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Churkin

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2006-05-16
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2017-02-02
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  1. Mr. Churkin (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Some colleagues today have achieved high levels of rhetoric. I must mention that the Ukrainian colleague nevertheless went far beyond anything permissible. Ifone is to speak ofblood, indeed the blood is not on our hands but on the hands of his friends the nationalist radicals - the blood of those Ukrainians who were shot by snipers on days in February of this year - whose ideological fathers he defended not very long ago in the halls of the United Nations, stating that Nazi Ukranian henchmen did not kill anyone and that those were falsehoods made up by the Soviet Union. With regard to other statements, I must note that something has caught my attention.

    2014-03-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7138 (2014) · source

  2. After the fall of the Soviet Union, for more than 20 years Crimea attempted to exercise its right to self-determination. In January 1991, a referendum was conducted in Crimea, resulting in the adoption of a law in Ukraine regarding the establishment of autonomous Crimea. In September 1991, the High Council of Crimea adopted a declaration on State sovereignty. In 1992, the constitution of Crimea was adopted, declaring Crimea an independent state within Ukraine. However, in 1995, through a decision of the Ukrainian authorities and the President of Ukraine, the constitution was annulled, without the agreement of the Crimean people. We set out a number of other arguments in favour of the legality of the Crimean referendum at the Council meeting on 13 March (see S/PV.7134).

    2014-03-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7138 (2014) · source

  3. It should also be noted that generally agreed principles of international law are closely interlinked and that each should be considered in the light of the others, the relevant political context and historic specificities. The political, legal and historic backdrop of the events of today in Ukraine is extremely complicated. In that context, it is useful to recall that up until 1954, Crimea formed part of the Russian Federation. It was given to Ukraine in violation of the norms of that time under Soviet law and without taking into account the views of the people of Crimea, who nevertheless remained within a single State - the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. When the Soviet Union fell, Crimea automatically became part of Ukraine. The View of the people of Crimea was once again ignored.

    2014-03-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7138 (2014) · source

  4. It is also understandable that the enjoyment of the right to self-determination involving separation from an existing State is an extraordinary measure, applied when further coexistence within a single State becomes impossible. Moreover, as practice has demonstrated, in the majority of cases, the realization ofpeoples' right to self-determination is achieved without the agreement of the central authorities of the State. With respect to Crimea, that case resulted from a legal vacuum generated by an unconstitutional armed coup d'etat carried out in Kyiv by radical nationalists in February, as well as by their direct threats to impose their order throughout Ukraine.

    2014-03-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7138 (2014) · source

  5. The philosophy of the sponsors of the draft resolution runs counter to one of basic principles of international law, the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, enshrined in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations. That principle is confirmed in the 1970 Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, and in a number of other decisions of the General Assembly, as well as the Helsinki Final Act of 1975. We do not dispute the principle of the territorial integrity of States. It is indeed very important.

    2014-03-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7138 (2014) · source

  6. Mr. Churkin (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Many times, we have put forth in this Chamber the essence of the Russian position regarding the cause and development of the internal crisis in Ukraine. That general context is important to understanding our view of the draft resolution submitted by the United States (S/2014/189) for the Council's vote today. It is a secret to no one that the Russian Federation will vote against the draft resolution. We cannot go along with its basic assumption, which is to declare illegal the planned referendum of 16 March whereby the people of the Crimean republic will themselves determine their future.

    2014-03-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7138 (2014) · source

  7. Let us see how the people of Crimea view that position during the upcoming referendum. Finally, some who have spoken in the Council referred to the actions of the Russian Black Sea Fleet in Crimea. We consider those references to be incorrect. The Russian Black Sea Fleet is in no way interfering in the situation leading up to the referendum, which has been proclaimed and organized by the Crimeans themselves.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  8. In February 1976, he requested that an emergency meeting ofthe Security Council be convened (see S/PV.1888). France's actions were characterized as naked aggression and an encroachment on the national unity of the Comorian State. He noted that under French law in force before the independence of the Comoros islands, the island of Mayotte was an inalienable part of Comorian territory. He also underscored the fact that the Comoros was accepted as a State Member at the United Nations as a State composed of four islands. It was all to no avail. Draft resolution S/11967 in support of the Comorian position was vetoed by France. The Declaration of Independence of the United States refers to a situation in which it had become necessary for a people to dissolve the political ties connecting it to another people.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  9. The legal and historical contexts, as well as the results of all those votes, are all quite different, but the fact remains that the inhabitants of those territories were or will be given the opportunity to express their free will. Why should the people of Crimea be an exception? There are other interesting precedents. The Comoros declared their independence from France in 1975 and were accepted as a State Member of the United Nations consisting of four islands. However, in February 1976 France organized for the residents of one of those islands - Mayotte island - a referendum to determine whether they wanted to remain part of France or to be part of the new State of the Comoros. By a small majority, they voted against independence from France. The Head of State of the Comoros tried to keep that from happening.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  10. A number of countries that have spoken out against the expression of the popular will of the Crimean people rushed to recognize the independence of Kosovo, which was declared without a referendum by a simple decision of Parliament, despite the protests of Belgrade and the fact that the declaration of independence took place against the backdrop of an illegal military operation by NATO countries in a situation in which the majority of the Serbian population was forced to leave the province. I shall not even speaking about resolution 1244 (1999), which retains all its validity in establishing an international protectorate over Kosovo. It is well known that the concept of a referendum is not new. Referendums have been or will be held in Puerto Rico, Gibraltar, the Falkland Islands, Catalonia and Scotland.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  11. It is clear that the achievement of the right to self-determination in the form of separation from an existing State is an extraordinary measure. However, in the case of Crimea, it obviously arose as a result of the legal vacuum created by the violent coup against the legitimate Government carried out by nationalist radicals in Kyiv, as well as by their direct threats to impose their order throughout the territory of Ukraine.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  12. A great deal has been said in the Council today, often with considerable passion, with regard to the situation in Crimea and the decision of the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic to hold a referendum on to decide on annexation by Russia or on broader autonomous status within Ukraine. Some dispute the legitimacy of such a referendum. However, what is unacceptable is the manipulation of individual principles and norms of international law, arbitrarily wresting them from the general context not only of international law itself, but in particular of concrete political situations and historical specificities. In each particular case, one must seek the right balance between the principles of territorial integrity and the right to self-determination.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  13. First of all, they got rid of a law on languages that afforded official status to the Russian language, and then they eliminated the Russian-language versions of Government websites. Instead of engaging in dialogue, Kyiv sends its political commissars to the eastern region. Those who dissent are arrested, as happened with a popular governor of the Donetsk region who stated that he intended to participate in the presidential elections, and with former Governor Dobkin of the Kharkiv oblast. The fract is, the Kyiv authorities themselves are splitting their country in two.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  14. Where are those European values now? Are the new authorities in Ukraine sticking to them? The real bulwark of those new forces is an even more radical organization, the so-called Right Sector, whose leader has made his presidential ambitions clear. The radicals have not laid down their weapons, as required by the agreement of 21 February. Moreover, they are restocking their arsenals with weapons seized from military depots. The new authorities have done nothing to organize a national dialogue to promote genuine constitutional reform, as stipulated in the agreement of 21 February. They have done their best, however, to antagonize the eastern and south-eastern regions of Ukraine.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  15. Those present in this Chamber know full well that the violent overthrow of an authority is illegal. Such actions have been repeatedly condemned, including in documents adopted by the Security Council. Instead of the Government of national unity provided for pursuant to the agreement of 21 February, a Government of the victors was established in Kyiv, as acknowledged by Mr. Yatsenyuk. A number of key positions, including that of Minister of Defence, went to representatives of the radical nationalist Freedom Party. In the resolution adopted in December 2012, the European Parliament characterized the views of that party as anti-Russian, anti-Semitic, xenophobic, and counter to the fundamental values of the European Union. It called on all pro-democracy parties in the Rada not to form coalitions with that party.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  16. Why not seize not only the opportunity provided by offers from the European Union and the United States, but also by readiness of the Russian Federation to help with credits and lower fuel prices to begin to stabilize the economic situation? Finally, why not seize the opportunity of the agreement of 21 February to end the stand-off, re-establish the normal political process, and cement the economic and political integrity of the country? Could it be that the forces seeking power and authority were not interested in democracy, but in a dictatorship, when they threatened all those who differed with them, including members of the Rada? As a result, the legitimate legal President was overthrown and forced to leave Kyiv under the threat of physical violence.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  17. Why did the Speaker of the Parliament of Lithuania, in a speech to the Maidan, call for continued anti-governmental actions? Why were there Ministers for Foreign Affairs and other high-level civil servants and representatives of some Western States among the demonstrators? Why was there such blatant interference in the domestic affairs of a State, in blatant disregard for its sovereignty? However the activities of Victor Yanukovych during that period may be judged, no one in this Chamber can claim that he did not seek a possible compromise with the opposition. The post of Prime Minister was offered to Mr. Yatsenyuk. Why did he not seize that opportunity to prevent the country from falling into economic disaster?

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  18. Are the seizure of administrative buildings and political party headquarters, and the killing and torturing of those arrested there - for example, in the torture chambers set up in the trade unions building - consistent with democracy? The acts ofviolence that took place in Kyiv clearly require careful international investigation. The picture painted by Kyiv and Western propaganda completely contradicts those reports, which show that the same people fired on positions held by the law-enforcement agencies and by the demonstrators. There were also recent reports that they also fired on the headquarters of the so-called Commandant of the Maidan who now leads Ukraine's National Security Council. Why have the representatives of Western countries fuelled the enmity and unrest?

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  19. Having refused to engage in trilateral negotiations on the economic problems of Ukraine, under the European Union-Ukraine-Russia format, Brussels and, for some reason, Washington, DC, started to demand, almost in the form of an ultimatum, that Kyiv sign the association agreement, which had significant economic consequences for Ukraine. They appealed not only to the Government but also to the street. Of course, the people of Ukraine have the right to peaceful political protests, but why turn the Maidan into a militarized camp? Why send columns of militants, well-trained and well-equipped by someone, into the centre of Kyiv? Why provoke the representatives of law-enforcement agencies by pelting them with paving stones and Molotov cocktails, using bulldozers as weapons of street terror?

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  20. For them, it seems to be a game; for us, it is an issue of lives and the fundamental norms of international law. If we are to understand how to normalize the situation, we need to objectively analyse the root causes of the current crisis. We have already said in this Chamber that there were no objective grounds for Ukraine's deteriorating situation over the past few months. All that was at stake was the need for President Yanukovych and his Government to adopt a decision on whether it was beneficial to Ukraine to sign the association agreement with the European Union that was proposed by Brussels. The reaction to Kyiv's decision to refrain from that for now while still maintaining a so-called European future outlook was totally unfounded. The escalation was provoked both by forces in Ukraine and by Western sympathizers with that country.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  21. Mr. Churkin (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): I shall respond directly to the direct question put to me by Mr. Yatsenyuk. The Russians do not want war, and I am sure that the Ukrainians do not want it either. Furthermore - and this is something that I want to underscore in particular - we see no grounds for viewing the situation in such terms. We do not want any further exacerbation of the situation. Russia did not provoke the spiral of destabilizing violence that has determined developments in Ukraine in recebt months. Some colleagues who spoke here before me today painted an almost idyllic picture of the situation in Ukraine. They claimed that if it had not been for Russia, everyone in Ukraine would live long and happy lives. Some others simply tried to claim a role in the crisis.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  22. We are not sitting with the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). I cannot talk about the OSCE. We are not talking about the OSCE. It has its own functions. We supported Mr. Eliasson's mission to Ukraine. As for an OSCE mission, that has to be discussed. I support what Mr. Sergeyev said early to the effect that there is too much disinformation and too many statements, particularly those that are not rooted in reality. Much of what Sir Mark Lyall Grant said about what is going on in Crimea is just not in line with reality.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  23. They have now taken over Government authority in Kyiv and are sending people to east and southern Ukraine and to the territory of Crimea.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  24. Mr. Churkin (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Perhaps I should not comment on such trivial things, but the statement made by my colleague Ms. Power made it sound as if we oppose something that we do not oppose. We are not excluding the role of some international bodies, but I explained why that approach might not be enough. More importantly, I would like to ask my French colleague not to engage in hyperbole. We do not need hyperbole. Furthermore, I did not say that the majority of those who protested in the streets of Kyiv were radical nationalists. I did not say that. The minority of them may have been, but the problem is that they were the ones who not nly called the tune but also played along with the band.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  25. They have been constantly changing the laws in Ukraine for the past 15 years, which may be the reason for the political turmoil. There should be a process between the different regions and political forces. The Party of Regions has been scared off, and so they think it no longer exists. But it exists. It has huge support in the western part of the country, which is Ukraine's main industrial centre. That is what we are talking about. That is what should be done, in addition to giving up force as a way of solving problems.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  26. On a more practical matter, one of my colleagues said that we cannot talk about the agreement of 21 February because Yanukovych left. Well, so what? The point is that our task is not to return Yanukovych to power. Is it not understood that Yanukovych will never return to power, that he will never go back to his residence in Kyiv and never rule the State - although we continue to consider him the legitimate President of Ukraine at present, for the reasons I have stated. The point is that this is not a matter of Yanukovych or no Yanukovych. The point is that democratic parameters for resolving the crisis in Ukraine are set out in the agreement. This is not about returning to one law out of the blue; there should be constitutional reform.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  27. However, in order to avert something we all want to prevent, it is essential to bring home to those who happen to be in power in Kyiv and who control the situation in vast areas of Ukraine, as well as those who support them and influence them, that there should be no continuation of a policy of faits accompli and the seizure of power by force. We talked about defensive language rights. Yes, a lot of work will have to be done there, with the possible participation of international agencies. But let us understand one thing now: we must all refrain from making any plans for, or falling back on the habit of, violently imposing authority or a philosophy, culture or world view on other people. That is undemocratic and could have very dangerous consequences in Ukraine.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  28. Also, it will take months to make the preparations for such a mission, so who knows what could happen there in the meantime? Another very important point that I want to address is the following. We called this meeting it. No one should think that we called it to provide a fuller picture of what is really happening from our view point. The two previous meetings were somewhat spontaneous, it is true. I would like to repeat that a decision by our President, which was authorized by the Federation Council, to deploy Russian armed forces on the territory of Ukraine has not yet been taken. And the fact that we are holding this meeting does not mean that such a decision will be taken in the near future.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  29. That was 1,000 people, and there was no threat to those citizens from Grenada. We have millions living there. They have concerns. Our colleagues have referred to international institutions - the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the United Nations. Granted, those institutions might be used. We do not deny that. But those of us working at the United Nations understand very well what international institutions are like. In Kosovo there were not just institutions, but deployed NATO forces. What did they do in 2004 to stop the repression and attacks that took place there, which forced many thousands of Serbs to leave the area? Nothing was done. Some here have called for an OSCE observer mission to be sent to Ukraine. Do they know what nationalist radicals think of such a mission? They will not even hear of it.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  30. Let us recall how their leaders aligned with Bandera and Shukhevych, who fought under Hitler's banner against the Soviet Union's Red Army component of the anti-Hitler coalition. Those who share their ideology are unfortunately very close to the Ukranian authorities; in fact, they carry them on their shoulders. Can one therefore not find it justifiable or imaginable that people living there would have concerns - millions ofpeople, with 1.5 million of them in Crimea. The key issue here is, does anyone really think that Russia could allow a repeat of what happened there in central and eastern Ukraine, where millions of Russians live? I would recall that, years ago, the United States took over Grenada. President Reagan said that they were defending American citizens who resided there.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  31. Attempts to take over administrative buildings in almost all cities in eastern and southern Ukraine were not made up. An armed group invaded and tried to remove the Government and to set up its own undemocratic and illegitimate authority. I shall now turn to one of the key points I would like to highlight. It is not only we who are concerned. It is not important that we hold such concern. This concern is shared naturally by people living in southern and eastern Ukraine. I now return to a point on which Ambassador Sergeyev knows I am right. As I have already mentioned, unfortunately the right-wing forces in Ukraine are very strong. They cannot stand Russian citizens or ethnic Russians.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  32. From the reports of the American Ambassador and our own information, I am sure that our media, like that of many other countries, has portrayed events quite differently. What about the wave of violence that swept through western and central Ukraine? What about the armed attacks against administrative buildings? What about the municipal leaders who were dragged from their offices, tied to pillars and mocked? Was that democracy? Is that a normal political process? Would we see someone dragged out like that in Chicago or in Bordeaux, for example? I do not think so. I do not think we would deem such actions admissible in any democratic country. What, then, are we to make of the events in Kyiv? Was that merely a made-up concern?

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  33. Perhaps our Ukrainian colleague views this as excessive, but I fully agree with the authorities of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea. I was also surprised to hear Ambassador Power state that all of these concerns are fabricated. That claim truly surprises me. I have the impression that Ms. Power is taking her information from United States television. Well, if she gets all her information from United States television alone, then of course everything in Ukraine must seem just wonderful. The wave of democracy there was interrupted only when the bad guy Yanukovych ran away. There was an attempt to take over the Kyiv Pechorska Lavra, which is as dear to me as it is to Ambassador Sergeyev - perhaps even more. I am not from Ukraine; I am from Russia.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  34. There are also a number of self-defence militias, which were created when the Crimean people were afraid that force would be used due to the movement of armed contingents from Kyiv. These people were armed and promised to look for their so-called friends there - that is, militants to restore the appropriate Government. Then there is the presence of the Black Sea fleet. The numbers are interesting. The Ukrainian representative said that there are some 16,000 military personnel ofthe Russian Black Sea fleet, but under our agreement up to 25,000 Russian troops can be stationed there. They are there to protect sites and prevent extremists from taking actions that could harm civilians or endanger their lives and health.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  35. That is not respect for the Constitution. The situation in Crimea is very complex. The Autonomous Republic of Crimea enjoys special status. There was concern that the violent actions in Kyiv would lead to a similar violent capture of the Administration there. Someone came to power in Crimea and took vigorous actions. He subordinated himself to all power structures. Some wish to make it seem that there are only Russian armed forces in Crimea, but there are also the Ukrainian armed forces who have sworn allegiance to the new authorities in the Autonomous Republic of the Crimea - for example, the Commander of the Ukrainian Fleet, which is also based there; he too has sworn allegiance to the new authorities.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  36. My colleague from the United States said that there is a need to respect the Constitution of Ukraine. We believe that that is indeed important. I am trying to imagine what would happen if, while President Obama was in California, Mitt Romney turned up at the White House and the United States Congress, in one House of which there is currently a Republic majority, all of a sudden voted to impeach President Obama. How would United States public opinion react to that? Would that be a manifestation of democracy? That is exactly what happened in Ukraine. Why did Mr. Yanukovich leave? He was scared into leaving Kyiv for Kharkiv. He was intimidated into signing the agreement of 21 February. He was threatened that the presidential residence would be stormed if the premises were not vacated by 10 a.m.. That is not democracy.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  37. Why have my colleagues decided that what we have in Ukraine now is democratic governance? As Ambassador Sergeyev noted, we can all recall what happened in 1917, when a democratic revolution was followed by dictatorship. We remember that all too well. We have the feeling that, in essence, the Kyiv Government comprises nationalist radicals. They could be replaced by others who might be more presentable to the West, but what motivates them are their backers - the ones who brought them to power. Let us not be fooled into believing that any change of Government, especially if it is violent, leads to democracy. Some of our western colleagues seem to think that this is the case. We would like to see the process under way in Ukraine lead to the establishment of genuine democracy in that country.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  38. Yanukovych's actions as President. But let us be honest about one thing - somewhere along the way, perhaps after the break-up of the demonstrations that was mentioned, laws were adopted under Yanukovych. These laws were repeatedly criticized, although such laws exist in many other countries. There was even a point at which one could not cross the road during a demonstration. Such measures have been taken in many countries. Under French law, in 2009 if I am not mistaken, it was forbidden to wear a mask on the street during a peaceful political demonstration. There may be some other currents at play, but it seems that many elements under discussion also exist in normal democratic countries. That is not the important issue; it is a matter of principle at play here.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  39. First, the statements made by my Ukrainian, French and British colleagues, ifI remember correctly, included the claim that Russia is seeking to exert pressure on Ukrainian democracy. But can a forcible takeover be called democracy? What we are saying is that there must be a normal constitutional process that takes the interests of all regions and all people in Ukraine into account. Is that not democracy? We are calling for democracy, but others are trying to make it seem that what we are calling for is not democracy. Mr. Sergeyev brought up the very dramatic and tragic events of the past three months, for which we have expressed our great sympathy. There is no doubt about that. There should be no doubt about whether Russia understands that the basis of the political crisis is dissatisfaction on the part of the masses with Mr.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  40. Mr. Churkin (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): First of all, I would like to welcome my Ukrainian colleague, Mr. Sergeyev, with whom I have been working for quite some time here at the United Nations. I congratulate him on the fact that today he spoke not only in English and French, but also in Russian. It was the first speech that I can recall him delivering in Russian. I should like to tell him, better late than never! I hope we will hear other speeches from my Ukrainian colleague in Russian, although, as we heard, he is also very competent in English and French. In the course of the statements made by Mr. Sergeyev and other colleagues, I heard a number of strange and even surprising claims. I will make some comments on those.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  41. Such assistance is entirely legitimate under Russian law, given the extraordinary situation in Ukraine and the threat posed to Russian citizens, our compatriots, and the Black Sea fleet of the Russian Federation in Ukraine. The President of Russia therefore went before the Federation Council to request that the Russian armed forces be permitted to deploy in the territory of Ukraine until the civic and political situation there has been normalized. On 1 March, the Federation Council supported that appeal, which we hope will sideline the radicals. I repeat, the issue is one of defending our citizens and compatriots, as well as the most import human right - the right to life. Today, I am also authorized to say that the President of Russia has received the following request from

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  42. All of this has alarmed the authorities of eastern and southern Ukraine and the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, home to millions of Russians who do not wish to see such developments in their regions. In a situation of ongoing threats of violence by ultranationalists against the security, lives and legitimate interests of Russians and all Russian-speaking peoples, popular self-defence brigades have been established. They have already put down attempts to take over administrative buildings in Crimea by force and to funnel weapons and ammunition into the peninsula. We have information about the preparation of new provocations, including against the Russian Black Sea fleet in Ukraine. In such circumstances, the legitimately elected authorities of the Republic have asked the President of Russia to help them to restore calm in Crimea.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  43. They have removed the law authorities from the streets. The opposition has done nothing. They have not surrendered their illegal weapons. The civic buildings and streets of Kyiv have not been restored to order. The radicals continue to control the towns. Instead of the promised establishment of a Government of national unity, a so-called Government of victors has been formed. The Parliament of Ukraine took a decision limiting the language rights of minorities; they have disbanded the judges of the Constitutional Court and insisted on their criminal prosecution. Demands have been made to limit or criminalize the use of the Russian language, to ban undesirable political parties and to make examples of them. The victors wish to exploit the fruits of their victory to trample the rights and basic freedoms of the people.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  44. By disputing the unequivocally legal actions of the legitimate authorities, some of our partners have chosen to support anti-Government statements and encouraged participants to move to forceful aggression by capturing and setting fire to administrative buildings, attacking the police, stealing from warehouses, mocking regional officials and launching crude attacks against churches. The centre of Kyiv and many towns in western Ukraine have been overrun by armed national radicals chanting extremist anti-Russian and anti-Semitic slogans. On 21 February, almost three months after the onset of the unrest and excesses, an agreement was reached between the President of Ukraine and the opposition. It was signed by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Germany, France and Poland. The authorities have refused to declare a state of emergency.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  45. We are convinced that any internal crisis must be overcome through a dialogue held among all political forces and ethnic and denominational groups in a constititional framework and in accordance with international obligations, including most importantly those related to international humanitarian law, in defence of human rights and the rights of national minorities. We must decisively sideline those extremists seeking to take control of the situation through illegal methods, violence and open terror. We all know who unleashed the crisis in Ukraine.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  46. Mr. Churkin (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): The Russian Federation initiated the convening of today's meeting of the Security Council because events in our brotherly neighbour Ukraine raise deep concerns for us. The crisis provoked by the State coup in Kyiv as a result of the armed takeover by radical extremists continues to deteriorate and generate very serious threats to the future of that country. Today in Geneva our Minister for Foreign Affairs Lavrov spoke in detail about the situation in Ukraine.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  47. We need to go back to the agreement of 21 February and establish a national unity Government, and we need to put an end to attempts to converse with our ethnic or political opponents in the language of force. The international factors that are especially interested in the situation in Ukraine need to call the radicals to order. They must advise the Ukrainian opposition, or whoever happens to be in Kiev, to distance itself from the radicals and not allow them to lord it over Ukraine, as such actions could lead to very difficult developments, which is what the Russian Federation is trying to avoid.

    2014-03-01 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7124 (2014) · source

  48. I therefore draw the Council's attention to the fact that it says"on the territory of Ukraine" - not "against Ukraine", as my Ukrainian colleague said, but "on the territory of Ukraine until the civic and political situation in Ukraine can be normalized". In recent reports that I have received, including the statement issued by the press representative of the President of the Russian Federation, the President of the Russian Federation has not taken a decision on the use of armed forces on the territory of Ukraine. With regard to how to get out of this situation, I repeat, as Mr. Eliasson said quite correctly, that cooler heads must prevail and we must return to the political path in the constitutional framework.

    2014-03-01 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7124 (2014) · source

  49. "With respect to the extraordinary situation in Ukraine and threats against the lives of Russian citizens, our compatriots, and members of the military contingent of the armed forces of the Russian Federation deployed in conformity with international agreement on the territory of Ukraine, the Autonomous Republic of Crimea - in accordance with paragraph (g) of part I of article 102 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation - has requested the deployment of the armed forces of the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine until the civic and political situation in Ukraine can be normalized".

    2014-03-01 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7124 (2014) · source

  50. It is very irresponsible to stir up tensions in the Crimea, which is already very tense." In those conditions, Mr. Aksyonov, Prime Minister of Crimea, went to the President of Russia with a request for assistance to restore peace in Crimea. According to available information, the appeal was also supported by Mr. Yanukovych, whose removal from office, we believe, was illegal. As a result of that appeal, the President of Russia, in accordance with our constitutional procedures, sent to the Federation Council the following request.

    2014-03-01 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7124 (2014) · source