A. Rahim Ishak
Singapore
“Now that health science, including the study of food constituents, has been left out of the school curriculum for a considerable number of years, thus rendering our younger generation less if not completely uninformed about food facts, the very least we could do for our children is to ensure that they be provided with nutritious food in o…”
“However, as realists let us also not forget that although we have succeeded in convincing the majority in the international community, these successes should not be exaggerated. The Vietnamese are tough nuts to crack. They will not easily give in. For this reason we must be prepared for a long and sustained struggle.”
“Yes. Sir, it is not because of the lack of interest in the welfare of students who are pursuing courses of study overseas. But there have been attempts to streamline expenditures with a view to saving on expenditure in the way of direct mail and other literature which are meant for their reading while overseas.”
“Sir, I was looking to my right to see if the hon. Member for Geylang West was present, but he is not here. Incidentally, the Member for Geylang West has already served in the foreign service. I am unable to say who will be the future ex-Members of Parliament to serve in the foreign service.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, the Minister for Labour is not here to give the Member for Potong Pasir an answer which probably will satisfy his question and interest. The ILO has direct relations with the Ministry of Labour.”
“The agreed cost of an approved project will be shared equally by member-countries. However, in cases where certain countries derive a greater share of the benefits, the Foreign Ministers may decide on the proportion of the cost to be borne by member-countries.”
The complete record
Every one of 141 lines we hold for A. Rahim Ishak, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 3 of 3.
“Every person or citizen, regardless of his race, religion, or class, is equal before the law and the necessity for recognising the special position of the Malays has, in fact, no racial basis or connotation other than the fact that this recognition is based on the reality that, as the indigenous people, the Malays as a group are in most need of assistance. Malays realise that they need to catch up in the fields of education and economy with other peoples of Singapore. With this in view, it shall, of course, be the responsibility of the Government to encourage and instill the spirit of competition among Malays with peoples of other races and communal groups in Singapore with a view to fostering the principles of equality and justice, and with the ultimate aim that the situation will be brought about where Malays, as Singaporeans, will feel as one with Singaporeans of other races; and whereas the Prime Minister said yesterday that the Malays, as a minority group, were no longer conscious of the fact that they were a minority. This means that it shall be the deliberate and conscious policy of the Singapore Government to continue to recognise and take concrete steps to give meaning to the special position of the Malays by extending effective and adequate assistance to them. And in extending this assistance, I know that the non-Malays in Singapore are broad-minded enough to sympathise with their Malay brethren and big-hearted enough not to grudge them this assistance.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the fact that the Report has been received with acclaim by all sections of the population speaks for itself, and the fact that no minority group has expressed dissatisfaction with it speaks volumes for the wise coverage of the fundamental rights of individuals which the Commission feels adequately safeguard the rights and opportunities of minority communities. The Commission has done the right thing - to recommend the retention of Article 89 of the present Constitution of Singapore which provides that: `The Government shall exercise its functions in such manner as to recognise the special position of the Malays, who are the indigenous people of Singapore, and accordingly it shall be the responsibility of the Government to protect, safeguard, support, foster and promote their political, educational, religious, economic, social and cultural interests and the Malay language.' It is my view and that of my colleagues of all races in the People's Action Party that the indigenous people of Singapore, now that Singapore has been separated from Malaysia and has become a sovereign and independent Republic, should continue at all times to be accorded the special position which they have enjoyed in the present Constitution and in the Federal Constitution when Singapore joined Malaysia in 1963. We feel that this special position of the Malays will in no way infringe upon the fundamental opportunities and human rights which the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore will accord to citizens of all races, religions, and classes. In other words, the right to freedom of speech, thought, expression, and assembly, and the right to form associations will in no way be affected by the extension of the special position to the Malays as the indigenous people of Singapore.”
“If so, if they prove to be inadequate later, changes can and will be made and we can then benefit from the full experience of New Zealand and the more recent experience of the United Kingdom and other such countries in the Commonwealth near or far away from us, who may appear to beat us to the gun and steal a march. Mr Speaker, Sir --- Mr Barker rose ---”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, first I would like to deal with the recommendations of the Constitutional Commission on minority rights that an Ombudsman be appointed. I wish also later to deal with the question of the special position and rights of minorities with particular reference to the Malays. Earlier in the afternoon, in addition to the reasons given by the Prime Minister for not appointing such a Parliamentary Commissioner today in Singapore, I would like to give two other reasons why the necessity has not really arisen for such appointment. Firstly, as a unitary Republic, we do not have those conflicts between State and Federal Government authorities which may exist in a Federation, which possibly exist in the Federation like the Federation of Malaysia. On the other hand, in a unitary State like Singapore, we have a central forum where grievances can be aired and where Ministers have to answer for all matters of public administration; matters going down to the minutest detail, as you know, Sir, have been brought up to the Legislature. Secondly, as a small Island Republic with only an area of 225 square miles and where road transport, among other things, is good, every citizen has easy access to persons in authority for the speedy redress of grievances. Unlike New Zealand, the United Kingdom, or even Malaysia, we are a small and concentrated community and traditional methods for the redress of grievances in a small island like our Island Republic have always been found to be adequate and, in fact, are still adequate. Perhaps in five years' time development may show that these methods are not adequate. That we do not know now.”
“With the passing of the National Service (Amendment) Bill, we are witnessing the opening of a new chapter in our history. We are moving into a new era of new possibilities and we should be alert to the new dangers in the region and further afield in the world. There are, on the other hand, the possibilities of new alignments and new alliances as we pursue our policy of non-alignment and as we cultivate for ourselves the maximum number of friends in peace and in war. There is an air of new consciousness among the people of Singapore. There is a new spirit of multi-racialism which is unique in this part of the world. This has been made possible by our internal policies which deliberately try to remove contradictions among the various linguistic, cultural, religious and racial groups. Even today, our armed forces have, as its head, a Eurasian. Brigadier Campbell is no more Chinese than I am an Eskimo. But he is there. That is the new spirit we have started and that is the new spirit which will radiate in the years ahead with our people. I can mention many other cases in various other Government Ministries and departments where, despite the Chinese majority in our Republic, people have come up on the basis of merit. But I need not go into this now. National service in our Republic will serve as a catalyst in building a nation out of our young people. It will teach our people that it is possible to share a common destiny, different and diverse as we are racially and in other respects. It is an opportunity to share common experiences and thereby foster the feeling of living as one people in one Singapore community. It is an augury for the greater success of our policy of multi-racialism in a world filled with racial intolerance, racial bigotry and racial discrimination. 5.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, almost 26 years ago when the British capitulated to Japanese troops in Singapore, Singaporeans of our generation learned of what can happen to a people in a country caught unprepared and unaware of the external possibilities in politics and in war. By an ironical twist of history, the people of Singapore were to be reminded of this same possibility less than three years ago when riots took place in Singapore, but this time an internal problem made possible and caused by external circumstances. In between this period, we have had armed Communist insurrections, Communist-inspired violence and unrest engineered by local stooges of foreign manipulators. The weapons of destruction now at the disposal of several nations are too terrifying if not too advanced for small nations like ourselves, regardless of whether they are developed or under-developed, to join the arms race. Today, jet fighters and jet-fighter bombers are said to be inadequate for the new situation and scope of total war. Singapore alone in any case cannot defend itself from nuclear attack. Be that as it may, we are living in an era when peoples and States are faced with newer types of aggression and foreign intervention. For some nations, international subversion has today become a convenient substitute for outright external aggression. It is in this context that we see the introduction of national service in the new setting of our independent and sovereign status. However much our adversaries - and here I refer to the Communists and their front organisations like the Barisan Sosialis - might attack national service, they know that this time we mean to be prepared against any possible emergency they might raise.”
“In order to raise the standard of teaching in Tamil schools, plans are being drawn up for the following in-service courses for Tamil teachers: teaching of Mathematics in primary schools; teaching of Arts and Crafts in primary schools; teaching of Science in primary schools; teaching of Tamil in Tamil schools, and, lastly, teaching of Tamil in English schools. The syllabuses are now being worked out and it is expected to make a start at the Teachers' Training College in the following term. The question of offering scholarships to the best students from both the English and Tamil streams of education to study Tamil in Indian Universities will be given due consideration. I hope the hon. Member for Farrer Park will now agree with me that my Ministry has been doing all it can to improve the standard of English in Tamil schools and the standard of Tamil in English schools and the standard of Tamil in any other schools where there are pupils who wish to study the Tamil language. Our aim is to make every pupil proficient in at least two languages in our multi-racial society. We have not ignored the Tamil schools or the Tamil students in English schools or elsewhere in attempting to achieve this objective, and I can assure the Member for Farrer Park that we shall not ignore them in the future. Question put, and agreed to. Resolved, That Parliament do now adjourn. Adjourned accordingly at Twenty-eight Minutes to Seven o'clock p.m. to a date to be fixed. WRITTEN ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS Wednesday, 22nd June, 1966 REVISION OF LOCAL POSTAGE RATES 1. Mr S. V. Lingam asked the Deputy Prime Minister whether he will consider revising the postage for local letters to the pre-Malaysia rate. i.e. ten cents.”
“The pupils in Government-aided English secondary schools are already attending Tamil classes organised by the Ministry of Education, together with students from Government English secondary schools at various centres in Singapore. The teaching of Tamil in primary schools is undertaken during school hours in the schools which have asked for language instruction in Tamil. So far, only one request has been received from a Government-aided English school and it has been provided with full-time Tamil language teachers. If the Ministry, in the course of time, receives requests from other Government-aided schools for second language instruction in Tamil, teachers will certainly be provided. Though we do not have integrated Tamil schools as such, there are two Tamil schools, the Aravinder and Pasir Panjang Tamil School which are functioning in Silat Integrated Primary School and Labrador Primary School respectively. The pupils of these two Tamil schools mix freely with pupils from the other language streams in the same building, although they retain their identity by having a separate name for their school and are headed by their own Principal. In respect of mixing together outside of classrooms, in the canteens, on the playing field and in the other extra-curricula activities, although they retain their own names, integration between the schools I have mentioned is, in effect, very much like integration among other streams in other parts of Singapore. The Ministry of Education has been contemplating integrated Tamil schools in the area where many Tamils live, and I certainly welcome the support of the Member for Farrer Park in what he has suggested. The integration of St. George's Tamil School will be considered when the redevelopment of the Kallang Basin takes place.”
“Mr Speaker. Sir, I refer to the statement just made by the Member for Farrer Park on the curriculum of our Tamil schools. I must point out that the curriculum in all our schools has been standardised since 1959. Tamil schools are following the same curriculum as that for the Malay, Chinese and English schools. It was only during the last two years that English language instruction in Government-aided Tamil primary schools has been put on a firm basis, when even classes as small as 15 in enrolment were eligible for second language teachers. It must be remembered that the second language was made compulsory at Secondary I level only with effect from January 1966. In order to make this effective, it was decided that every pupil should offer a second language in the primary school leaving examination with effect from 1966. Since last year, therefore, all the Tamil schools have been provided with English language teachers, and the standard of English in Tamil schools has already shown considerable improvement. Further, an intensive training programme for second language teachers commenced at the Teachers' Training College in 1965. And this step is aimed at imparting a more effective second language instruction in English in all non-English schools. One of the ways to raise the standard of English in Tamil schools would be to teach certain subjects such as Mathematics and Science in English. By constantly following lessons in English, pupils will, over a period, having listened to, taken part in discussions, reading and talking in the English language, become familiar with the English language.”
“I have only to repeat that all places have been found for them. But if the Member is referring to next year, then, of course, we will cross the river as we reach it. SAWMILLS IN KAMPONG KEMBANGAN 2. Inche Mohd. Ariff Bin Suradi asked the Minister for Culture and Social Affairs how many sawmills are there in the Kampong Kembangan Constituency and whether he is aware of any unlicensed sawmills in that Constituency. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Social Affairs (Mr Chan Chee Seng) (for the Minister for Culture and Social Affairs): Mr Speaker, Sir, I have been instructed to reply that there are three licensed sawmills in the Kampong Kembangan Constituency, namely: (1) Seng Kong Electric Sawmill at 493-56 Jalan Timun. (2) Chye Hup Huat Sawmill at 12 Jalan Lobak. (3) Liew Toh Seng at 5 Jalan Chekor. I am also informed that there are at the moment three unlicensed sawmills in Kampong Kembangan, namely: (1) Sin Heap Lee & Co, at 493-15A Jalan Lobak. (2) Entire Sawmill at 493-l5A Jalan Lobak. (3) Ler Low Kheng at 167B Jalan Ubi.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, because I was not able to hear the translation through my earphone, I had a running translation of the question from the Member seated next to me. I have earlier stated that all Primary Six Repeat pupils in the Chinese stream have been found places. So that question does not arise.”
“To ensure an even distribution of work and expenditure, the projects under the second Five-Year Plan have been phased so that there is no undue overloading for any one year. The large number of schools to be built next year under the spill-over project has therefore necessitated the deferment of the building of new schools under the second Five-Year Plan. Sir, if I may summarise, there are 8 primary schools shown in the Estimates to be built and 39 secondary schools shown under the same Estimates.”
“As a matter of fact, the Minister for Education comes from Telok Ayer Constituency and in the whole of his constituency, there is not a single school. In other words, all the children in his constituency [Interruption] no secondary school, Mr Speaker, Sir, In other words, all the primary school children in his constituency have to go to schools far away. 4.30 p.m. I need not go further, Mr Speaker, Sir, than to say that plans are coming not only for the building of secondary schools but, if I may mention for the record, the schools which are to be built in 1966 actually come under the same subhead, and I think it would be relevant for me to mention something about them. In 1961, we built a primary school in Wallich Street, a multi-storeyed one; in 1963, a primary school in Bedok Road; in 1965 a primary school in Broadrick Road. Primary schools in Toa Payoh, Tiong Bahru, Hindoo Road (the one I just mentioned) are for 1965 which will actually spill-over in 1966. Secondary schools - MacPherson South Secondary School now under construction; there are Parry Avenue Secondary School, Bukit Timah Village Secondary School, Rangoon Road Secondary School on the same site as the present one, Changi 10 m.s. Secondary School all under construction. Then there are Crescent Road and Dunearn Secondary Schools, Holland Village Secondary School, Chestnut Drive Secondary School, Sennet Road Secondary School in Siglap Constituency. Then there are Lowland Secondary School, Toa Payoh Secondary School, Bukit Merah Secondary School, Whitley Road Secondary School, Linden Drive, a junior college coming under the category of secondary schools, all being planned for the future.”
“Mr Speaker, the Member for Kampong Kapor was interested in the building of a school promised for 1965 in Hindoo Road. The answer, of course, is that the Hindoo Road School is actually in the 1965 programme but it is to be built in 1966 under subhead 012. This is a special school as the area is limited and, therefore, the standard type of primary education building cannot be sited on it. Fresh plans for a multi-storeyed building have now been prepared - if that can compensate for the complaint by the Member for Kampong Kapor. And an application for a revision of plan cost has already been submitted. So what the Member will miss in a small primary school will be compensated for by a multi-storeyed one. The Member for Kampong Kembangan also queried about schools in Kampong Kembangan. There are several reasons why schools cannot be concentrated in any particular constituency. It is almost unavoidable for pupils in certain localities not to be given places in schools nearest their homes. This is actually a minor problem probably not affecting even five per cent of the population. Very rarely do we get a pupil, say, like the one mentioned by the Member for Kampong Kembangan, who lives in Kampong Kembangan and has been sent to a school in Jurong. As I have said, during the debate on the Ordinary Estimates, every case will be considered, and I personally shall be very happy to take up this case. At Kampong Kembangan, three schools have been built since 1959. The one at Kaki Bukit is an integrated primary school built in 1961. The second school, the Kampong Kembangan Integrated Primary School, was built in 1963. Then the third, the Kaki Bukit Secondary School, is one of the few secondary schools built in the rural areas in 1964.”
“Workshops of woodwork, radio and television, electrical and motor repair facilities, will also be erected but at a different place. That will be at the old sewerage site in Tiong Bahru - minus the smell, of course! This vote provides $50,000 to enable work on the proposed headquarters and workshop of the Lembaga to commence in 1966. The plan cost for the whole project is $1.5 million, which is estimated to cover the cost of buildings as well as furniture and equipment. The original proposal for the Lembaga was for a building having a floor area of 91,000 square feet, costing $3.15 million. But the Economic Planning Unit, taking into consideration the real needs of the Lembaga's activities, the relative priorities in educational development, and also the availability of financial resources of the State, pruned it down to a floor area of 81,000 square feet, costing $1.5 million. In other words, the frills and finery have been made subordinate to utilitarian needs in the interests of the economy of the State. The Lembaga has appealed for an upward revision of the plan cost, but the considered view, I am told, is that this sum is adequate for the proposed building consisting of 81,800 square feet. But if it should prove inadequate, then a request for revision of the plan cost can always be considered. And being a Government which is very education-conscious, we are sure that this request will be met when the time comes.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I must thank the Member for Punggol for presenting a very good case for the establishment of a permanent Adult Education Centre in Singapore. But I would preface my remarks by saying that the case he put forward would make it appear to be that he wanted an Adult Education Centre where all the varied activities of the Adult Education Board were to be concentrated in that one centre. 4.15 p.m. Of course, that is not the intention. The intention is to retain the decentralised feature of adult education in Singapore for various reasons, one of which is transport. Incidentally the people who take part in our adult education classes are adults who want to improve their knowledge in various fields. Many of them are people belonging to the lower income group whose salaries are small and, as such, they need to spend less on transport by attending these classes. Therefore, the Adult Education Centre which Government intends to build in the near future is more of a nerve-centre for adult education in Singapore, and soon I will explain briefly the various divisions of that Centre. As I have said earlier, it is not meant to be a centre where all activities, classes, lectures, and so on, of the Adult Education Board are held. The Adult Education Board - the Lembaga Gerakan Pelajaran Dewasa - will have its new headquarters at Armenian Street. It will be a l3-storey building, Mr Speaker, Sir, with a floor area of 81,800 sq, ft. This building will provide an administration office, 30 lecture rooms, 5 science laboratories, 2 domestic science rooms, a language laboratory - this is a new innovation in Singapore - a lecture hall, a film and reference library, and special rooms for extra-mural activities like photography, art, and so on.”
“It also applied, at the same time, for a grant for minor works to cover repairs, colour wash to the school building, painting, altogether costing $1,000. Incidentally, Yun Fong School is not a new Government aided school. 6.45 p.m. In respect of the first application for furniture and equipment, the Ministry has already processed it and a decision will be given soon. It must be pointed out that replacement of furniture of old schools should not be undertaken all at once, but should be done in stages over a period of time, in order to enable the Ministry to provide funds for other schools as well, whose needs are equally as urgent as Yun Fong's if not more so in some cases. In respect of the second application which is for minor works, the Ministry does not as a rule approve grants of projects which have already been initiated or completed. It is, therefore, unlikely that consideration will be given to this request. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, in regard to the complaint raised by the Member for Anson about the slowness in giving grant-in-aid to schools - I presume he means new schools - I do not think there has been such a complaint for a long time, except for new schools. As for the new schools, there are a number of problems which arise, and quite often the Ministry of Education alone is not responsible. There are the health and other requirements with which the Planning Department, the Chief Building Surveyor's Department and a host of other departments are connected, and the problems are finally issued to the School Management Committee before the Ministry of Education actually dishes out the grant-in-aid. As far as possible, we have managed to get things done, and I can assure the Member for Anson that there have not been many complaints of such type of cases. If he can bring to our attention any particular case of grant-in-aid coming too slowly, the Minister for Education will take it up In connection with the remark made by the Member for Aljunied regarding a particular school, I am able to answer in specific terms. He mentioned Yun Fong School. It is a Government-aided school and, therefore, receives grant-in-aid to enable it to pay the staff as well as for the cost of administration of the school. I think what he wants to know comes under the Development Estimates - Head D 03 Subhead 004. I shall however answer the question though it is a little out of place at this time. Yun Fong School in Potong Pasir applied for a 1965 Capital Grant on the 25th of November, 1964, in respect of furniture and equipment under that head - 200 sets of pupils' desks and chairs at $20 per set, costing a total of $4,000.”
“The Lembaga Gerakan Pelajaran Dewasa is also conducting extra-mural courses to cater for the vocational, civic and recreational interest of the public, all of which are run without Government subsidy. I do not know if the Member for Punggol was thinking of these classes. But if he was, then, of course, as I said a minute ago, they are being run without Government subsidy, despite the ever-expanding activities of these extra-mural classes. Every so often, Sir, you will hear of Japanese flower arrangement classes, photography classes, motor mechanic classes, classes on radio repair, T.V repair. They will probably soon go into other courses on electronics. Besides that, the extra-mural section of the Lembaga Gerakan Pelajaran Dewasa also caters for the more intellectual type of courses with which you are familiar, Sir, like Hindu philosophy, Islam and so on, given by very prominent people well versed in these subjects.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I must thank the Member for Punggol for the very long compliment he gave to the Ministry of Education in regard to adult education in Singapore. He not only mentioned the consistent increases in enrolment in the various classes, language, literacy, secondary and the other kinds of classes, but he also thought that the allocation was not enough and that it should get more. Those are very kind words indeed. It is a fact that for 1966 we have asked for more; almost 40 per cent more than for 1965. The contribution to the Lembaga Gerakan Pelajaran Dewasa is expended mainly on the running of language, literacy and secondary evening classes. The administrative cost, including personnel - emoluments for the permanent staff - has remained relatively stable over the past few years since the formation of the Board in 1960. The demand for adult education, however, has been increasing year by year, so much so that the annual provision in recent years has always had to be supplemented. That fact alone shows that for 1966 we cannot go purely by previous figures and that should there be any need for further expenditure, then supplementary provision will be sought for. There are already 10,000 students in 340 secondary classes, and the 1966 provision is for 355 secondary classes - a further increase - with an estimated enrolment of 12,000 students. In the field of literacy and language education, the 1966 provision is for 355 literacy and language classes up to Standard 3 level for 33,000 students. Fifteen Primary 6 classes catering for 450 students are also planned for 1966.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, transport bursaries were started some years ago and they were a feature of the liberal award of bursaries by the Education Ministry to help children of poor parents, who were in most cases living far away from the secondary schools, although, of course, there are adequate primary schools built in the rural and urban areas near residential areas. However, the question of transport bursaries has never arisen in connection with the primary to secondary school postings of children. If I am not mistaken, the Member for Aljunied referred to the recent complaints and requests by parents because their children have been posted to schools far away from their homes. But each and every case, as it arises, will be taken into consideration for transport bursaries and, to that extent, the allocation for transport bursaries not only in the main island but in the Southern Islands will take into consideration every single case which comes to our attention.”
“Well, in cases where they are not satisfied with the schools where their children have been sent to, they need not buy textbooks until they have made fresh appeals for their children to be transferred to schools nearer their homes. Also they need not make school uniforms for their children because of the uncertainty of their children being transferred to some other school or back to their old school. The Member for Anson was worried about school teachers wearing modern dress. I did not hear him actually say wearing drainpipe trousers. I do not exactly know what he meant by the word "modern" - whether the clothes are of the transparent type - very "flimsy voile" a term used by textile merchants - or with very low-plunging necklines. Also I do not know whether he was referring to men or women teachers in the schools. At any rate a few years ago, I read complaints along these lines in the Utusan Melayu (that is before it became an U.M.N.O. newspaper) from readers, parents and others against Malay school teachers who were fond of wearing Baju Kebaya which is very transparent. However, in Singapore, I think the complaint is not all that widespread. As a matter of fact, this is the first time that I have heard of such a complaint, Mr Speaker, Sir. However, if complaints are made to the Ministry, we shall deal with them. But I have full confidence in our teachers. Probably the Member for Anson saw them in their off-duty hours along Changi Beach. He might have recognised them as teachers in Singapore, but I should think that in their classrooms, in their work places, they wear very appropriate and very decent clothes.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, one of the points the Member for Anson has raised is the question of children who pass the Secondary Entrance Examination and are transferred to schools which are a little too far away from their houses. Although this situation exists, the fact is that it is actually a problem which concerns a very small minority from among 40,000 pupils who have been transferred from primary to secondary schools in the last examination. This has been a recurring problem simply because when parents have been asked to make first, second and third choices - as was the case the year before last, and two choices this year - they have made their choices, and in a very small number of cases, their children have not been allotted the schools of their choice. Principals of primary schools which presented candidates for the Primary School Leaving Examination were actually instructed on the 7th of December this year to inform their pupils, who request for transfers, to submit their applications to the Principals of the secondary schools where they have been posted. This applies to cases where parents have not been satisfied, and invariably they have not been satisfied because the schools are too far away. Application forms may be obtained from principals of the secondary schools concerned from the 3rd of January to the 7th of January, 1966, that is five days after the schools reopen for the New Year. 6.15 p.m. In this connection, Mr Speaker, Sir, I wish to add that parents naturally are anxious to know whether they have to buy textbooks for their children who have been so promoted to Secondary 1.”
“We are now examining alternative possibilities like the introduction of a medical benefit insurance scheme operated commercially with regard to the provision of medical facilities. Such a scheme would probably involve a certain amount of contributions either from the aided school employees or the management committees. 2.45 p.m. APPOINTMENT OF CONSTITUTION COMMISSION (Statement by the Minister for Law and National Development)”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the Singapore Teachers' Union, the Singapore Chinese Teachers' Union and the Malayan Christian Schools Council have repeatedly asked that the same medical benefits and facilities that are accorded to Government teachers should be extended to teachers of aided schools. Such facilities, if granted, will, of course, apply to the other employees of aided schools, such as clerks, servants, watchmen and so on. The Unions make much of Government's policy of equal pay for equal work, and point out that in most cases of negotiations, disputes and arbitration outside the civil service, medical facilities and privileges are always enforced. While free medical treatment is accorded to all members of public and aided school teachers at all Government hospitals and clinics, the Unions are concerned mainly with the hospitalisation of members and the consequent ward charges, X-ray charges, specialist fees and so on if they go to a paying ward, i.e., First Class or Second Class. The main difficulty in according the same medical privileges and benefits enjoyed by Government teachers, school servants and so on of Government-aided schools is due to the fact that aided school teachers and servants are strictly not Government servants, but employees of aided school management committees. As such, privileges and benefits, if accorded to employees of aided schools, may have to be extended to other bodies of employees. The suggestion put by circular to the management committees of aided schools that they should pay the full charges for medical treatment and hospitalisation at public rates in respect of their staff and seek reimbursement from such staff at rates charged for Government service, is not acceptable to the management committees, and this they have informed us.”
“That, as you have stated, Mr Speaker, was already answered earlier.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I think the Member for Bras Basah is questioning when it will end. Mr Speaker: No. His question is when it will be set up.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, firstly, the Member for Bras Basah, I think, made a mistake in stating that it was the Minister's intention to set up a Salaries Commission. It is no longer an intention. The Minister has already announced last week that a Salaries Commission will be set up. On the question of anomalies and revision of salaries, the hon. Member for Bras Basah also missed the point when he questioned whether teachers were to be included in the general revision of salaries which will be dealt with by the Salaries Commission. As he is well aware, teachers are also civil servants in Singapore. Therefore, they will be included in the revision of salaries. Anomalies are part of the question of revision of salaries which will be considered by the Salaries Commission.”
“One is sometimes tempted to describe them as Communists or pro-Communists, but even the Communists we met in Russia were not phoney. They were genuine Communists. But here we have Members of Parliament who earn $500 a month as allowance - not 500 Indonesian rupiahs, but 500 real Singapore dollars, Straits dollars - and yet they boycott everything except what they pocket. 5.44 p.m.”
“Yes, the missiles had to be withdrawn, being a threat to the late President Kennedy. I ask whether that country's independence is also phoney. Sir, it is very difficult to explain, but what I know as a member of the Goodwill Mission to Africa and other parts of the world, is that Mr Rajaratnam, our Foreign Minister, explained to accredited and sober leaders of the world that Singapore has a military base. They all know about it. There are very few leaders in the world who do not know that there is a military base in Singapore. But we explained to them very clearly and forthrightly that there is nothing wrong with having a base in Singapore, and that there is nothing wrong in having an air base - and a naval base at that - within the confines of an independent and sovereign nation. Sir, not one government leader in any of the countries we visited questioned the independent and sovereign status we have in Singapore today. So who are those characters in the Barisan Sosialis to question us? What do they want? Must Singapore fall into the hands of the Communists and then only become independent? Then only will Singapore's independence not be phoney? I have also searched my mind on this question of the allegation of the Barisan Sosialis and their other pro-Communist friends about Singapore's phoney independence, but it is very difficult to understand them. One can almost see the glint of insanity in their eyes when they talk along these lines, because I am sure you yourself, Mr Speaker, Sir, have asked this question and not found the answer as to why they say Singapore's independence is phoney. We can go on considering this question, probably only to arrive at one conclusion, and that is, that the Barisan Sosialis are phoney socialists.”
“Sir, this allegation of our independence being phoney, I do not know what measure the Barisan Sosialis leaders use when they talk of independence. Whether a country which has a foreign military base, when it achieves independence is phoney; whether countries like the Philippines, which has a relatively large American military base, is phoney; whether Ceylon, which upon attainment of independence in 1947 also had a base in Trincomalee was phoney in its independence; or whether Thailand with its S.E.A.T.O. base is also phoney. Incidentally, Cuba under Fidel Castro has a large American base --- An hon. Member: Russian!”
“The Barisan Sosialis, Mr Speaker, Sir, have lost hope in the democratic processes, and it is only when politicians have given up all hope of ever winning in an election, in a referendum and in an open argument, that they turn to more desperate ways; and, when they do, some of the manifestations take the form of boycott of elected Legislatures like ours for no logical and rational reasons. Sir, I was reading a short letter in the Straits Times the other day from a writer in Petaling Jaya, which happens to be part of the constituency of the Member for Bungsar - but that has nothing to do with the letter. But the writer has asked whether or not Barisan Sosialis Members of the Singapore Parliament should also boycott their $500 a month allowance. I think, Sir, before this Parliamentary Session is over, it would be good if you could make a ruling on this matter. Coming back to the question of Singapore's independence, we were travelling in some parts of Africa, Europe - Eastern Europe - and Asia, Mr Speaker, Sir, and what struck me most about the reception given to us was that it was not only warm everywhere we went but that the people were interested to know why Singapore left Malaysia. In not a few cases, leaders of governments, leaders of the Opposition, some of whom are pro-Communists like Dr Lee Siew Choh and others here, shook our hands warmly and congratulated us on having left Malaysia. Words like "liberation" were mentioned, as the Minister for Health has just said. But one other thing which sometimes gladdened our hearts was that some of them said, "You have done very well by having left the-Kuala Lumpur type of politicians," and all the rest of it which went to describe people who go cringing about before blue-blooded chieftains.”
“So the Editor of the Barisan Sosialis is talking through his hat when he talks about the governing Party in Singapore being snubbed by non-government pro-Communist members of the Permanent Secretariat of the A.A.P.S.O. What matters is the official recognition by Governments in Asia and Africa and in the world at large as represented in the United Nations Organisation. In the light of these hard facts the boycott of the Barisan Sosialis of this Chamber does not constitute even a ripple in the ocean of support and expressed friendship and understanding shown to Singapore by accredited Governments and Asians of the world. Dr Lee Siew Choh and his gang are not going to make any difference to our position as an independent and sovereign State. Sir, I am inclined to think that not only Lim Chin Siong should be examined by psychiatrists, but there are many more in the Barisan Sosialis who would appear to be in greater need of psychiatric treatment. In the field of education, the planned programme of expansion in Primary and Secondary Schools, the Teachers' Training College and other institutions of high learning, speaks for itself. If Singapore's independence is phoney, if all our development plans, including those in the field of education, are phoney and of no consequence, then leaders in the Barisan Sosialis, married and with children, like Dr Lee Siew Choh, should withdraw all their children in our schools in Singapore and send them for higher learning to Peking, if they want to. In Indonesia, there is an institute called the Lenin Institute in Sourabaya, and Dr Lee Siew Choh can send his grown-up children or even the younger ones to that Institute. But, of course, I believe that the professors and lecturers in the Lenin Institute are also running for their lives.”
“The people in Singapore look upon them as being no more than political opportunists who have time and again lost out in free and democratic elections, open arguments, in the Referendum and even in international forums. You remember, Mr Speaker, Sir, that Dr Lee Siew Choh, Woodhull, Dr Lim Hock Siew and others went to the United Nations to fight against Malaysia and the Referendum. In the December, 1965 issue of the Plebeian Express, the Barisan Sosialis alleged that the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation had snubbed the P.A.P., the governing Party in Singapore, it seems. It is a fact that the Permanent Secretariat of the A.A.P.S.O. works on the principle of unanimity, among other things, on the question of membership. On the Permanent Secretariat, besides members from the U.A.R. and other non-Communist Asian and African countries, are also to be found members from Peking, the Japanese Communist Party and the Indonesian Communist Party, the leaders of whom, Mr Speaker, Sir, are today running for their lives looking for hide-outs. It is, therefore, not at all surprising that opposition by any or some of these Communist representatives on the Permanent Secretariat of the A.A.P.S.O. can prevent unanimity, and this is what has happened in the case of not only Singapore's membership, but the membership of other applicants as well. Membership of the A.A.P.S.O. is on an unofficial basis, unlike the Afro-Asian Conference where Heads of State and Heads of Government attend. Membership of the A.A.P.S.O. is limited to organisations which may or may not be in the governments of Afro-Asian countries. For example, Japan is represented on the Permanent Secretariat of the A.A.P.S.O. by members of the Japanese Communist Party, but not by Members of the Government.”
“I do not know if you are aware of a fundamental teaching in Islam which prohibits its followers from cringing or in any way worshipping human beings whatever the colour of their blood. Muslims are not supposed to sembah to anyone except Allah. The term to describe prayer in Islam, Mr Speaker, is Sembah Yang. In its fuller form it is Sembah Yang Maha Kuasa dan Maha Esa. Muslims only sembah to God and to no one else, and we believe in this. We are an independent and sovereign State in the comity of nations. A hundred and sixteen independent and sovereign States and their governments have accepted us into the United Nations Organisation. More than a billion of the world are with us in the international family of independent and sovereign nations. Yet there are a few miserable characters in the Barisan Sosialis who say that our independence is phoney. They do not recognise Singapore's independence. In a statement in reply to a challenge to them to ask for a public inquiry regarding Lim Chin Siong, the Barisan Sosialis asked for air radio and T.V. time on our mass medium. What is the true position? The true position is that on two occasions when the Chairman of the Barisan Sosialis, Dr Lee Siew Choh, was invited to take part in T.V. forums, he refused to attend them. He was running away from the open argument. I am told that they want radio and T.V. time to themselves so that they can make speeches without having to take part in a discussion. Sir, they can have this; they can have what they ask, but on condition that they first win a general election in Singapore. Then, as members of the Government, they can appear on T.V. and radio to explain Government policy and other related matters.”
“Sir, in terms of land and ownership of land, Singapore Malays, and for that matter Singaporeans of all races, have very little in their possession. But in terms of earning capacity we in Singapore, the Malays included, earn on the average two, three or four times more than the padi farmers or fishermen in Malaya and other parts of Malaysia. When we were still in Malaysia, I had occasion to look into the problem of resettlement in land development schemes carried out in at least two areas in Malaysia, including the one at Sungei Buloh. What I saw there leaves much to be desired. On the other hand, the Malays in Singapore, who have been used to modern and advanced social amenities and services made readily available and accessible to increasing numbers of people in the lower income group, are not at all likely to leave their homes which are in many cases subsidised by the Government. I am pretty certain that they will not go to the less habitable and undeveloped areas in Johore or Pahang. Mr Speaker, Sir, more than this Singapore Malays have come to love the open society and the nature of equality, freedom, justice, democracy and progress, the five principles symbolised in the stars in our flag. The Malays in Singapore are not used to be treated as Harijans by local Brahmins. Sir, we in Singapore, all of us - Malays, Chinese, Indians, Ceylonese, like you, Sir, Eurasians, Pakistanis and others - have strong and healthy red blood in our veins. In Singapore our inquiring minds want to know whether there are really people with white blood, as a Malay idiom describes it. For hundreds of years we have heard about the so-called blue-blooded chieftains who enjoyed privileges and comforts for doing nothing.”
“Even today I am prepared to consider and rethink about any other solution, if there is one forthcoming from any quarter. Upon separation, when the Tunku offered the Malays in Singapore ten acres each in Johore, I was wondering whether he was taking the second step towards what he thought was going to be the complete isolation of Singapore. I wondered whether he wanted all the Malays in Singapore to leave this fair island and go back to Malaya and thereby encourage the four million odd Chinese in Malaysia and possibly millions more all over South-East Asia to make Singapore a Chinese city. I do not know what his intentions were. But it is clear that the absence of any response from the Singapore Malays is more than an answer to the Tunku's call. It seems to me that even if there are unthinking Malays elsewhere in Malaysia who are thinking along the same line, then they will similarly learn that the Malays in Singapore do not propose to leave our shores even if they were offered ten times ten acres. It would indeed be a tragedy for the Malays if we helped to make Singapore a Chinese city. He must be a mad man to help in the creation of a second Israel in this world. It goes against the grain of any sane Malay to leave Singapore, an island which is part and parcel of the Malay world, for purely party political reasons to satisfy the selfish political ambitions of certain people. Singapore is to us our world, as much as Malaya is to those living in that part of the world. You can ask a Malay who has, for example, settled in Bangkok to return to his country of origin for these reasons. But can you ask us to leave Singapore to fit in with the political strategy of the Alliance? And if we leave Singapore, where do we go?”
“The question is, how is this problem of the Chinese to be solved? Are there any lessons we can learn from Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam about the problem of integration? Is political, cultural and social integration possible over a long period of political stability, for example? Or must segregation be the only solution of the Chinese in Malaysia and Singapore? Conversely, is it possible to solve the problem of Chinese presence by racial domination in politics? Or has the solution to be brought about by a get-together of the people of Malay race in Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines to outnumber and later to squeeze out the Chinese from these areas? Sir, these propositions have direct relevance to the Speech by the Yang di-Pertuan Negara when he said that "we may be two countries but we are one people." Not a few people in our closest neighbouring country believe that this is also the case. It is hard to believe that our neighbours think it possible really to isolate Singapore on a racial basis, because I think they would have found the same problem reverberating within their own territories. Sir, I have lived many years of my life in Malaya, and in those years, I have posed to myself and to others this same question. I have found that not only has this problem remained the same after all these years, but that I have been unable to get new answers to this problem of the Chinese in this part of the world. As a matter of fact, as the years pass and my hair grows grey, I am more arid more convinced that the only solution is for us of all races to live together peacefully and strengthen the foundations of the multi-racial, multi-cultural and multi-religious society.”
“Sir, it is clear to the people not only in Singapore and Malaysia but to all who believe in progress, human dignity, equality and justice, that Singapore was evicted to postpone the eventual victory of social forces inspired by the ideology of democratic socialism from spreading far and wide into the towns and kampongs, from Tebrau to Padang Besar and Tawau to Kuching. Mr Speaker, Sir, recently I had occasion to ask a visiting Member of Parliament from a friendly country, who had earlier visited Kuala Lumpur, what he was told of the reason for Singapore's eviction from Malaysia. He told me that officials in Kuala Lumpur had told him that because Singapore was predominantly Chinese, and the Chinese were dominating the economy of the country, therefore the solution was to get rid of Singapore. Sir, I believe this Member of Parliament I am quoting was himself quoting from not only officials but Ministers. I remember very well the Tunku, in justifying his call for the formation of Malaysia in 1961, said that the reason Sabah and Sarawak should be taken into the new Federation was to balance up the Chinese in Malaysia and Singapore with the indigenous people in the Borneo States whom the Tunku then thought were also Malays. There are in Singapore about 1.3 million Chinese and almost four million in Malaya, apart from those in Sabah and Sarawak. The problem of the Chinese is, therefore, not one which is peculiar to Singapore. It is not even one which those in power in Malaysia have to face alone. Indeed all over South-East Asia, in Indonesia, Cambodia, Thailand, and to a lesser extent in the Philippines, the governments in these countries face the same problem of immigrant Chinese who had settled and made their homes in these countries.”
“Cyprus or Malaysia, the policy of divide-and-rule perpetrated by British colonialism has left in its wake serious political, economic and social problems which, long after they have gone, the people of these countries are saddled with through no fault of their own, except for the fact that they have the misfortune of being subjected to British colonialism. For us, it is no use crying over spilt milk, although we know that quite often the ex-colonial power makes pious pretensions of desiring to solve problems of their own making. The industrial revolution in Europe leading to the acquisition of colonies in Asia, Africa and South America belong to one era in the history of the world, and that era will not repeat itself. Hence there is no question of avoiding a second time what colonial powers have once committed. For better or for worse we have to face and solve these problems ourselves. The colonial powers in most cases have the habit of leaving behind not only economic and social problems hut also political inheritors of their ilk who quite often have an interest in wanting to perpetuate the economic and social hierarchy bequeathed by them. Seen in this light the events of the last few years in Singapore, Malaya. Sabah and Sarawak are not at all difficult to understand. Was it racial strife and a communal blood-bath that those in Kuala Lumpur were trying to avoid? Or was it the gradual erosion of the established economic and social system which the powers that-be in Kuala Lumpur in the Alliance Government were trying to halt and postpone?”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, twice in the past twenty years has Singapore been separated from Malaya. On both occasions, they have been artificial separations, and on both occasions, for illogical reasons which some outside power had forced on the people of both territories, with one possible exception. In 1945, the British separated Singapore to retain its hold on the island as a strategic military base in the days when Britain could no longer hold on to India, Burma, Ceylon and Pakistan, and her other colonial possessions in the East were becoming untenable. In 1965 Singapore was separated after two years of merger because the Central Malaysian Government found that politically Singapore within Malaysia was a threat and a danger to her political position in Kuala Lumpur. The people of Malaysia, including Singapore, were told in August this year that we had to he evicted because of imminent racial strife. The official reason given was that it was a choice between separation or repression, and that if Singapore remained in Malaysia and neither course of action was taken, then there would have been a blood-bath all over the country. Here, it might not he altogether futile for us to dwell a little on the subject of separation, although now that we are a distinct and independent nation, so suddenly thrust upon us, it would fall upon the historian to write about the second severance of Singapore from mainland Malaya. Sir, the British in their three odd centuries of colonialism all over the world have the knack of leaving behind problems of their own creation which, even after they have been thrown out, proved in many cases to be problems which are not easy of solution. Whether it is in India, Pakistan, or Palestine, or Burma, Ceylon.”