YouSaid · the spoken record

TSIANG

lines on the record: 209
first: 1949-09-24
most recent: 1960-09-24
sittings or episodes: 8
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“Since the countries of southern Asia had failed to stop the expansion of Western Europe on their shores in former countries, we in China had eventually to meet the same threat in the nineteenth century. In time, if China should fail to regain its entire freedom and to rid the mainland of Soviet imperialism, those countries of Asia and Africa which are geographically more distant from the Soviet Union will yet suffer. Our struggle is immediately for Chinese freedom. In the long run, our struggle is also for Asian and African freedom. 178. I wish success to all anti-colonial movements and hope that the day is not far off when the whole world will be rid of this evil. However, at this point I must issue a warning.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“The colonialism of Western Europe is dead — although, unfortunately, it has not yet been buried. 176. During the post-war period, while China has shown sympathy to countries of Asia and Africa that suffered from maritime colonialism, many of the countries of Asia and Africa have not appreciated the evils of Soviet imperialism, which continues czarist overland expansion, and therefore have failed to give my country that sympathy and support which we have readily given to them. I understand the situation. I appreciate the psychology of the peoples who have suffered from the colonialism of Western Europe alone. It is time that these sister-countries of China should understand and appreciate the dangers and the difficulties of my country facing Soviet colonialism and imperialism. 177.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“This is the most important single fact facing the world today, a fact which some of the Asian and African delegations have for some strange reason chosen to ignore. 175. Since the Second World War, out of the colonial domain of the Western Powers a large number of independent nations have risen. Right in this Assembly hall there are eighteen delegations representing countries which were before the war colonies of the Western Powers. On the other hand, the Soviet empire is today infinitely larger than it ever was under the Czars. At this very moment, this Soviet empire is using brutal force to put down Hungary’s independence and is feverishly trying to extend its tentacles into the Middle East. Indeed, in the world today, there is only one colonialist and imperialist movement: that of the Soviet Union.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“China, by its very geographical situation, has been the victim of both colonial movements — that from Western Europe and that from Russia — and is therefore in a better position to judge than many other countries of Asia and Africa. 174. Empire-building is highly competitive. The overseas expansion of Western Europe and the overland expansion of Russia in past centuries have reacted one on the other. In the second half of the nineteenth century, the two movements met in Central Asia, China and Korea. The First World War put a temporary stop to that world-wide rivalry. Since the Second World War, the two colonial movements have taken directly opposite directions — that of Western Europe in rapid retreat, and that of the Soviet Union in aggressive advance.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“In meeting this movement, the countries in the south of Asia stood in the forefront. They were the first victims. Indeed, many of the countries of southern Asia have known no other type of colonialism, and therefore their animosities are almost exclusively directed to countries of Western Europe. 173. As a matter of fact, however, parallel with the maritime expansion of Western Europe to southern Asia, there was the overland expansion of Russia to Asia, from the Ural mountains to the Pacific Ocean and from the Arctic to what is today Northern Viet-Nam. There has been no break in policy between the autocratic czarist Russia and the totalitarian Soviet Union.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“I state these facts for one purpose alone: to show that my Government has been consistently anti-colonial. Sun Yat Sen, the great leader of modern China, taught us to give help to all oppressed peoples. We ourselves, having suffered from colonialism, naturally sympathize with and support movements for national independence. 171. In regard to colonialism, however, China differs from some of the other Asian countries in several respects. The differences are as important as the similarities. 172. European colonialism in the last four centuries was divided into two movements. One movement of colonial expansion was initiated and promoted by the countries of Western Europe. Those countries crossed vast expanses of sea and ocean to dominate and control countries in Asia and Africa.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Since the war, we have given Korea all the support within our means. We should like to see the United Nations complete its sacred mission of the unification of Korea. We must not forget that today, three years after the cease-fire in Korea, half a million men of the forces of aggression — the so-called volunteers — remain in North Korea. 169. Outside the United Nations, and even before the establishment of the United Nations, my Government showed the fullest sympathy for the people of India in their struggle for freedom. I know and acknowledge that the people of India won their freedom mainly and largely through their own efforts. For their part, the Indian people must acknowledge that Chinese sympathy with and support of their cause was genuine and sincere, and given at considerable sacrifice. 170.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“When I assumed my duties as the representative of my country in the Security Council in the autumn of 1947, the first dispute that I had to consider was a complaint by Egypt against the continued presence of British garrison troops in the Suez Canal zone. That was nine years ago. On that occasion, my delegation and the delegation of Colombia urged early negotiations between Egypt and the United Kingdom for the removal of British troops from the Canal zone [S/547 and S/530]. 167. In 1948, the Security Council met many times to consider the Indonesian struggle for independence. In relation to that question, my delegation was second to none in its support of the cause of Indonesian freedom. 168. Before the Second World War, we began to sympathize with the Korean people in their struggle for independence.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Representatives at successive sessions of the Assembly must have noticed that the question of colonialism has played a very important part in the deliberations in the United Nations since its very foundation. Delegations from Asia and Africa have been particularly energetic in trying to remove the remains of colonialism from their respective regions. I wish to make a few observations on this anti-colonial movement. 165. My Government and my delegation have in the last ten years taken a consistent stand on this question. We have been consistently anti-colonial. So far as this is concerned, my delegation is united with the delegations of other countries of Asia and Africa. I do not wish to leave any possibility of doubt in the mind of anybody in regard to this matter. China, Nationalist China, is anti-colonial. 166.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“We should make a solemn declaration that the Soviet Union is for this reason unfit for membership in the United Nations. Since for technical reasons it is difficult to expel the Soviet Union, we should and we can decide on moral ostracism. We should further recommend to all Member States to break off diplomatic and economic relations with the Soviet Union. 163. I now wish to turn the Assembly’s attention to Asia. Three neighbours of China — namely, Japan, the Republic of Korea and the Republic of Viet-Nam — are not yet Members of the United Nations. They are entitled to membership. They are qualified for membership. My delegation presses for their admission. 164.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“It looks as if we have done nothing but make speeches and pass resolutions. In the meantime, the people of Hungary are killed and enslaved and deported to Siberia as if we had not made speeches and passed resolutions. 161. I do not believe that that is quite the total or real picture. I think sooner or later the Soviet Union must yield to public opinion. For this reason, I am not ready to quit. I believe we should press forward. 162. After these massacres in Hungary, and after these rebuffs which the United Nations has received, I believe we should make it clear, unmistakably clear once and for all, to the whole world that we representatives in this Assembly, representing peoples and countries from all parts of the world, condemn the Soviet Union for its violation of the Charter and of human rights in Hungary.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“In that propaganda campaign, the idea of peaceful coexistence has played a large part. Hungary asks only for independence and neutrality. The Soviet Union cannot tolerate an independent and neutral Hungary. We now know the real meaning of the Soviet idea of coexistence. Deeds speak louder and more truly than words. 160. My delegation has supported every resolution in connexion with the Hungarian crisis. Unfortunately our resolutions on the situation in Hungary have been ignored by the Soviet Union. The difficulty is that the people in the Soviet Union have no freedom of information. They do not know what their Government has been doing in Hungary, or what the outside world thinks of these atrocities of their Government. On the surface, it looks as if the United Nations has been totally ineffective in regard to the situation in Hungary.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“The tragedy of Hungary has taken off the mask from international communism. The armed intervention of the Soviet Union in Hungary and the brutal manner in which the armed forces of the Soviet Union have acted reveal to the whole world the real nature of contemporary Soviet imperialism. To hide Soviet imperialism and colonialism under the mask of socialism or communism is no longer possible. The expansion of the Soviet empire means the extension of communism; the extension of communism in turn means the expansion of the Soviet empire. With the Soviet Union, communism and imperialism are but two sides of the same coin, and both sides depend ultimately on brute force. 159. In recent years international communism has conducted what has usually been called a peace offensive.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“In the first place, it teaches that Marxism and Leninism, plus or minus Stalinism, are not a substitute for bread and butter or individual freedom or national independence. Secondly, the events in Hungary show that the innate human love for a better life, for freedom and for country cannot be suppressed even through ten years of brainwashing and indoctrination. 157. The events in Hungary should teach all lovers of freedom not to be defeatists. The cause is not lost. The people in Hungary and the peoples of all other Communist lands, though oppressed, have not become non-human. They have not forgotten and will not forget these deep human yearnings. They are on our side, the side of freedom. We need not despair, no matter how dark the present prospect in Hungary is. 158.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“In the long run, the United Nations cannot keep the peace of the world without redressing the wrongs done as they are being-done. Any further shirking of our responsibilities in the Middle East might jeopardize the very existence of our Organization. Since at this moment world public opinion is mobilized, let us take advantage of our moral resources and make a supreme effort to settle the Palestine question and the Suez Canal question. I am glad to observe that the very first speech in this general debate, delivered by the representative of Brazil [581st meeting], made the same plea to the Assembly. 156. Let me now pass to the tragic events in Hungary. I wish, above all, to pay homage to the heroic people of that country. Their struggle should teach the world several lessons.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Freedom is the medium in which the United Nations can function successfully. Without freedom the United Nations would be a voice crying in the wilderness. This is my first general observation in regard to the Middle East. 155. I wish to make a second observation. It is the conviction of my delegation that we should capitalize on the mobilized public opinion of the world to remove the causes of war in the Middle East. This world Organization of ours is human, all too human. When we face political disputes or see injustices committed by one country against another, we do not regard such events as emergencies. We go about our work in a leisurely fashion. We resort to compromises and delays. If our resolutions should be unheeded, we let the matter drag.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“The success of the United Nations in meeting the crisis in the Middle East has an important lesson for us all. It is my conviction, that we owe our success largely to the fortunate fact that the peoples of France, the United Kingdom and Israel have freedom of information, and that their Governments are responsive to world public opinion. Factually, what the first emergency special session did was to mobilize world public opinion. If the peoples in those three countries had not had full information in regard to the events in the Middle East, or if the Governments of France, the United Kingdom and Israel had been insensitive to world public opinion, we would have been lost. This crisis m the Middle East demonstrates conclusively the intimate connexion between peace and freedom.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“In addition, we have established the United Nations Emergency Force, which in my mind is the product of creative statesmanship. Although important steps remain to be taken, my delegation believes that the United Nations has reason to be gratified at the modest measure of success that it has had. There is no doubt that the prestige of the United Nations has been enhanced by the prompt and effective action taken. 153. My delegation fervently hopes that the process of the restoration of peace in the Middle East will be completed in good time. The threat of the so-called volunteers from the Soviet Union and the Communist regime on the mainland of China must be met and removed. We cannot allow peace in the Middle East to be torpedoed by Communist intrigue at this hour. 154.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“First of all, I wish to congratulate Prince Wan Waithayakon upon being elected unanimously to the presidency of the Assembly. We of the delegation of China are particularly happy at this event, because China and Thailand are truly brotherly nations. 151. The eleventh session of the General Assembly meets under the shadow of two great crises, one in Europe and the other in the Middle East. Since my delegation has had occasion to state its views both in the first and in the second emergency special sessions, I will not go into details in my present statement. However, I wish to make some general observations. 152. In regard to the crisis in the Middle East, the first emergency special session has achieved a ceasefire and firm commitments of withdrawal of their troops on the part of France, the United Kingdom and Israel.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“If we are ever to understand the strategy of peace in the Far East, the United Nations must recognize that the struggle of the Chinese people today is, in fact, a part of the world struggle for an enduring peace.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“In the present instance, the consequence of the admission of the Chinese Communists would be the consolidation of that regime and the enhancement of its prestige, not only in China but throughout Asia. 128. The Chinese people know the communist regime to be both a tyranny and a foreign imposition. We are determined to win back both our national independence and our basic human freedom. We have not asked the United Nations to give us aid in this struggle, which is in strict accordance with the principles and purposes of the United Nations. We ask the United Nations not to add to the difficulties and the burdens of the Chinese people.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“They say that it is nothing more than the recognition of a fact, just as the Himalaya mountains or summer heat or winter cold are facts. In the history of my country there have been a number of dictators who established new dynasties and appeared, for a time, to possess some measure of permanence. Many of these dynasties were short-lived, only mushrooming in seeming vigour. In fact, in Chinese history, the number of short-lived dynasties is much larger than the number of long dynasties. 127. Nothing the United Nations does can be or should be divorced from morals, however we might try to rationalize our conduct. We cannot escape the consequences, be they good or bad.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“As a part of the communist repudiation of the Chinese traditional culture, Mao discards the Confucianist condemnation of war and imperialism. 126. Some people say that, since the Soviet Union and the satellite States are already in the United Nations, the addition of communist China would not make much difference. I contend that, if the peoples of the world in 1944 and 1945 had had the knowledge of the Soviet Union which they have today, the United Nations would have been differently organized, most likely without the participation of the Soviet Union. The question which the General Assembly should consider is not the admission of Red China but the expulsion of the Soviet Union. Some people argue that the admission of the Chinese Communists into the United Nations does not imply approval.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
““There spreads the land in winter’s northern light, For thousands of ice-bound miles the whirling dance Of snowy mist holds it as in a trance. Behold, beyond the Great Wall a blanket of white, And up and down the Yellow River the flight Of raging torrents, the choppy rugged plains, And the snow-clad mountains’ silvery manes— How they heave and arch to reach the heaven’s height! “These lands, these rivers, their bewitching charm Inspired the conqueror-emperors of Ch’in and Han, Tang and Sung, in splendour striving to expand. Alas! All short of stature! And even Genghis Khan Knew only how to shoot a hawk for play. For the towering figure watch the scene today!” Mao thinks that he, in the middle of the twentieth century, can outshine the conqueror-emperors of the remote past.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“The representatives of these countries know, or ought to know, that when the Chinese Communists speak of friendship between China or India, or between China and Burma, or Ceylon and Indonesia, the Chinese Communists make a significant distinction; they befriend not the governments of these countries, but the peoples, and they add that these peoples are suffering under exploitation. The revival of imperialism by the Chinese Communists is one of the most basic facts in Asia today. 125. How does Mao Tse-tung himself feel about this matter? In the winter of 1945, shortly after the surrender of Japan, Mao published a poem. He is very proud of that poem. He presents autographed copies to his followers and friends. Let me read to you two stanzas of what Mao has to say on this matter.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Now, under the Communists, the traditional principle governing China’s international relations is reversed. In this respect, the communist regime is as un-Chinese as in its domestic politics. The Chinese Communists, instead of preserving the pacifism inherent in Chinese culture, are reviving the views and ambitions of the conqueror-emperors of old, under the guise of “liberation”. 124. Representatives from countries of South-East Asia must know that there are in their countries right now underground Chinese communist organizations. They must know that some of their fellow countrymen are right now being trained by the Chinese Communists in the arts of political subversion and guerrilla warfare.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“In the first place, the conqueror-emperors of China never tried to impose Chinese ways of life on the neighbouring peoples. How the subject peoples lived and worshiped their gods was not considered the business of the imperial power to control or regulate. The second important feature of historical imperialism in China is that the philosophers and poets of my country never joined in approving imperialism. In all China’s literature, there is not a single poem or philosophic essay approving of imperialism. On the contrary, Chinese writers have stressed the misery which conquest and war involve and the hatred which conquest has generated among China’s neighbours. The final result of China’s historical development was a policy of defending China and the Chinese ways of life for the Chinese people and letting other countries alone. 123.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“The work of construction in the south-west, such as the building of railways to the border of Indo- China and towards the border of Tibet, is relatively unimportant for the well-being of the Chinese people, but very important in the development of imperialism towards South-East Asia. 122. In international relations, the traditional and universally accepted principle in China is "live and let live”. In the long history of my country there were, of course, periods when Chinese armies occupied and conquered neighbouring lands, when Chinese emperors sought glory through the expansion of empire. These periods were the Han dynasty, the first part of the Tang dynasty and the first part of the Ming dynasty. I should like to call the attention of the Assembly to two important features of ancient Chinese imperialism.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“I humbly submit that these sacrifices cannot create an enduring peace so long as the mainland of China remains behind the Iron Curtain. 121. Press reports in recent weeks and months have stressed the so-called five-year plan of the Chinese Communists and economic aid from the Soviet Union to its puppet. I wish to call the attention of the General Assembly to one important feature of all these economic plans. That feature is the emphasis put upon the development of the north-west and southwest of my country. The work of construction in the north-west paves the way for further Soviet penetration and exploitation of the resources of that vast region.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“We desire such a Korea as much as the Western European countries have desired an independent Belgium. The perpetuation of the division of Korea, on the other hand, would make for instability, fear and suspicion, and dreadful and costly efforts at armament. The United Nations, therefore, must remain loyal to the declared objective, that is, the establishment of a united and independent Korea. 120. In the Far East, my country occupies a position as central and important as the position of Germany in Europe. It is impossible to promote peace and security along the fringe of China if the communist regime remains in control of the mainland. Some of the free nations have already devoted considerable blood and treasure to ward off communist aggression, not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Malaya.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“The geography of the peninsula furnishes the natural foundations for national unity. In fact, Korea is basically more united than some of the oldest nations represented here. It is even more united than the United Kingdom. 119. Now, let us stop to consider what unity or division in Korea can mean to peace in the Far East. A united Korea would be strong enough, if not to repel aggression, at least to deter aggression. On the other hand, a united Korea can never be strong enough to commit aggression against its neighbours, even if the Korean people should ever be misled into launching a war of aggression. It is for this reason that during the last fifty years my fellow countrymen have all, without distinction of political party, favoured the establishment of a united and independent Korea.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“If we understand correctly the task of the United Nations, we must recognize that the fighters for freedom and the fighters for peace are, in fact, two wings of the same army and that their efforts should be co-ordinated. It would be utter foolishness for one wing of the army to destroy the other wing of this same army. 118. Having suggested a guiding principle for our Pursuit of peace in the world in general, I now proceed to discuss the strategy of peace in the Far East. In Working for an enduring peace in Korea, we must keep in mind the basic importance of unification. I humbly submit to this Assembly that the achievement of national unity by the Korean people is the key to an enduring peace in that part of the world. The Korean people are one people—one in race, one in language, and one in tradition.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“I am happy to note that the representative of Chile, in his speech before the General Assembly on 18 September [436th meeting], made this very point. 117. If the United Nations is to promote, not the peace of the moment but the peace of years and decades, it must also keep in mind the intimate connexion between peace and freedom. Peace and freedom are inseparable, just as tyranny and war are inseparable. In seeking peace today, we must ever keep in mind that we cannot achieve peace through the sacrifice of freedom. There are today peoples behind the Iron Curtain, both in Europe and in Asia, who are struggling for freedom. Their struggle is part of the world struggle for an enduring peace.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“In defining the basic objectives of the Trusteeship System, Article 76 states that one of these objectives should be “to encourage respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion”. 116. The Charter makes very clear the basic importance of human rights and fundamental freedoms as such, and also shows the direct and intimate relationship between respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and the preservation of international peace. This emphasis on the relation between human rights and peace, or between freedom and peace, as attested by these articles which I have quoted, was due not only to the general enlightenment of the twentieth century, but it was also due to a clear and deep recognition of the causes which had led to the Second World War.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Chapter IX of the Charter is' devoted to the subject of international economic and social co-operation. I should like to quote part of Article 55, which states: "With a view to the creation of conditions of stability and well-being which are necessary for peaceful and friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, the United Nations shall promote… “c. Universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.” Chapter XII of the Charter is devoted to the International Trusteeship System.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“In the Preamble of the Charter, we find the second paragraph declaring that “we, the peoples of the United Nations”, are determined “to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small”. Article 1 of the Charter, in stating the basic purposes of the United Nations, mentions "encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion”. Chapter IV of the Charter is devoted to the General Assembly, and Article 13 enjoins on the General Assembly to initiate studies and make recommendations for the purpose of “assisting in the realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language of religion”.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“The control which Hitler managed to achieve converted a peace-loving German people into a fanatical warlike aggressor people. In Germany, as in Japan, the establishment of a totalitarian regime was a precondition and a prelude to aggressive war. 114. The events leading up to the aggressive war by Japan and Germany were fresh in the minds of the framers of the Charter. It is for this reason that we find throughout the Articles of the Charter two consistent and intertwining themes. One theme is, of course, peace. The other theme is human rights and fundamental freedoms. 115.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“The suppression of freedom in Japan was a precondition and a prelude to aggressive war. 113. The representatives at the San Francisco Conference undoubtedly remembered also the development of the Hitlerite regime in Germany before the German army occupied Bohemia and Moravia in the spring of 1939. Hitler did away with the Weimar Republic. In its place, he established a totalitarian regime which enabled him not only to rebuild the army and to sacrifice butter for guns, but to remake the mind of the German people. I was in Germany in the winter of 1934, that is, almost at the beginning of the Hitlerite regime. I noticed that the common people of Germany in the winter of 1934 were not only devoted to peace, but were absolutely terrified by the mere mention of war.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“The Charter furnishes us with some guidance in our pursuit of a peace that can endure. When the Charter was framed, the events leading up to the Second World War were fresh in the minds of the representatives who assembled in San Francisco. They knew that the Japanese militarists could not have launched the full-scale war against China in 1937 or their Pearl Harbor attack against the United States in 1941 unless .and until the military leaders of Japan had secured absolute control of life in Japan. In the six years before Japan’s full-scale war against China, the militarists in Japan executed a series of terroristic acts to get rid of political leaders who stood for peace and moderation. They succeeded in controlling Japanese political life and public opinion to such an extent that by 1937 their regime was totalitarian.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“In the second place, we must be on our guard against strengthening the forces of world communism and weakening the strength of the free world. After all that has been said in the peace offensive of the Soviet Union, we have no evidence whatsoever that world communism has changed its purpose or its nature. All the evidence that we have points to the fact that world communism strives today, as it has striven through the last thirty years, for world domination. If we wish to have fresh evidence on this point, the speech of the Soviet Union representative here in this Assembly on 21 September [438th meeting] is ample proof. There was nothing new whatever in that speech. So far as that statement is concerned, the policy of the Soviet Union seems to be unchanging and changeless. 112.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“In the first place, Chamberlain and Daladier had no proof of the peaceful purpose of Nazi Germany other than tie speeches of Hitler and Goebbels. In fact, the domestic policies and the diplomatic efforts of Hitler all pointed to war. So long as the nature of Hitlerite Germany remained what it was, the propagandist assurances of Hitler and Goebbels should have been disregarded. In the second place, Munich turned out to be a great tragedy because Chamberlain and Daladier, by the Munich agreement, strengthened Hitler for further aggression. 111. Today, in seeking peace through the United Nations, we must not repeat the mistakes of Munich. We have the right and the duty to demand from the Kremlin actual evidence of peace-loving intentions other than and in addition to speeches and editorial comments.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“When they returned from Munich to their respective capitals, they were acclaimed by vast numbers of their fellow countrymen. They honestly and sincerely told the grateful crowds that they had secured “peace in our time” and that their peace was “a peace with honour”. In the fall of 1938, if my memory serves me right, almost all the peoples of Western Europe agreed with Chamberlain and Daladier. It is not the individual action of Chamberlain and Daladier that alarms me. It is the momentary popularity of those men in the fall of 1938 that indicates to me that we should try, in this matter of peace, to profit by the experience and, therefore, the wisdom of the ordinary housewife. 110. What, after all, was the trouble with Munich?”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“I am a Chinese, and therefore I do not speak here about eternal peace or perpetual peace. We Chinese find metaphysical speculation to be uncongenial. On the other hand, being a Chinese, I am philosophical enough to try to look beyond weeks and months and to strive for something that may endure for years and decades. 109. The subject of Munich has been made threadbare. It is in fact too trite even for rhetorical purposes. Nevertheless, I feel compelled at the beginning of my intervention in this general debate to refer once more to Munich. The trouble with Munich was that the agreement signed by Chamberlain and Daladier was of that kind which was moment-wise and years- foolish. As I recall, Chamberlain and Daladier were not alone in advocating the peace of Munich.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“108. Mr. TSIANG (China): In ordinary housekeeping, good housewives of all lands agree that they should not be penny-wise and pound-foolish. In the kind of housekeeping in which the United Nations is engaged, I suggest that we should try to avoid being moment-wise and years-foolish. The main task of our housekeeping here is, of course, the preservation of peace. This is what this Organization was established for. This is what all peoples of the world ardently desire. I suggest that we, who are entrusted by our governments and peoples with the task of peace preservation, should always keep in mind that it would be utterly foolish to win the peace of weeks and months and lose the peace of years and decades. The world has rightly condemned Munich because the peace of Munich lasted only a few months and paved the way for the Second World War.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Let this Assembly remember the numerous Articles of the Charter which bid the peoples of the world to promote respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Let us all remember that terror is preparation for war.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“Under such circumstances the common people of China, who ordinarily wish only to be left alone and who have no devotion or antipathy to any kind of abstract ideology, are driven to desperation and therefore to fight for a different regime. Many of the common people of China are today fighters for freedom. 70. We who fight for peace must not forget those who fight for freedom in China and, I must add, in other countries behind the Iron Curtain, If we are to create a better world, the fighters for freedom and the fighters for peace must combine to rid this world of the new barbarism which threatens to engulf us all. When we plan and work for peace we must not forget for a single moment that peace and freedom are inseparable.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“Judge Wu had been regarded by the people of his province in the same light in which Judge Medina is regarded by the people of the United States of America. 68. The terror is greatest in the province of Szechuan in the far west. Next come Kwangtung, Kwangsi and Hunan. But there is no province, no district, no village, which has not suffered from this “rule by murder”. In the bigger cities the Communists bother to issue official bulletins. In inland provinces people are put to death without even a record being made. The grand total for the second year of communist rule far exceeds the total for the first year. This “rule by mass murder” is entirely un-Chinese. The fanaticism behind this mass murder is also entirely un-Chinese. The apparatus by means of which this kind of mass murder has been committed is also entirely un-Chinese. 69.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“I call your attention to a report of the terror in the small town of Huangshihkang, 100 miles west of Hankow, a report made by Father Sullivan, of the Catholic Mission in that town, published in The Washington Post of 21 October. 67. In the province of Kwangsi in the district of Tengh-sien, there lived a Judge Wu who had presided over cases where Communists were tried in past years. In 1949, when the communist army came to Kwangsi, Judge Wu left his home district and fled to a remote spot. He was caught later and brought to trial before a “peoples’ court” in his home district. The sentence was that Judge Wu and his family, including all members of his father’s generation, his own generation and his childrens’ generation, should be put to death. The total number of victims in the case of Judge Wu was 23.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“They searched through all trunks and all drawers, under the beds and around the beds. The search lasted until 6 p.m. of the next day. All those who had at one time or another accepted public office, from that of chief of a street to that of chief of a section, of the city, and all those who had at one time been in the army, whether as officers or as privates or even as transport workers, were arrested. The total number arrested during that big search reached 25,000, in a city of 750,000 inhabitants. Of this number only a small percentage returned to their homes. Every one of those who were fortunate enough to be released carried heavy injuries on their bodies. On 15 April, 500 of the arrested were executed. The fate of the large majority remains unknown.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“The religious bodies are not giving the data any publicity for fear that the followers of the Christian religion in China might suffer thereby. I shall likewise omit all data on religious persecution under the Chinese Communists. 66. What the outside world has learned, and that very imperfectly, is the terror in the larger cities of China. The outside world has no knowledge of the greater terror in the inland cities, towns and villages. I have a report made by an eye-witness who succeeded in escaping from the mainland to Hongkong on 14 July of this year; He witnessed the terror in the city of Chengtu in the province of Szechuan in the far west of China. This eye-witness states that at midnight on 21 March, when people were all asleep, the so-called “People’s Liberation Army” suddenly invaded the houses of the inhabitants of Chengtu.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)