thank Stuart McMillan for securing the debate, and I am grateful to have the opportunity to add the voice of the Scottish Greens to the shared congratulations to the Scottish Law Commission on its 60th anniversary. As Stuart McMillan outlined, the SLC has undertaken, and continues to undertake, vital work to ensure that our law is fit for purpose and that it serves the interests of both the public and our justice system. It is perhaps no great surprise to learn that the establishment of the Scottish Law Commission was an afterthought; it was only included once the plans of Harold Wilson’s Labour Government for a law commission for England and Wales were well under way.”
“Kate Forbes: The Labour Party often forgets that it was a Labour Party amendment that called for a review of Scottish Enterprise’s due diligence work. I will keep members updated on that review. I draw attention to the fact that the subject of the debate back in February was Scottish Government funding for defence, because Opposition members seem to have forgotten that. Disabled People (Economic Contribution) 5.”
“Despite supposed human rights due diligence checks, companies such as Raytheon, which produces weapons and military components that the Israeli state uses to inflict unimaginable harms on Palestinians in Gaza, have recently received public subsidies from Scottish Enterprise. Following freedom of information requests, Amnesty International found that, as of May this year, not a single company has ever failed those checks. We called that out in February, and the Scottish Government said that it would review Scottish Enterprise’s human rights due diligence process. We have asked time and again for an update, but I will ask once again: will the Deputy First Minister finally provide an urgent update on the review’s progress before the summer recess?”
“To ask the Scottish Government what its response is to the recently published report by the Just Transition Commission, “A Just Transition for Aberdeen and the North East”. (S6O-04764)”
“I would argue that we cannot afford not to invest in democratic renewal, for all our sakes.”
“Crucially, when asked, a majority of participants said that taking part in a people’s panel improved their view of the Scottish Parliament. In a political age that is defined by cynicism, here is a model that builds hope and trust, and that builds democracy. To realise that vision, however, we must embed it. The committee has given us a blueprint—a detailed, practical and inspiring model—to make deliberative democracy a permanent feature of our Parliament’s work. The proposal is to have one panel each year, with clear criteria for topic selection, transparent processes and robust evaluation. That is not some lofty idealism; it is governance grounded in practice and principle. We know that there will be resistance, however. Some will say that it is too expensive.”
“Through methods such as people’s panels, citizens assemblies and co-designed processes, we can give voice to people who are so often silenced, such as those on low incomes, disabled people, young people, people of colour and those living in communities far from Holyrood. That is not just a theoretical exercise. The people’s panels that were piloted in this session of Parliament on climate change, on drug deaths and on participation itself have shown us the power of deliberation done well, when it is informed, respectful and inclusive. The panels brought together people from across our country who deliberated with care and compassion and who brought lived experience and local knowledge into sharp policy focus.”
“As we have heard, according to the “Life in the UK 2024 Scotland” report, only 39 out of 100 people rate Scotland’s democratic wellbeing positively; nearly two thirds of people do not believe that they can influence decisions that affect their lives; and more than a third have little or no trust in us—in MSPs. That is not a failure of the public; it is a failure of our institutions, our democratic structures and ourselves to include and listen to the people whom we seek to represent. There is hope, however, which is found not in empty gestures or online consultations but in something deeper: deliberative democracy.”
“It is long past time for our Parliament not only to speak to the people of Scotland, but to speak with them, and to listen to them and enable them to help us to shape all our futures. The Scottish Greens have always believed that democracy must be participatory, deliberative and just. That belief in grass-roots democracy is one of our core principles, along with ecological wisdom, social justice and non-violence. Those are not abstract ideals but living commitments to transformation. That transformation begins with trust. None of us can pretend that trust in politics is strong right now—in fact, it is crumbling.”
“I thank and pay tribute to all the people who have taken part in the people’s panels and the other participatory and deliberative processes that the Scottish Parliament has undertaken so far. I also thank all those in our wonderful participation and communities team, who made those processes possible. I am also grateful to the members, clerks and researchers of the Citizen Participation and Public Petitions Committee for their considered report and for their endorsement of people’s panels and the value that deliberative processes have for our democracy. Today I speak not just of processes and policy but of people, because at the heart of democracy—true democracy—are the people it serves.”