A. Rahim Ishak
Singapore
“Now that health science, including the study of food constituents, has been left out of the school curriculum for a considerable number of years, thus rendering our younger generation less if not completely uninformed about food facts, the very least we could do for our children is to ensure that they be provided with nutritious food in o…”
“However, as realists let us also not forget that although we have succeeded in convincing the majority in the international community, these successes should not be exaggerated. The Vietnamese are tough nuts to crack. They will not easily give in. For this reason we must be prepared for a long and sustained struggle.”
“Yes. Sir, it is not because of the lack of interest in the welfare of students who are pursuing courses of study overseas. But there have been attempts to streamline expenditures with a view to saving on expenditure in the way of direct mail and other literature which are meant for their reading while overseas.”
“Sir, I was looking to my right to see if the hon. Member for Geylang West was present, but he is not here. Incidentally, the Member for Geylang West has already served in the foreign service. I am unable to say who will be the future ex-Members of Parliament to serve in the foreign service.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, the Minister for Labour is not here to give the Member for Potong Pasir an answer which probably will satisfy his question and interest. The ILO has direct relations with the Ministry of Labour.”
“The agreed cost of an approved project will be shared equally by member-countries. However, in cases where certain countries derive a greater share of the benefits, the Foreign Ministers may decide on the proportion of the cost to be borne by member-countries.”
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“During the year substantial progress has been made to clarify and define approaches to greater economic co- operation among member states. At the recent Ministerial Meeting held in Djakarta last August, areas of co-operation have been defined in food production and supply (including fisheries), shipping, transportation, telecommunications, civil aviation and tourism. In fact, on tourism, some of the recommendations have already been implemented, for example, the introduction of a seven-day free visa in Singapore and facilities for package and chartered tours. There is also the bilateral agreement with Indonesia on the Bali tourist potential. In keeping with our policy of making the maximum number of friends, Singapore must co-operate with as many countries as possible for mutual benefit, particularly so in the case of our immediate neighbours, namely, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand and the Philippines. This is a natural grouping of nations in a common neighbourhood, but effort must be made to foster the community spirit so that mutual understanding and co-operation is further developed. Whatever the difficulties of the moment, the ASEAN concept must be maintained - even as a state of mind. Last Friday night, I said that we have no illusions about regionalism or about joining ASEAN. For in the ultimate, the small nations in a single neighbourhood have to stick together regardless of whether it is in Asia, Africa, Europe or South America. The Members for Delta, Crawford and Ulu Pandan also touched on our defence build-up and would like to know how it would affect our non-aligned policy and our commitment to regional co-operation, against a back ground of turbulence in the Southeast Asian region.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, when the House rose for the adjournment last Friday night, I was on the point of answering questions which were raised by the Members for Delta, Crawford and Ulu Pandan concerning our international relations and our foreign affairs policy. The Member for Delta asked what the present state was of ASEAN, what future it would have and whether any concrete progress could be achieved by it. Well, Sir, even as I commenced replying to her, things were taking place in Bangkok where our Minister for Foreign Affairs along with other Ministers of the ASEAN member states had been conferring, among other things, to keep ASEAN viable, and an on-going concern despite the little dispute that was going on between two member states. It is on record, I am heartened to say, that some understanding has been reached between the Foreign Minister of the Philippines and the Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia at Bangkok, subject to the concurrence of their respective governments, which will, we hope, allow ASEAN a fresh opportunity to carry on business. You cannot allow a business enterprise to close shop after having started business just because differences occur between two of its board members, as differences are only to be expected from time to time over one another's specific problem. Even the European Economic Community, which is not just 10 years old but almost 20 years old, does not function with unanimity on all issues. One example is the admission of the United Kingdom into the common market. ASEAN has as yet not brought direct benefit 10 its members, but this should occasion no special disappointment because it s only just over a year old.”
“ASEAN is only one year old and it has not yet brought direct benefit to its members. How could it? The European Economic Community is almost 20 years old and yet it is having difficulties from certain coun tries in Europe. 8.00 p.m.”
“Sir, in respect of the emoluments of the three posts of First Secretaries (Commercial), they are actually for the Embassy in Washington, not only in Washington as earlier stated-one for Washington, two for the High Commission in Canberra, Australia, and the Embassy in Cairo. They are in three different places, Sir. The post in Washington has already been created this year by an Establishment Warrant and a suitable officer from a commercial firm was appointed. The posts in Canberra and Cairo are new. The former is to promote trade with Australia and the latter to promote trade with the Middle East and Africa. The question of suitable trade and commercial representation abroad is currently under discussion with the Economic Development Division of the Ministry of Finance and the International Trading Corporation to achieve the widest and most apt representation without unnecessary duplication and overlap. Mr Speaker, Sir, I come now to the comments made by the Members for Delta and Crawford. They have touched upon matters of policy pertaining to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Member for Delta was rather anxious to know about ASEAN. Perhaps she is understandably worried about the dispute between the Philippines and Malaysia. I do not know if she is worried that ASEAN will not work because of that one little dispute. As I said yesterday, we have no illusions whatsoever about regionalism. We have com mitted ourselves, firstly, to the philosophy and policy of regionalism. We believe in it sincerely and wholeheartedly. When ASEAN came about, we made a policy decision to join it and we are in it. I also said that the little difficulty between the Philippines and Malaysia is not going to shake our belief in regionalism and interdependence between states in Southeast Asia.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I must apologise for not being as attentive as I should have been when the Member for Mountbatten raised his question under subhead 1061, but I thought I heard him ask a question on subhead 1059 only. Actually I have the answer for that one and, with your permission, Sir, may I complete it and satisfy the Member for Mountbatten?”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the hon. Member for Joo Chiat is never satisfied with many things. I hope his dissatisfaction is limited to matters which transpire in this august Chamber and to mundane matters like the Budget Estimates and so on. But in other matters, I am sure he is satisfied. For his information, the consular activities of home-based officers actually have been absorbed by the High Commission Chancery officers. In other words, the duties of the present incumbent will now be shared with other officers in the chancery the First Secretary, the Second Secretary or whoever will be there to share the duties. For that and other reasons, the salary has been lowered.”
“Sir, coming back to the particular post which the Member mentioned under subhead 1059, it is actually in respect of the emoluments of one post of Counsellor (Commercial) and does not include the three First Secretaries (Commercial) that he mentioned earlier. The post of Counsellor (Commercial) is to replace the post of a locally-recruited Trade Commissioner in our London High Commission. The contract of the present incumbent is due to expire in June next year. It is intended to post a suitable home-based officer, that means an officer recruited from Singapore, to London to replace the locally-recruited Trade Commissioner. The post has been down-graded from Grade E to Counsellor, which is equivalent to the grade of Principal Assistant Secretary in the scale $1,300-40-$1,420.”
“Sir, if the Member for Mountbatten was referring to the Washington post, the short answer is that this post has not been filled. There is no holder of this post. But if he was referring to the post in London, I can explain why there has been an increase. I would like to know which particular post he was referring to.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, we have no Counsellor (Commercial) in Washington. Perhaps the representative there comes under the Economic Development Board. There is an Investment Promotion Officer but not a Counsellor (Commercial) in New York. Mr Ng Yeow Chong: Point of clarification, Sir,I notice that under subhead 1059, there is one post of Counsellor (Commercial) and under subhead 1061, there are three posts of First Secretaries (Commercial). Am I to understand that they are trade commissioners or trade officers?”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the question raised by the Member for Joo Chiat regarding what he termed a "disparity" in the salaries of Ambassadors, Grade III, serving the Foreign Ministry is not quite correct. For technical reasons, all Ambassadors, Grade 111, belong to the same category. But there is such a thing, as you know, Mr Speaker, as salaries which are personal to the holders. For those reasons, depending on the importance and location of the missions, the salaries of Ambassadors vary. In order to attract suitable persons to become Ambassadors and High Commissioners from outside the career service, persons have often to be paid more than what is provided for in the Estimates. We must take into account the emoluments they were then receiving on the day of their appointment. In the case of one Ambassador, he was already drawing a substantive salary of $2,000, and this is the basic salary which he still draws as Ambassador. This is what I was referring to when I say "salary personal to holder", even though the basic salary for a Grade III Ambassador as provided for in the Estimates is, in the majority of cases, $1,670.”
“For the information of the Member for Mountbatten, may I also state that under this head of $215,000 which goes to the United Nations Regular Budget and Working Capital Fund, a small amount of money comes back annually in the way of return air passages for five delegates to the General Assembly of the United Nations to which you, Mr Speaker, Sir, once went as a delegate and I myself recently attended. The eighth international organisation on which we are obligated to spend some money is the Inter-Governmental Maritime Consultative Organisation. We pay $15,000 for that. We contribute $5,000 to the International Customs Tariff Bureau, $5,000 to the Commonwealth Scientific Committee, $255,000 to the United Nations Development Programme, $8,000 to the Permanent Southeast Asian Ministers of Education Secretariat, $60,000 to the Commonwealth Foundation, only $500 to the Asian Highway Project, $10,500 to the United Nations Emergency Force (Special Account), $20,000 to the Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East (better known as ECAFE). Lastly, the seventeenth international organisation to which we contribute is the United Nations Peace-Keeping Force in Cyprus, including the Refugee Relief Fund in the Middle East, particularly territories occupied by Israel, and other ad hoc payments - $35,000. All these contributions amount to $850,000. A further $212,500 has been provided for, being, of course, the 25 per cent of the total of $850,000 to take into account the new fiscal year which will run from the 1st of January, 1969, to the 31st of March, 1970. Mr Ng Yeow Chong: I thank the Minister for his information. On that note, I beg leave to withdraw. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn. The sum of $11,280,810 for Head 0403 ordered to stand part of the Estimates. 6.15 p.m.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the Member for Mount batten was rather concerned about the expenditure to be incurred under subhead 2651 of Head 0403 because we are now an independent state. The truth is that some of the expenditure has been recurring over many years in the past, long before we became a separate inde pendent state, before we were in Malaysia, and even before we were a self-governing state. I think some items date from the days of British rule. However, it is true - as the Member said - that since we became independent there has been an increase in our contributions to international organisations. As hon. Members can see, the contributions are made in respect of our international obligations - I think that is a technical cliche used to get away with this expenditure - and in the majority of cases, the work of these international bodies, I can assure the Member for Mountbatten, has been of benefit to our Republic either directly or indirectly. I was hoping, Mr Speaker, Sir, that he would not ask me to list out all of them - there are 17 of them. And he also asked me for the respective amounts of the contributions we have made. Since he has already asked the questions, I cannot run away from them. First, we contribute $30,000 annually to the International Civil Aviation Organisation, $25,000 to the International Atomic Energy Commission and $215,000 to the Regular Budget of the United Nations, $7,000 to the World Meteorological Organisation, $6,000 to the United Nations Relief Works Agency, $55,000 to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organi sation (better known as UNESCO), $98,000 to the World Health Organisation, $215,000 to the United Nations Regular Budget and Working Capital Fund.”
“I think, if the big powers realise that they have more to gain by co-operating both with themselves and with others to help less advanced countries, the less the occasion for big power conflict and rivalries and the ever present danger of major conflict in our area. To that extent, Singapore will support any move for co- operation among ourselves in Southeast Asia, and any approaches which show a sincere and practical desire by the big powers to assist in the genuine development in the region, instead of drawing small countries into big power conflicts, will be welcomed and supported by us and other small countries. It is quite often mentioned by us and by others that small nations do not have the power to influence events in the world. Mr Speaker, Sir, this is very true. This is so true that only a few months ago we have seen how a relatively small country like Czechoslovakia was subjected to intrusions by a very much more powerful country. But the question is, collectively small countries can, given the right circumstances, given the right leadership and with good intentions, assert their moral influence in influencing world events. To that extent, Singapore will co-operate in pursuit of its policy of non- alignment in influencing world events, not by itself alone but in conjunction with other countries in the world which pursue policies which are not detrimental to the interests of others and which certainly do not interfere in the internal affairs of small countries like Singapore.”
“Co-operation between economically weak and politically unstable situations, with all the best of intentions and mutual goodwill, cannot, I am afraid, ensure rapid growth and development. To achieve this, we must also co-operate with more advanced friends in other parts of the world in a joint enterprise or in several joint enterprises for our common prosperity and advancement. But our more advanced friends are not going to be encouraged to help us if we cannot co-operate and make regionalism work successfully. They are not going to be encouraged to help us if we quarrel among ourselves over small issues. They will naturally ask how we are to work together on bigger and more important matters if we cannot solve and settle minor problems. This is the problem faced by members of regional groupings and alliances which, for some reason or another, cannot get along with one another. This is the question which they should pose themselves and try to answer honestly. However, this alone will be insufficient, for co-operation among ourselves alone will not make for speedy advances towards modernisa tion. On the other hand, they will be slow and difficult, for the simple reason is that co-operation among poorer countries is not always the best way of growing rich materially and spiritually in a short space of time. We believe that co-operation in Southeast Asia must, therefore, involve not only asso ciation among ourselves but that these associations must be complemented with association with friends, rich as well as the not so rich in the world.”
“This is even the case with the United Nations, and although one hears frequent criticism of the United Nations and its role in world affairs, its short comings and failures; though one hears the United Nations described as a big talk-shop; though one knows that the United Nations has not been able to do much in areas of conflict like the Middle East; though one knows that the wasteful war in Vietnam has been what it has been for several years in the past because the United Nations has been helpless; yet the fact remains that no member organisation, whether big or small, in the United Nations has been able to convince its members that the best course is to scrap it. All members of the United Nations believe that the organisation should continue. So rather than concern ourselves with trivial and transient issues, it is important that we should pursue the more formidable and long-term challenges which ASEAN has been established to face and solve. Whatever others may say, Singapore is determined to see that regardless of the minor difficulties ASEAN must continue. Whatever the differences, recent tensions in the world have proved that it is always better to go on talking on problems, however insoluble they may appear, rather than pretend that they do not exist. There is a saying in Malay, Mr Speaker, Sir, that however annoyed one is by the nuisance created by the mosquito buzzing near one's ears, one should never seek a solution by burning the mosquito net. There is one other aspect of regionalism and interdependence upon which I wish to touch. We in Southeast Asia can be described as developing nations. We are at varying degrees of under-development.”
“We recognise that not least among them is by co- operating with other countries, particularly those around us and closest to us as well as others which are more advanced than we are. This is the kind of co- operation which, in our view, will be further enhanced only if conflicts between nations, and particularly the bigger nations, are brought to an end. It is increasingly dawning on the minds of world leaders that we can no longer seek solutions to international problems in terms of past memories but should realistically look for these solutions in the present circumstances and with future objectives in mind. In other words, we must not go back to the glories of the past, imaginary or otherwise. We must look to the present and to the future with optimism. We must bury the dead past. That is why Singapore looks hopefully for an end to irrelevant conflicts in this region and other regions, which for the last two decades have distorted relations not only amongst us in Southeast Asia, but also amongst countries outside Southeast Asia. Our salvation lies in us - the countries of Southeast Asia - cooperating and pooling our resources in order to progress and advance. We have decided to join and support the Association of Southeast Asian Nations - ASEAN. We have not done this for nothing. We are in ASEAN because we believe that the pursuit of regionalism is in the interests of all of us in Southeast Asia. We have absolutely no illusions about regionalism and even though ASEAN is presently having some difficulty, we are convinced that this is but a temporary phase and one which other successful regional organisations have experienced in their early years.”
“It is even said often that the old doctrine of spheres of interests, or spheres of influence, in which a dominant power could dictate to the state living in its shadows, is clearly repugnant to universally accepted principles of international conduct. But the sad fact of international conduct today suggests that what may be an ideal may not necessarily be a fact. We do not dispute the fact that the ultimate security for small countries like us depends less on wasteful expenditure on armaments and more on building and strengthening the international forces of peace. Mr Speaker, Sir, we in Singapore are convinced that only the strengthening of the climate for peaceful relations and greater co-operation between nations, both big and small, can help save arms expenditure and enable us small countries to use the money to combat poverty, ignorance and disease, which are our real enemies and whose defeat is both rational and worth while. But if we are to go by what is going on around us, notwithstanding these ideals, I am afraid we cannot help but believe that every dollar spent on arms, though wasteful, is a necessary expenditure under the circumstances, at least until we have satisfied ourselves that we have attained that measure of self-reliance in defence which is necessary for us small countries, or at least until the forces of internal peace can come to our aid. Until such time as nations can achieve these goals and view relations with one another in a realistic fashion, I am afraid we cannot be complacent about such questions and ignore our responsibility to become self-reliant for our own security. In this world of interdependence, our objectives of a better life for our people can be achieved in many ways.”
“What this means is that with British withdrawal, we also have to make ourselves self-reliant in matters of defence and this has to be done not within eight to ten years, as we had originally envisaged, but within three years from now. Judging by the enthusiastic support which our people have hitherto given us in respect of the challenges posed by other problems, I feel confident that Singapore should be able to be reasonably self- reliant in matters of defence, with the assured support of its people for the measures that have been proposed. Of course, the objectives have been clearly outlined by the Minister for Finance in the presen tation of the Budget and it should be obvious to everyone what we mean when we say that we intend to be self-reliant. It is a fact of international life that small countries have always had to live in the shadows of bigger ones. In recent years, there was reason to hope that the shadows which big nations cast over the smaller nations would grow shorter and less threatening. There were indeed encouraging signs at one time when big nations joined others in the establishment and recognition of ethical norms in international relations. It is loudly proclaimed that adherence to the principles of sovereign equality of all states; that respect for the territorial integrity of other states; that non-interference in the internal affairs of other states; and that the renunciation of the use or threat of force in the settlement of disputes between states are the foundations on which relations between countries are to be conducted.”
“It is, therefore, inevitable that we in Singapore must not only appreciate the challenges ahead but must understand the nature of the problems that face us, if we are to take measures which are necessary to insulate ourselves against the problems well in advance. This is precisely what the Budget, which has been presented by the Minister for Finance for the coming 15 months, seeks to do. As a realistic people who support realistic policies, which are intended to serve their best interest, I am confident that the people of Singapore will rally to the call, as they have always done in the past. For they know that we are a tightly packed society in an island of two million people, with no natural resources and not even an adequate supply of water. The people of Singapore know that the Government has always pro moted realistic solutions to their problems. They know that since the P.A.P, came to power in 1959, we have consistently followed our major goal of giving our people all the opportunities to develop their human potentialities and to give them a better life. They are conscious that we have consistently maintained these policies and I am confident that they will perceive the objectives which - as the Minister for Finance has outlined in the presentation of this Budget - aim not only at furthering this major goal but also seek to ensure that what we achieve is always available to them and to succeeding generations. Mr Speaker, Sir, people in all walks of life are conscious that a new element has loomed over our horizon. They realise that the British decision to withdraw in 1971 and not in the mid-1970s has made it imperative that we seek alternative measures to secure our independence.”
“A look into recent history should confirm that wars and revolutions, racial conflicts and economic disintegration, communism and colonialism, all have plagued us in Southeast Asia. Be that as it may, the question that arises is how we in Singapore should perceive this turbulent world around us and take intelligent steps in our own interest to overcome these problems. In the history of nations, such a crisis is not new. The same could also be said for Southeast Asia. But like all others, we in this region must benefit from the lessons of history, for the fact that emerges from history is that mankind has seen such turbulence and crises in different ways. Some see in them nothing but danger. They accept them as inevitable and succumb to the gloom and hopelessness which such a mood generates. Others have seen in such turmoil challenges as well as opportunities and it has not been uncommon for some to face these challenges and successfully tackle them with resoluteness and self-confidence. Singapore has seen many crises in the past and, going by past experience, I am confident that the people of Singapore will also rise to new challenges if and when they arise. During confrontation many people thought that this thing called confrontation was insoluble. Many threw up their hands in despair. Many secretly and privately thought Sukarno was right. Yet our patience and, of course, circumstances proved that it could not and did not last. I am sure that in the coming years they will see these challenges more as an opportunity to put things right in the interest of Singapore, rather than give way to gloom and despair.”
“As a government and people we cannot and should never allow emotions to get the better of us, because this can only lead to irrational, insensible action. Governments and states we have learnt are primarily motivated by self-interest, and there is nothing unusual or extraordinary about this. At the same time, we also know that this motivating factor of self-interest is not inconsistent with friendly external relations with others. This is the reason why difficulties between governments and states encountered one day are more often than not resolved and overcome the next. International relations or intercourse between states is not something which started with the League of Nations or with the United Nations or with the present-day regional groupings and alliances. They started ever since human communities made contact with one another from time immemorial. The only difference is that since human societies became more complex, the social, economic and political problems which arose with greater sophistication needed equally sophisticated solutions. And international relations is merely a manifestation of the external complexities within states and between them. So to be inflexible in our attitudes towards other states and governments is to be like the proverbial ostrich and reflects immatu rity. No problem is beyond solution; no difficulty is too great. We must never be overawed by international problems, however insoluble and great they may appear to be at the start. Singapore believes in having a warm heart and a cool head in its relations with other nations. Mr Speaker, Sir, Southeast Asia, of which we are an integral part, is in a state of turbulence. There have been troubles and anxieties for the past 20 odd years, since the end of the last World War.”
“We have in Singapore diplomatic missions, consular offices and trade representations from different countries in the world, many of whom adhere to diverse policies and take different postures on international issues. I would say even belonging to different blocs. But what is important is the fact that we would not have counted so many diverse friends to our credit, if not for the fact that the permanent premises on which our foreign policy is 'based is something on which others cannot find fault with us. Foreign policies may change but the premises on which these policies are founded must always remain unaltered. Our basic principles of a non-communist, democratic, socialist state will forever remain unchanged. That I am confident will be the case with us now and in the future. For who can blame us for these premises? Our fundamental ob jective is to enhance the prosperity and the security of Singapore. We are simply for Singapore. We are anti nobody, just pro-Singapore. For this is the case in fact with every country in the world, and I would say this is the right of every nation to pursue. The other, which is the philosophy of our foreign policy, is how we should see the world around us and interpret the changes and instability outside our frontiers. For is it not in the light of these changes that any country will have to make whatever adjustments that are called for in their foreign policy and enhance its security and prosperity? We must therefore be flexible in our policies towards other governments and states. We cannot afford to be one-track minded. Indeed we have to adopt a policy of open-mindedness in our relations with other governments and states. At the same time, we have to be firm, consistent and rational in our postures.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, when independence came to us three years ago, our immediate preoccupation at that time was to find ways and means by which to promote economic growth, as if out of nothing. Today, looking back, we can take comfort from, and have a sense of pride in, the achievements of these eventful years. What economic progress has been attained is undoubtedly the result of effective organisation, realistic planning and a disciplined approach to our numerous problems. Compliment must of course be paid to the untiring efforts of industrialisation and it is on industrialisation and also trade which the hon. Member for Sembawang has, I think, given me justification to make this general comment on policy in relation to foreign affairs. Because without industrialisation and trade, there will not be marketing, and without marketing with foreign countries there will be no trade representatives. I think trade representatives have to go along with political representatives in the way of High Commissioners and Ambassadors. However, Mr Speaker, Sir, we must not overlook the fact that another element which has made all the achievements possible is our adherence to a realistic policy - one which seeks the maximum number of friends on the basis of equality and mutual respect, non-alignment in bloc rivalries and the desire to trade with all countries irrespective of their political ideology or their systems of government, so long as such trade is to the mutual benefit of these countries. This realistic approach to problems of international relations has indeed paid dividends. For looking around us, the results of these policies should be evident to all of us.”
“While men are able to enjoy holidays almost all the year round, women are confined to the kitchen. Women's Day can be a day when women will be able to enjoy their freedom and equality with men. The inclusion of a Women's Day is, therefore, proper and necessary. I hope the Minister will consider my proposal.”
“Yet in that country and in other countries with similar national days, the celebration of Independence Day or National Day, whichever you call it, has meant much more to the people over the years than just the purely religious festivals celebrated by certain sections of the people. I hope in the years ahead, as we slowly grow to understand the meaning and significance of independence, the meaning of being free to rule ourselves, National Day will be celebrated with greater feeling and significance by people of all races in this country. Madam Chan Choy Siong (Delta)(In Mandarin): Mr Speaker, Sir, we all know that Singapore is a multi-racial society and therefore in the provision of public holidays we give equal treatment to all racial and religious groups. I would like to raise one point. I wonder whether the Minister will consider the addition of one more holiday to the Schedule to the Bill so as to enable women folk to celebrate a common holiday. I recollect that the proposal for a public holiday for women was raised in 1957. At that time the People's Action Party was not in power. It was during the Lim Yew Hock Administration and the colonial era that we proposed Women's Day as a public holiday. But we have not achieved our purpose. The introduction of the Holidays (Amendment) Bill provides an opportunity. We should consider the inclusion of a Women's Day in the Schedule. I believe you will agree, Mr Speaker, that in the course of Singapore's history from the colonial era through the self-government stage to today, when we are independent, women have contributed much towards Singapore's history. There are, however, still many women who are trapped in the coils of family life.”
“In my view, National Day transcends all other religious holidays which, in effect, are sectional celebrations, although on these days people who do not belong to these religious denominations take part in the festivities too. For example, Christmas is celebrated by Christians as well as by non-Christians in Singapore. Likewise, Chinese New Year is also celebrated by the non-Chinese; Hari Raya Puasa by the non-Muslims. Yet there is nothing to compare with National Day. The celebration of New Year's Day and National Day, besides the other three holidays upon which I do not wish to dwell, transcends all races, religions, or cultural and linguistic groups. It is for us, the leaders of the country, to help promote the significance of National Day to an even greater degree amongst the people. National Day is a day of rejoicing which we should celebrate with even more festivity and greater significance and feeling. Unless and until this can be brought home to the people, we will be back in the old situation where Christmas, Han Raya Puasa and the other religious festivities of the other religious groups mean more to these religious groups than does National Day. This, I think, would not be a trend towards progress in nation building. National Day in the present context of an independent and sovereign Singapore is perhaps comparable to the 7th of November which is celebrated in the U.S.S.R. to mark the Great October Revolution. This has nothing at all to do with Islam, Christianity and all the other religions which exist in the Soviet Union.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I wish to support the Bill for a somewhat different reason from that advanced by the Minister for Law and National Development. Of the six days allocated to the four major religions in Singapore two go to the Christians, two to the Muslims, one to the Hindus and one to the Buddhists. Quite apart from this, we have a responsibility to ourselves, in reaching our goal of nation-building amongst a community made up of so many races, religions, cultures and linguistic groups, to look to the other five holidays, examine what they should signify and how we should celebrate them. New Year's Day is, of course, an international day of rejoicing. Whether it is in the West or in the East, i.e., in Communist countries or in Japan or China, the 1st of January is New Year's Day. This is one occasion for rejoicing and celebration among all races and all communal and linguistic groups in Singapore. But much more significant than New Year's Day is National Day which is Just around the corner. This is not a day merely for Muslims, Christians, Hindus, Buddhists or the other minority religious groups in Singapore. For that matter, it is not just for any linguistic or cultural group. It is a day which all Singaporeans celebrate by taking part in various activities organised in the various constituencies. Just as we used to celebrate the 3rd of June as Constitution Day, you will find that in the last three years since we became independent, National Day in Singapore has been celebrated by people of various races and religions, and by cultural and linguistic groups as a day of national significance, as a day when we' achieved full self-government. On 9th August we will celebrate National Day as a day when we brought independence and sovereignty unto ourselves.”
“It is not possible to give the exact number of old identity card holders who have not applied for the new laminated identity cards, as many of the old identity card holders may have left the Republic permanently without surrendering their old identity cards. Further, the old identity cards of persons who have died may not have been surrendered.”
“Appropriate steps will be taken in regard to the person mentioned by the Member for Geylang Serai. ISSUE OF NEW LAMINATED IDENTITY CARDS 3. Mr Ang Nam Piau asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Labour, in the registration for the issue of the new laminated identity cards, (a) whether attempts were made to use the same, or an identical, birth certificate by more than one applicant for registration, and the number of such eases; (b) the number of forged old identity cards discovered; (c) the number of late applications for registration received up to 31st May, 1968; (d) what action had been taken against the applicants in (a), (b) and (c); and (e) the number of old identity card holders who have not yet applied for the new laminated identity cards. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Labour (Mr Sia Kah Hui) (for the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Labour): Mr Speaker, Sir, I have been asked by my Minister to reply. The National Registration Office has so far discovered 954 new identity card holders who made use of other persons' birth certificates. A total of 188 forged old identity cards were also discovered. Up to 31st May, 1968, 912 late applications for registration were received. All the above cases have been referred to the police for investigation. To date seven persons have been prosecuted and convicted for using other persons' birth certificates; 87 prosecuted and convicted for forged old identity cards, and 68 prosecuted and fined for making late applications for the new identity cards. Eight hundred and eleven cases under the three categories are still under investigation by the police.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, foreign ambassadors or envoys are normally nationals of the countries they represent. In such capacity, they are entitled to various privileges and immunities, including immunity from criminal, civil and administrative jurisdiction of the receiving state. As such, the holding of office in local societies or associations by persons enjoying such immunities is considered irregular and constitutes interference in the internal affairs of the receiving state. Inche Rahmat Bin Kenap (Geylang Serai)(In Malay): Sir, I know that Mr S. I. 0. Alsagoff, the Consul-General of Saudi Arabia, is holding a post in one of the registered associations in Singapore. To date, have any steps been taken by the Government in his case?”
“It is in this spirit of independent thinking and realism in international relations that we in Singapore approach the world's problems. We hope this will be the basis on which relations between not only Singapore and her immediate neighbours but Singapore and all other States in the world can be established and strengthened. 3.33 p.m.”
“Despite what is going on in Paris today, we can see that the Big Powers were and are still behind the governments in the north of Vietnam as well as in the south. A small war like this has potentialities of becoming a big war when the Big Powers adopt, directly or indirectly, small wars as their own wars. And any small war can, if the world community is not careful, be converted into a trial of strength between the super powers. For small countries like ours, this means that if we are foolish enough to quarrel among ourselves and go to war with one another, then what may begin as a war between two small countries will eventually be transformed into a big power conflict. And once that happens, the issues which have led the small countries into war will be left in the background and will be taken over by issues which have nothing at all to do with the two countries concerned. In a short time, there would have been so many killed and wounded, soldiers as well as civilians, on both sides who could have better contributed to their country's peaceful development. In other words, the small countries will be fighting not really on behalf of their own national interests but on behalf of the interests of the bigger powers. Small countries cannot prevent big power conflicts taking place among super powers, but they can minimise the chances of big power conflicts breaking out by not going to war with one another. We have seen in the years after the Second World War how foolish and thoughtless governments of small countries have entered into big power conflicts by openly taking the side of one of the big powers against another. So we should try never to get into such a situation.”
“Peoples in Southeast Asia are fond of the chilly and it will help all concerned to have chili padi, the more the better, for our collective growth and development. Singapore believes that good government based on wise and inte1ligent leadership consists not in upholding outmoded dogmas but in solving real problems in a world where things are changing rapidly. At the same time, we are modest enough to know that we cannot produce all the new ideas and all the new methods by ourselves alone. On the other hand, we are prepared to look beyond our shores for new ideas and the latest innovations from other societies. To us, it does not matter where these new ideas and innovations come from, whether from Communist, socialist or capitalist countries. Our internal circumstances and history do not permit us to see different political and economic systems as systems which are at war with one another. We have learnt that we must see these differences as being different ways in which other peoples are trying to solve their economic and social problems. We must be broad-minded and big-hearted enough to know that these varying political systems may not solve all the problems. But if they succeed in solving some of the problems, then we should be prepared to learn from them even if their system is not the same as ours. In other words, Sir, we must be able to appreciate different opinions and views held by others and that if others hold opinions and views different from ours, we can still continue to be their friends. We are mature enough to understand that in international relations today, there is no such thing as unqualified friendship among nations. Our friend's enemy need not necessarily also be our enemy. Sir, the war in Vietnam should give some food for thought.”
“In being so, we must be sensitive to the feelings of others in the region vis-a-vis our prosperity, whether our success will influence others in a way not desired by them or in a way which will win us their sustained friendship. We must always be mindful when others blame us for their continued poverty, and for this we must seek the reasons for this attitude of theirs. We should also consider whether our immediate neighbours appreciate the pace of development and progress we set for ourselves. And on out part, we naturally expect them to try to understand us and the motivations which propel us in carrying out our policies. Because of the high level of organisation, adaptability, industry, self-discipline and hard-headedness of our people, Singapore can be likened to a chili padi - small but pungent - a very important ingredient in a palatable arrangement we seek in the Southeast Asia region. We believe that if other nations in the region and we ourselves are to hold our own in the foreseeable future, then the qualities which I have mentioned plus imaginative and intelligent leadership and high standards of influence and effective government are indispensable. I believe that our friends in the world near and far also endorse these qualities. Sir, despite the relatively higher degree of development of the English language, there does not exist in English a word which can render the meaning or the sense of the word pedas. I have heard of the expression "chilly hot" as against "fire hot" used by some people. But these are really not satisfactory translations. Probably it is because, despite having been in Asia for more than 300 years, the British never got on to taking chillies. But in Southeast Asia we are different.”
“Even today nations still go to war because of differences in religion, when one would have thought that the Second World War was fought for economic and ideological reasons. Today we see, to our sorrow, that the generally accepted international rules of war are quite often not observed. Governments no longer make formal declarations of war before firing the first volley or releasing the first bomb from an aircraft. Those of us who are in our 30s or 40s present here today will remember the night of 8th December, 1941, when Japanese bombers raided the heart of our city within a radius of a mile from this august Chamber. We will also remember the surprise attack on Pearl Harbour and the destruction of American destroyers and other naval vessels while Japanese emissaries were still negotiating in the United States of America. Sir, these are lessons we learned and cannot forget. They teach us that we must always be prepared. While we continue to play games according to the rules in peaceful pursuits to develop fitness and strength in the nation, we must also be ready for emergency situations. It is necessary that we must know what our potentialities and limitations are, what our strengths and weaknesses are. Then only can we take action and adopt attitudes in response and in relation to those of our immediate neighbours and States further away in the world. It is only in knowing ourselves better that we can, from time to time, make adjustments to changing circumstances in the world around us. For the world is never static, it is always changing. Relatively speaking, Singapore is the most developed State among the member countries of A.S.E.A.N.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, many years ago I learnt that sports and games like soccer, rugby, football, boxing and wrestling, apart from their positive value of keeping people fit and strong, were also aimed at giving men and women a chance to develop skills and craftsmanship in organised contests and competitions in order that they would become more peaceful and peace-loving in nature, so that whenever they had differences of opinion which led to disagreements, they could settle them not by going to war but by thrashing them out in some form of sport or game played according to fixed rules with an umpire to prevent the rules from being violated. Later I learned that archery, fencing and shooting clubs emerged. I am told they are not to perfect men's ability to kill one another but in the hope that war and killing would be a thing of the past, and that these sports would help human beings to remember the bow and arrow, the sword and the gun as ancient weapons of war. This was to remind them also that their ancestors were more warlike than they. The first Olympics were held in Greece for this purpose on an international basis so that nations could have a chance once every four years to show their prowess and excellence in peaceful contests and competitions in sports and games. Sir, we are supposed today to be less warlike. Sad to say, greed, envy and hatred in man seem not to have diminished over the centuries and today the causes of war and conflict remain as varied as they are innumerable. We are constantly kept reminded that wars, revolutions, coup d'etat, racial and religious conflicts, economic and social chaos, still disrupt the lives of nations and their people.”
“If the Member for Paya Lebar has specific complaints to make against any senior teacher for passing on his work load to others, the Ministry of Education will be very glad to receive them. REGISTRATION CENTRES FOR EMPLOYMENT IN CONSTITUENCIES 2. Mr Tay Boon Too asked the Minister for Labour whether he will consider establishing registration centres of the Employment Exchange in all the 51 constituencies so that unemployed persons may register or re-register themselves, as the case may be, in their respective constituencies and need not have to incur unnecessary transport expenditure in having to go to the Labour Ministry at Havelock Road.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I have expressed earlier that whatever is considered neat and sober is acceptable. But if the Member for Kampong Kapor has any suggestions as to what mode of dress teachers should wear, they will be welcome. LICENCES OF NON-CITIZEN HAWKERS (Number withdrawn) 14. Madam Chan Choy Siong asked the Minister for Health the number of licences withdrawn from hawkers who are not Singapore citizens in the last six months.”
“-as the manner and mode of their dress will certainly have an influence on children under their charge. The hon. Member's point is well taken and teachers will be encouraged to dress decorously rather than decoratively when on duty. As for the Member's suggestion that teachers should wear a uniform standard of dress, the Ministry will seek the views of the various teachers' unions on the subject. Inche Mahmud Awang (Kampong Kapor)(In Malay): What manner and mode of dress is anticipated by the Minister?”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, it is desirable that teachers should dress neatly and soberly when they are on duty -”
“Yes. Work will commence as soon as possible. UNIFORM STANDARD OF DRESS FOR SCHOOL TEACHERS 13. Madam Chan Choy Siong asked the Minister for Education whether he will take action to get all school teachers, both men and women, to observe a modest and uniform standard of dress as befits their profession as it has been seen that some school teachers are dressed indecorously in certain forms of ultra-modern attire when discharging their official duties.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, probably I can clarify. There are so many other factors besides the request of a few parents for the building of a school in any particular area. The question of sites has to be marked out and so on. However, it may be the case that the Member for Tiong Bahru earlier on meant the site for a secondary school. In this connection, I must say that the only school site immediately available for development in this area has been earmarked for a school, but it is for a secondary school and not a primary school.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, no proposal has been made to build a primary school in Jalan Membina in the immediate future. There are sufficient primary schools in the surrounding areas to cater for the residents in Kampong Tiong Bahru.”
“It reveals an attitude in life. It shows the premium they put on their children's education. The result, among other factors, is that despite a small community of 20,000, if I am not mistaken, Sir, there are many Ceylon Tamils in all the professions - lawyers, doctors, engineers, scientists, university teachers and so on - and through education the Ceylon. Tamil community, small as it is, has emerged and their sons flourish. We Malays must also do the same. Diligence, industry, perseverance, patience and grit are not the monopoly of any one race. It is open to members of all races and all communities. The important thing, Mr Speaker, Sir, is that the Malays of Singapore will realise and find ways and means to see to what good and beneficial use they put the special position which has been accorded them. In the years ahead, if the special position is not exploited and put to maximum use by them, then there can be no progress. The special position of the Malays can be written into the Constitution a million times, but there will he no progress if realisation and the correct mental attitude towards this special position and what it offers is not exploited. 2.51 p.m.”
“in this age of science and technology we cannot progress and advance with them, however glorious they be in our history, however proud we might be of the past. Of course, the Malays are proud of their past golden age, but the point is that we want to make the present era our golden age so that we can live in and be proud of the present and the future. Mr Speaker, Sir, race does not solve problems. After almost twenty-two years of rule, after almost twenty-two sears in the position of leadership in Indonesia, Dr Soekarno has ended in the way he has because 105 million other Malays decided that he should go in that manner. His colleagues. Dr Subandrio, Omar Dani, Supardjo, and others are Malays, and Malays sitting in judgment have not hesitated to pass the death sentence on them, because, in the last analysis, it is what leaders and men do for their own people which matters. It is the crimes and the things which they have failed their people which will be used against them. Mr Speaker, Sir, you come from a minority community, the Ceylon Tamil community. Incidentally, I saw the smile on your face when One of the Members across the Floor yesterday described the Speaker as an Indian. When the first Ceylon Tamils came to this country, they did not bring much wealth with them. But they brought the mental attitude to the question of education, which is wealth indeed in the richest sense of the word. I have been told that in your community mothers often vie with one another over their children's progress at school. A Ceylonese told me that in their gossips some mothers even tell a lie that their children are top boys in their class examinations when they are not, in fact. This is good competition, when mothers feel proud to say that their children are doing well at school.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, there are in Singapore about 300,000 people of the Malay race born and brought up in the multiracial, multi-cultural and multi-religious environment of our Republic, with a sprinkling from Malaya, and possibly slightly more from Indonesia. They know of no other social milieu. As Malays, it is, of course, true that they are indigenous to the whole region covered by the Malay Archipelago. But as citizens they belong only to Singapore. They must remain to be part and parcel of the growth and development of every aspect of the social, political and economic life of Singapore. Recently, despite tantalising offers of many acres of free land in a neighbouring State, the Malays have of their own free choice, free will, chosen to remain in Singapore. Must they be taken away from the general state of progress and prosperity to some unknown future? Must we allow them to be misled by selfish politicians acting at the bidding of others who do not like to see Singapore Malays flourish in a multi-racial State and enjoy the ideal of increasingly successful experiment of multi-racial policies which benefit them and all others alike as never before, for fear that their ideals will fail in the shadow of our success? No. The Malays of Singapore have a stake here, and they should not be allowed to fall victim to the empty promises of people acting as agents for outsiders. The Malays of Singapore have a contribution to make to the success of a multi-racial society and the greater success of the ideology of democratic socialism in Singapore. We do not desire to be bogged down and be impeded by 16th century traditions and ideas. They will not do us and our children any good.”
“" Mr Speaker, Sir, ten legal luminaries who sat on the Commission have judiciously felt that having regard to the description of Malays as the indigenous people of Singapore in Article 89 of the Constitution of Singapore, two objections could be made to the definition suggested by U.M.N.O. The first was that: `Certain citizens of Singapore who were not of the Malay race and were not born in Singapore would be accorded "the special position" by virtue of their profession of Islam, their observance of Malay custom and their habitual speaking of the Malay language.' In other words, Sir, by no stretch of the imagination would the Malays, for example, consider Mr Tan Siew Sin a Malay because he does not speak any Chinese dialect, because he follows Malay customs, and because he becomes a Muslim if he chooses to be one day. Mr Speaker, Sir, the eleventh Member of the Commission, a very wise man, endorsed this view. He also happens to belong to a minority racial group - the Arabs - and he is at the same time the Secretary-General of U.M.N.O., the organisation which sought to have the name "Malays" defined in the Constitution. The other objection of the Commission was that: 'All those Malays,... who choose to renounce Islam (admittedly very few) would be excluded from the benefit of "the special position."' The position is that the Government does not intend to define the term "Malay" in the Constitution or anywhere else, except that by usage the term "Malay" is widely understood to mean people of the Malay race who inhabit Malaya, Singapore, Sabah, Sarawak, Brunei, Indonesia and other parts of the Malay Archipelago.”
“Mr Speaker, it is not right for any political Party, particularly communal or racial Parties, to arrogate to itself the right that only that Party can represent a particular community or race, and that only that Party can safeguard the religion of those whom they represent. The leaders of U.M.N.O, have from time to time made utterances to the effect that only U.M.N.O. can safeguard the rights of the Malays and Islam, the religion of the Malays. Apart from the fact that this is not true and not at all logical, as Muslims they know that this is takbur ---something bombastic, arrogant and excessive in a claim. Special rights or the special position extended to any particular minority community certainly does not mean the right for leaders to utter abuse and for newspapers to distort and misrepresent facts in their news reports. These abuses, distortions and lies are bound to show up sooner or later in a sophisticated and highly literate society such as we have in Singapore. These campaigns of half-truths and lies will not impress the people imbued with ideals of democracy, justice and fair play. In fact, the people will increasingly despise and reject these perpetrators of foul and unfair methods of political practice. In paragraph 35 of the Report the Commission mentions that a Malay political organisation which, in fact, was the U.M.N.O., had urged upon it to consider recommending a definition for the word "Malays", suggesting that a definition should be similar to that found in the Constitution of Malaysia but conceding that it should be limited to citizens only. The definition in the Constitution of Malaysia describes a Malay as being a person "who professes the Muslim religion, habitually speaks the Malay language, and conforms to Malay custom.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the Government's views, as set out in the Statement by the Minister for Law and National Development made at the December 1966 sitting of Parliament in regard to all the clauses which it accepts, will be incorporated in the new Constitution of the Republic of Singapore when it is finally drawn up. We accept the recommendation of the Constitutional Commission, which is very wisely stated, that it will not alter the status quo in respect of the special position of the Malays. The P.A.P. Government agrees with the recommendation regarding the special position of the Malays, and it will see to it that the relevant provisions and clauses will be embodied in the Constitution in perpetuity. Only a group which controls two-thirds of Members of Parliament who are so inclined can remove this special position of the Malays and it is in our interests to see that this never comes to pass. The Malays of Singapore need not, therefore, fear that the special position which they enjoy will be taken away from them. In fact, they do not harbour any fears except that certain sinister elements in our otherwise peaceful society from time to time, in order to make political capital and perhaps to recover lost ground, deliberately raise the fear that the Singapore Government oppresses the Malays, deprives them of their special position, and generally are out to do them in. The people of Singapore are by now quite familiar with these foul tactics of bankrupt politicians, whose only hope of getting political support is the appeal to racial and religious sentiments based on lies and distortions of the facts of the situation.”
“In a recent address to a gathering of Singaporeans, I addressed them that the type of assistance which the Malays are in most need of is the general upliftment in the field of education and economy, without such assistance being limited to a particular class or group of Malays, or to create under cover of assistance a privileged minority of Malays working hand-in-glove with those of other races, while leaving the vast majority of Malays to continue suffering in their state of poverty and backwardness. In this matter, I know that any superficial attempt to solve the problems of Malay economic poverty by promoting and creating a new class of Malays comprising businessmen, company directors, shareholders, holders of free shares, for example, will at best amount to self-deception and which, in fact, is an economic fallacy and is bound to fail. I think any racialist approach to the solution of the backward economic position of the Malays will fail, so long as it is not based on sound economic basis. The alleviation of the economic poverty of the Malays, as of Singaporeans of other races, is to be measured by the increase and improvement of their real earnings or consumption and not by the concentration of wealth in the bands of a few of them. The poverty of the Malays has little or nothing to do with the absence of a Malay capitalist class or the smallness of members or the absence of Malay businessmen or capitalists. The creation of a Malay capitalist class to exist side by side with capitalists of other races will not solve the economic problem of the Malays, because the causes which lead to their state of poverty will then still remain the same.”