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“The Pale leadership should understand that its aggression against Srebrenica and any future attacks against any other safe areas, notably Zepa and Gorazde, will deepen its isolation from the world community and distance it further from a settlement in Bosnia. One of our immediate needs is to address the humanitarian crisis in the Srebrenica area. The Bosnian Serbs must comply with the Council's demand for unimpeded access to the area for the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other international humanitarian agencies. My Government will assist these new victims of Bosnian Serb aggression, and we encourage other Governments to work with the United Nations to meet their needs.”
1995-07-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3553 (1995) · source
“The international community, including every member of this Council, has been forced to address raw aggression and war crimes in the former Yugoslavia for years now. The resolution the Security Council has adopted today rightly condemns the offensive action by the Bosnian Serb forces against the safe area of Srebrenica and against personnel of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR). The resulting exodus of tens of thousands of displaced persons north to Potocari is the sole responsibility of the Pale leadership. The brazen treatment of the Dutch peace- keepers by the Bosnian Serbs is outrageous. These actions fall squarely within the jurisdiction of the war-crimes Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia.”
1995-07-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3553 (1995) · source
“Between now and 18 September my Government will continue to pay close attention to these and other issues related to Belgrade's commitment to implement the border closure. We hope that the Mission of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia (ICFY), within its own resources and employing resources that might be made available, will do the same.”
1995-07-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3551 (1995) · source
“If these reports about assistance to the Bosnian Serbs are accurate, they would violate Belgrade's commitment to isolate Pale. Taken together, they raise serious doubts which, if not adequately clarified by Belgrade, would seriously weaken the case for continuing the limited suspension of sanctions. In our view, such violations would undermine the Council's key objective of persuading the Pale Serbs that there is no reasonable alternative to a negotiated solution. They would also weaken our joint efforts to limit and contain the conflict in advance of a negotiated solution. I also want to add a note of growing concern over reports of increased military support by Belgrade for the Croatian Serbs.”
1995-07-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3551 (1995) · source
“My Government continues to believe that an effectively enforced closure of the border between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the territory now controlled by the Bosnian Serbs would help achieve that goal. But this Council will have to remain vigilant if the limited suspension of sanctions is to achieve its purpose and thereby remain justified. Therefore, my Government is disturbed by indications of increasing military cooperation between the Belgrade authorities and the Pale Serbs. Specifically, there are indications that the authorities of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia are rounding up draft-age Bosnian Serb males and returning them to Bosnia, providing financial assistance and equipment to the Bosnian Serb army, and cooperating with Bosnian Serb air defence systems.”
1995-07-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3551 (1995) · source
“In that time, the Mission of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia - whose continued dedication and effectiveness we salute - has reported some improvement in the effectiveness of the border closure and in cooperation by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia authorities. These reports, however, have also continued to point out a number of shortcomings in Belgrade's willingness fully to implement its decision to isolate the Bosnian Serbs. It is those shortcomings that made my Government unwilling to accept an extension of 100 days and to insist on 75 days. It should be recalled that the goal of extending limited sanctions relief to Belgrade is to increase the pressure on the Pale Serbs to accept a settlement of their conflict with the Government of Bosnia based on the Contact Group plan.”
1995-07-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3551 (1995) · source
“Let me take this opportunity to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency and to tell you that we are very much looking forward to working with you during this very important month. I also ask the German delegation to convey our best wishes to Ambassador Graf zu Rantzau for his fine work and to wish him good luck. It is now 275 days - three-quarters of a year - since we extended limited sanctions relief to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) for its stated commitment to seal its border with Bosnia and to sever official contacts with Pale.”
1995-07-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3551 (1995) · source
“Unless by 15 September there is a real cease-fire, the installation and assumption of real authority by a new Council of State, a serious commitment by all the factions to disarmament and disengagement and a specific schedule for the rest of the peace process, UNOMIL will end. The members of this Council and the Members of the United Nations still have hope for Liberia. This final extension of the mandate of UNOMIL is an expression of our hope. But it is a hope that can be fulfilled only if those who are prolonging the conflict recognize that there is no real future for them or their country in the absence of a commitment to peace.”
1995-06-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3549 (1995) · source
“The political future of Liberia depends on the willingness of the Liberian factions to compromise. We have been patient. We have extended UN OMIL for over a year now, each time with sterner warnings to the Liberian factions. But patience must have a purpose. In April we pinned our hopes on the regional summit, providing the Liberians with a series of recommended steps to show their dedication to the cause of peace. But again we have been disappointed. Not one of those steps has been carried out. The Council agrees today to one more extension of UNOMIL, at the urging of the States in the region that see a faint glimmer of hope. But the Liberians must understand that words will no longer be enough to convince us that they want peace: there must be actions.”
1995-06-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3549 (1995) · source
“Sadly, we have not had the cooperation of the Liberian parties, which remain engaged in a brutal struggle for power that no faction can win. Despite the diplomatic efforts by Ghanaian President Rawlings to bring the Liberian factions together, there is no accepted political settlement. Despite the commendable efforts of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOMOG) forces to provide security, the fighting continues. The international community sent UNOMIL to monitor a cease-fire. But the fighting did not cease. Instead, UNOMIL troops have been abused and humiliated by the warlords whose country and people they came to assist. Humanitarian relief workers also came to help. But the ravages against innocent civilians did not stop. Instead, relief workers have been harassed and treated with inhumanity.”
1995-06-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3549 (1995) · source
“I, along with my colleagues, would like to congratulate you, Mr. President, on a remarkable month, which was indeed calm. You did an exemplary job. I should also like to offer my personal congratulations on your retirement and your brilliant career. We will miss you and we wish you Godspeed. Today the Council faces once again the tragic situation in Liberia. My Government supports today's resolution extending the mandate of the United Nations Observer Mission in Liberia (UNOMIL) despite our deep disappointment over the progress of that Mission. My Government, along with many others, has laboured hard to bring about peace in that country. The United States has contributed the bulk of the money in the special Trust Fund for Liberia - over $20 million. We have appointed a Special Envoy to assist with the Liberian peace process.”
1995-06-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3549 (1995) · source
“Unfortunately, they were unable to reach agreement on the fundamental questions. We encourage the parties to redouble their efforts. The time has come for the parties to work towards the outline of a political accord. We look forward to an announcement of the date, place and venue of the next round of talks to build on the momentum of Kabul and Almaty. The United Nations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and countries of the region stand ready to support and help implement an agreement. But the international community cannot make peace or move towards national reconciliation; it is the parties themselves who must take this responsibility, and take it soon.”
1995-06-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3544 (1995) · source
“Although progress towards national reconciliation still has far to go, the Secretary-General's report cites a few instances of a positive nature, which I would like to recall. President Rakhmonov met for the first time with the Chairman of the Islamic Revival Movement of Tajikistan, Abdullo Nuri, in Kabul. They were able to extend the cease-fire and agree to future meetings, raising expectations for the Almaty talks. The negotiators in Almaty were able to agree to implement confidence-building mechanisms such as the exchange of prisoners and detainees. On this point, I would like to stress the necessity of allowing the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Joint Commission full access to places where prisoners and detainees are being held. In Almaty, the parties began to discuss mechanisms for a political settlement.”
1995-06-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3544 (1995) · source
“But the limited cease-fire extensions and chronic incidents along the Tajik-Afghan border indicate that there is still much to be done to bring peace and prosperity to Tajikistan. While the Security Council has, through this resolution, extended UNMOT's mandate until December of this year, the resolution firmly and unambiguously links that mandate to the existence of an effective cease-fire and other conditions. UNMOT cannot function without a cease-fire: the parties must lay down their arms or the Council may be forced to take a decision to withdraw the Mission. But a cease-fire is just a beginning; the parties must move towards national reconciliation based on democratic principles. The parties have taken a first step in discussing, in Almaty, fundamental political and institutional questions.”
1995-06-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3544 (1995) · source
“The United States was pleased to support this resolution extending the mandate of the United Nations Mission of Observers in Tajikistan (UNMOT). In many ways, this Mission demonstrates the flexibility of United Nations peace-keeping and its continued usefulness in conflicts around the world. With a small but influential presence, the United Nations has helped the parties to maintain an effective cease-fire and, through that, lay the groundwork for political reconciliation. We pay special tribute to the Secretary-General's Special Envoy, Ambassador Pr'riz- Ballon. As the Secretary-General has reported, both parties to the conflict have recognized the instrumental role UNMOT has played in containing the conflict.”
1995-06-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3544 (1995) · source
“Perhaps participating nations could take the lead in paying their own way and forgoing reimbursement. Perhaps a voluntary fund could be established to help cover some of the costs. These and other ideas are worth exploring. What is important is doing so seriously and soon. In summary, then, my Government supports deployment of a rapid reaction force for the purpose of defending UNPROFOR personnel and enabling the peace- keeping mission to fulfil its mandate in a more robust and successful fashion. But, because of the enormous cost of UNPROFOR and the current budgetary situation in Washington, the United States cannot agree to funding the rapid deployment force through the normal United Nations peace-keeping assessment process. Nevertheless, we stand ready to consider all reasonable alternatives.”
1995-06-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3543 (1995) · source
“The normal peace-keeping method stated in the annex is an expression of intent by the British, French and Dutch Governments; it does not represent my Government's position; and the draft resolution makes it clear that the Council has yet to decide how this force will be funded. Because we do support the early deployment of the force, we will need to work out suitable financing in the days ahead. In doing so, we should bear in mind, my Government believes, the extraordinary funding requirements of UNPROFOR, particularly in comparison with any other single peace-keeping operation or even all others combined. For that reason, we simply cannot conduct business as usual when it comes to expanding this mission. We are prepared to discuss the options with an open mind.”
1995-06-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3543 (1995) · source
“When the rapid reaction force for Bosnia was first proposed, it was our understanding that it would be financed outside normal peace-keeping assessment procedures, and we so informed our Congress and our public. In the British, French and Dutch proposal annexed to the Secretary-General's letter of 9 June, we learned that our allies sought payment through normal peace-keeping assessments. We have been struggling with that request ever since. Although we are voting in favour of this draft resolution today, we want to make it very clear that we are not endorsing that passage in the annex to the Secretary-General's letter of 9 June that proposes payment through normal United Nations peace-keeping assessments. There are other methods to finance a force of this kind.”
1995-06-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3543 (1995) · source
“The primary reason is UNPROFOR, which is the largest and most complex peace-keeping force the United Nations has ever mounted. Its size and expense affects the United Nations ability to budget for its other peace-keeping operations. Furthermore, the normal peace-keeping assessment regime, created for a very different set of circumstances, may no longer be adequate to the task of supporting UNPROFOR. To rationalize the entire process, my Government believes that we must re-examine urgently the way in which UNPROFOR is funded. Indeed, nothing in this draft resolution precludes consideration by the Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions and the Fifth Committee of a voluntary payment mechanism for the rapid reaction force.”
1995-06-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3543 (1995) · source
“My Government supports establishment of the rapid reaction force, but we cannot do so honestly without confronting squarely the substantial funding implications that such a decision entails. My Government requested a modification to the draft resolution because we strongly believe that the costs of the rapid reaction force should not be financed through the assessment process. We vote in favour of this draft resolution on the clear understanding that by doing so we are not incurring any direct financial obligation. To put the matter simply, in a time of serious budgetary cutbacks we are not now prepared to pay the lion's share of the cost of expanding this Force. As Members of the Council know, the issue of financing United Nations peace-keeping operations on a satisfactory and timely basis is troublesome.”
1995-06-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3543 (1995) · source
“But despite interference, and despite the unsatisfactory nature of the current situation, my Government still believes that the continued presence of UNPROFOR provides the best opportunity to keep this conflict from spreading and the best chance for avoiding further destruction and civilian deaths. I have spoken of the responsibility of the parties, in the plural, but I am not speaking here of moral equivalence. The Bosnian Serbs are the party that has taken United Nations personnel hostage in gross violation of international law. It is the Bosnian Serbs who have committed the greatest violence against non-military targets. It is the Bosnian Serbs who have been guilty most frequently of obstructing the delivery of humanitarian supplies. And it is the Bosnian Serbs who have consistently rejected the Contact Group plan.”
1995-06-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3543 (1995) · source
“The brave men and women of UNPROFOR and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) are performing difficult humanitarian tasks amidst great danger; they are striving to keep alive the possibility of a negotiated end to this conflict without further bloodshed; they deserve protection. We are supporting the deployment of a rapid-reaction force for the purpose of providing that protection and to make UNPROFOR better able to carry out its mandate on behalf of the international community and the Bosnian people. We have no illusions about the difficulties UNPROFOR faces, even as its defensive capabilities are enhanced. The responsibility for allowing UNPROFOR to operate safely and effectively falls squarely on those parties who would interfere with its operations.”
1995-06-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3543 (1995) · source
“The United States supports the establishment of a rapid-reaction force within the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR), and we will materially support its deployment and its operations. UNPROFOR must be able to defend itself if it is to implement its mandate in full. It is vital that UNPROFOR remain, and be effective, in Bosnia. As the events of recent weeks have demonstrated so vividly, UN PROFOR is vulnerable, and, as a consequence, its mission is vulnerable. We were outraged at the seizure of hostages, and we call for the unconditional release of those still being held. We are determined to take steps to prevent such incidents of illegality and obstruction from happening again.”
1995-06-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3543 (1995) · source
“Finally, as a member of the Security Council, Rwanda has an important responsibility to promote the inviolability of international law around the world. We welcome the Government of Rwanda's cooperation and expect it to meet its obligations under this mandate as we work together towards building peace and stability for all the people of the region.”
1995-06-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3542 (1995) · source
“Justice is an essential element of reconciliation; we are all in full agreement with the Rwandan Government in this regard. To carry out their duties, the investigators, prosecutors and judges of the International Tribunal require impartial international military protection. We express our gratitude to the Special Representative, Ambassador Khan, for his effective work and to the personnel of UNAMIR for their tireless efforts. My Government also believes that UNAMIR can address only part of the challenge that faces Rwanda. We are acutely aware that development assistance is required to achieve stability. As the Ambassador of Rwanda has stated, doctors, agronomists and development experts must work alongside the peace-keepers to achieve our shared goals for Rwanda.”
1995-06-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3542 (1995) · source
“We are all aware of reports that bases and camps separate from those under the supervision of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, are being used for military training, recruitment and incursions into Rwanda. This is a danger that we must address. That is why the resolution also asks the Secretary-General to work with the Government of Rwanda and other Governments in the region to investigate and curb the flow of arms to those who seek to destabilize Rwanda. My Government is particularly pleased that, under this mandate, UNAMIR will contribute to the security of the personnel of the International Tribunal. The Tribunal's success is crucial for the future of Rwanda. Those who planned and led the genocide in 1994 must be brought to justice.”
1995-06-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3542 (1995) · source
“Our joint effort to achieve these goals remains a work in progress, one that can be accomplished only through unique cooperation between the international community and the Government of Rwanda. The United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) continues to have a critical role to play in this effort. One of its main functions will be to assist the Rwandan Government in its daunting tasks of readying the country for the voluntary and safe repatriation of refugees. The tens of thousands of refugees and displaced persons represent not only a human tragedy for those in the camps, but also contribute to the tensions in the region.”
1995-06-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3542 (1995) · source
“Let me begin by congratulating you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for this month and by saying that we look forward to working with you productively and closely. I should also like to thank Ambassador Merimee of France for the outstanding leadership he provided to us last month. The United States strongly supports Rwanda's efforts to become a peaceful, just and open society. Rwanda's tragic history cannot be undone, so our goal today is to open a new chapter for this troubled land - a chapter in which the Rwandan Government and the international community work together to reconcile former combatants, promote justice for the victims of genocide and set the Rwandan people on a path to a better future.”
1995-06-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3542 (1995) · source
“I am sorry that the representative of the Observer Mission of Palestine has so misinterpreted and misunderstood my statement in explanation of vote. I do not think that he actually heard what I said. I think it is very important for both parties to proceed with the peace process pursuant to their obligations under the Declaration of Principles, and I regret very much that he has misunderstood the position of the United States and the role of the Security Council.”
1995-05-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3538 (1995) · source
“In closing, let me appeal to each Government represented here, to States in the Middle East and to other interested Governments not to let this issue distract us from our shared commitment to assist the parties in their perilous, but still promising, journey towards peace.”
1995-05-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3538 (1995) · source
“Nor will we agree to any Council action that oversteps the Council's appropriate role as supporter of the negotiations aimed at achieving a lasting settlement to the conflicts that have for so long plagued the Middle East. My Government is aware of the importance of Jerusalem to many Governments, as was evident during this week's debate. Jerusalem is a special city. I urge other Governments that care deeply about Jerusalem to encourage the parties to move forward in the peace process so that they can begin discussion of permanent- status issues, including Jerusalem, next year.”
1995-05-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3538 (1995) · source
“We may pull out the chairs for those at the bargaining table, but we do not belong at the table ourselves. My Government's decision to vote against this resolution may have disappointed some, but it should not have surprised anyone. We have not voted against this resolution because we support Israel's decision on land expropriation: we do not. This vote is a result of our long- held and long-stated position regarding what we can and cannot support in this Council. As I made clear in my statement on 18 March 1994 with respect to Security Council resolution 904 (1994), my Government will not agree to a resolution that prejudges or prejudices the outcome of negotiations over such a sensitive issue as Jerusalem.”
1995-05-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3538 (1995) · source
“Instead, this Council should be encouraging the parties and not acting in a way that is detrimental to the process. The international community has an important role to play in supporting the efforts of the parties to the Middle East process in their quest for reconciliation and what President Clinton has referred to as the quiet miracle of a normal life. The events of recent years indicate that the parties derive confidence from the willingness of governments around the world to encourage them in their efforts and to stand by them when incidents of destructive and violent resistance to those efforts have occurred. But to be effective, the support of the international community must also be discreet, maintaining a certain distance from the details of the negotiations.”
1995-05-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3538 (1995) · source
“But for the parties, the stakes include issues that no one but the parties can resolve. Undoubtedly, events will occur that appear to represent setbacks in the path towards full agreement and reconciliation. Given the history and complexity of the issues, that is inevitable. But we must have the discipline to maintain our support for this process, despite the setbacks and despite differences of perspective on particular actions or events. The United States has expressed the view that the Israeli notice to expropriate land in Jerusalem is unhelpful. Clearly, this Israeli decision does not move the peace process in the right direction. But by injecting the Council into this issue, this resolution would merely compound the problem.”
1995-05-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3538 (1995) · source
“It is necessary and appropriate that we continue to do so. However, passage of this resolution would have had the Council intrude upon the agreed political process set out in the Declaration of Principles. That could yield no positive result. The commitment of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization to achieve peace and reconciliation has changed, dramatically, the face of the Middle East. Palestinians and Israelis now meet on a regular basis. Practical problems are being addressed. Fears and suspicions are being confronted. The parties are actively engaged in negotiations to implement the second stage of the Declaration of Principles. Progress towards a wider regional peace agreement has been made. There is much at stake for all of us in the successful outcome of this process.”
1995-05-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3538 (1995) · source
“That progress has occurred despite the resistance of terrorists and rejectionists, and notwithstanding still deep sensitivities about issues upon which final agreement has not yet been reached. The Declaration of Principles, signed on 13 September 1993 by the Palestine Liberation Organization and the Government of Israel, lists several issues, including Jerusalem, as permanent-status issues to be covered by the parties at a later time specified in the Declaration. That agreement reflects the pragmatic View of the parties that there is a logical sequence for dealing with the issues which would involve covering the most sensitive ones at a later stage of the negotiations. This Council, the General Assembly and Member States separately have expressed strong support for the Middle East peace process and for the Declaration of Principles.”
1995-05-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3538 (1995) · source
“But a consensus was, unfortunately, not possible because others were not prepared to adhere to the negotiating process which we believe is central to continued progress towards peace in the Middle East. This council is not able - and should not seek - to try to resolve sensitive issues in the Middle East peace process: that is for the parties, who must live with the outcome of these negotiations. Let us be clear. At this point, progress towards peace in the Middle East depends not on what the United Nations does, but on what the parties agree to. The heartening progress that has been made during the past two years is the result of decisions made by the parties, in recognition of the urgent desire of their own peoples to begin a new chapter in the history of their troubled region.”
1995-05-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3538 (1995) · source
“It has been five years since my Government has felt compelled to vote against a resolution under consideration by this Council. I have cast this veto today - reluctantly, but without hesitation - on an issue of principle for the United States. The principle is this: the only path to achieve a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in the Middle East is direct talks between the parties. My Government was compelled to oppose this resolution because the Council sought to declare itself on a permanent-status issue - Jerusalem - and thus violated this principle. These issues must be resolved by the parties, with the support of the international community, but without its interference. The United States has consulted at length with other Council members on the issues raised by this resolution.”
1995-05-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3538 (1995) · source
“We hope that, in the months ahead, the Croat and Serb communities in Western Slavonia will re-establish the bonds of friendship and mutual respect that existed before the conflict began.”
1995-05-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3537 (1995) · source
“We look forward to these and other actions by the parties that will enable the United Nations Confidence Restoration Operation in Croatia (UNCRO) to carry out its mandate in full and that will create the conditions for a resumption of progress towards the political resolution of this conflict that was inexcusably interrupted by recent actions of both parties. We continue to believe that the only viable solution to the conflict in the Republic of Croatia is a negotiated settlement that will lead to the peaceful reintegration of the other three sectors into Croatia. That process will be immeasurably helped by Croatian Government actions that will show the Croatian Serbs that they have nothing to fear from reintegration.”
1995-05-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3537 (1995) · source
“This resolution appropriately focuses on the future - on the Council's expectations of the Government of Croatia and the local Serb authorities. It acknowledges that the Government of Croatia has taken important steps in the signing of a status-of-forces agreement and in withdrawing a notable portion of its troops from the zones of separation. We understand that completion of this withdrawal is at hand. The Serb forces for their part must withdraw and must not occupy positions from which Croatian Government forces have withdrawn.”
1995-05-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3537 (1995) · source
“My Government appreciates the sacrifices they have made and the good they do. We are also prepared to support measures that would enhance the ability of those forces to defend themselves and to carry out their mandate with greater effect. In closing, let me say that the United States insisted that a message be sent by today's action. The message is clear: when it comes to sanctions relief, this Council must remain vigilant to ensure that Belgrade is vigilant in delivering on its promises. Our few successes in Bosnia have come from our firmness and resolve, not from a willingness to give Belgrade the benefit of the doubt.”
1995-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3522 (1995) · source
“Nevertheless, we must be hard- headed, patient and persistent in keeping up the pressure on the Pale Serbs. Similarly, the authorities in Belgrade should understand that suspension of additional sanctions will depend on their willingness to take further steps towards peace, most notably by recognizing the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina within their internationally recognized borders. Let me also say a word about the performance of the United Nations peace-keeping forces in these tragic conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. Members of the Security Council must keep in mind that our credibility, and that of this Organization, depends on our willingness to respond to provocations. The United Nations forces on the ground have faced continuous challenges, now perhaps more difficult than ever.”
1995-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3522 (1995) · source
“We urge the ICFY monitoring Mission, the Co-Chairmen of the ICFY Steering Committee and the Secretary-General to implement fully paragraphs 13 and 15 of this resolution. It is up to them to make sure that the Council's decisions are more than words on pieces of paper. We need also to remind ourselves that the border closure is not an end in itself. Our objective remains what it has always been: to persuade the Pale Serbs that their interests, and the interests of the people who suffer under their misguided leadership, are not served by continuing intransigence. The border closure has had some effect on the Pale Serbs, but its political goal, Pale's acceptance of the Contact Group plan and map, seems as remote today as it did six months ago.”
1995-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3522 (1995) · source
“This Council must be prepared to take steps to bolster enforcement and signal to the Serb authorities that we expect them to live up to what they claim is a shared objective - absolute closure of the border, except for those instances and items which the Council has explicitly exempted. The resolution we have just voted on is straightforward. Belgrade must close the land and air border with Bosnia and not seek to circumvent the closure of that border by illegally shipping goods through Serb-controlled parts of Croatia. The United States was prepared to block adoption of this resolution if these steps to tighten the border closure were not included. During the 75-day period leading up to 5 July we will watch closely to see if Belgrade improves compliance with its commitment to close the border.”
1995-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3522 (1995) · source
“The United States believes that Belgrade has not done enough to comply with its commitment to isolate the Bosnian Serbs. That is why we could not have supported a resolution that represented "business as usual". For the past 200 days, as now, we have supported and encouraged the excellent work of the ICFY Mission and have contributed to strengthening its capabilities. If we are to ensure that the closure of the border is as comprehensive as President Milosevic said it would be, we have no stronger instrument than a fully staffed and fully funded ICFY Mission. We therefore strongly encourage all Member States to increase their support for this important Mission. The resolution we have just adopted is designed to acknowledge progress, but even more important, it is intended to close remaining loopholes.”
1995-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3522 (1995) · source
“I recall the cautious optimism that went into our initial decision to ease sanctions in response to Serbian President Milosevic's announced willingness to close his borders with the Serb-controlled areas of Bosnia. I recall, too, the greater realism that characterized our work in January, when we acknowledged progress made and worked to remedy weaknesses in the border closure regime. In these exercises, and in the monthly reviews of the situation, my Government has welcomed successes, but we have also been frank about shortcomings in implementation. My Government has made our concerns known to other members of this Council, to the authorities in Belgrade and to the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia (ICFY) monitoring Mission.”
1995-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3522 (1995) · source
“Few of the countries represented here have not, at one time or another, been its victims. The tragedy should reinforce our common determination to forge a world where those who obey the law are secure and those who commit outrages against it are brought to heel. We deeply appreciate the offers of assistance from other Governments. At this time, our officials in Oklahoma believe that they do have sufficient resources. However, if a need arises, we will be in contact with the Governments concerned. On behalf of the people of the United States, I thank all members for this demonstration of concern for the victims of this crime. On behalf of us all, I urge renewed commitment to the rule of law and civility in human affairs.”
1995-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3522 (1995) · source
“Let me say, Mr. President, on behalf of my Government, that we are delighted that you are chairing this very important meeting, and, on my own behalf, that it is a very great pleasure to see a very good personal friend in the Chair. I also would like to thank, on behalf of my Government, the members of the Council for their statements of condolence and support today, and specifically the very personal reflections of Ambassador Sacirbey. As President Clinton has said, the United States is determined that the perpetrators of the outrageous and cowardly attack in Oklahoma City shall be brought to justice. Our thoughts and prayers are with the victims and their families. Although we do not know the motives of those who committed this heinous crime, we do know that it bore the senseless, brutal and indiscriminate stamp of terrorism.”
1995-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3522 (1995) · source
“Finally, this resolution reminds us of the valour of the thousands of men and women, of many nationalities, who are now serving the cause of international security as United Nations peace-keepers around the globe. Their tasks are difficult, perilous and, too often, thankless. They deserve the world's admiration and this Council's full support.”
1995-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3521 (1995) · source