YouSaid · the spoken record

Jeremy Greenstock

lines on the record: 1,478
first: 1998-07-30
most recent: 2003-07-25
sittings or episodes: 194
sources: un-security-council

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“I shall give the short version of my speech and would ask delegations to report the distributed version. I warmly welcome this debate, inspired by our Canadian friends, and the Secretary-General's excellent and thought-provoking report. They could hardly be more timely. I cannot imagine a more accurate account of a typical situation the Council is called upon to deal with than the following passage in paragraph 8 of the Secretary-General' s report: "civilian casualties and the destruction of civilian infrastructure are not simply byproducts of war, but the consequence of the deliberate targeting of non-combatants. The violence is frequently perpetrated by non-state actors, including irregular forces and privately financed militias.”
1999-09-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4046 (1999) · source
“To assist the work of these expert panels, the United Kingdom is ready to contribute the sum of $300,000 to a trust fund, should it be required to fund the work of the expert panels. Finally, I have a couple of questions for Ambassador Fowler. First of all, after the establishment of the panels, what does he foresee as the next steps for the Council and the sanctions Committee to improve the enforcement of the sanctions regime, or are we only waiting for the results of the panels? Secondly, what plans does he have to undertake Visits to other States that have close involvement in the diamond trade?”
1999-07-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4027 (1999) · source
“We also agree that measures should be taken by the Government of Angola to create a more effective certificate-of-origin scheme than the one that exists at present, and we agree that sanctions-busting should become a criminal offence in all Member States in an effort to deter those who seek to profit at the expense of the helpless. Some of the remaining recommendations will, obviously, require further study by the expert panels established by resolution 1237 (1999) to investigate violations of sanctions against UNITA. The United Kingdom looks forward to the final report from these panels, which will form the basis for the Council's consideration of further measures against UNITA.”
1999-07-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4027 (1999) · source
“In particular, the United Kingdom can agree that there should be closer international coordination between regional organizations and the United Nations and that licensed foreign diamond purchasers should liaise with the Committee in devising practical measures to limit UNITA's access to the world diamond market. Here, we welcome the statement issued by the International Diamond Manufacturers Association on 5 July, which urges its members to refrain from purchasing any diamond from Angola without a certificate of origin. The cooperation of the diamond industry is essential if the revenue that UNITA enjoys from the sale of diamonds is to be reduced.”
1999-07-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4027 (1999) · source
“It is too common in Africa that political opposition is expressed only through armed force and we have to get international support together for legitimate Governments against rebellions and for democratic expression of political opposition. The subject of UNITA sanctions should lead us into a wider discussion of what we do overall in the continent of Africa to further the spread of democratic expression. The United Kingdom agrees with many of the recommendations identified in his reports to the Council by Chairman Fowler, as my United States colleague calls him - I think we perhaps need a bit of autocracy on this subject. Many of these recommendations can be implemented now and we urge the sanctions Committee and member States to do so immediately.”
1999-07-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4027 (1999) · source
“Thank you, Sir, for getting this meeting together. I share the warm appreciation of colleagues for the Angola sanctions Committee Chairman' s excellent briefing. I really think that we are right to be applauding the time, work and spirit that Ambassador Fowler and his team have put into this subject. It is not just right that the Council should be doing all it can to improve and tighten the implementation and enforcement of the sanctions it has imposed on UNITA. It is also part of the action that we should be taking as a council to support legitimate Governments in Africa - something, I think, we are going to have to spend an increasing amount of time on.”
1999-07-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4027 (1999) · source
“This "security first" approach should be applauded. For example, the demobilization of child soldiers in long-running civil wars may be possible even before a peace agreement is concluded. The United Kingdom is particularly pleased that you, Sir, are chairing our meeting on this subject today. Your presence is a clear signal of the importance which Malaysia attaches to this subject. We look forward to working closely with you, with your delegation and with other Council members on this issue in the future and we are glad to support the draft declaration which Malaysia has proposed to conclude this debate.”
1999-07-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4020 (1999) · source
“We have to find a way to ensure that former soldiers have a stake in building the peace and that their future is assured. My sixth point is that disarmament, demobilization and reintegration cannot be effective if new weapons are flowing into the target area. We must therefore ensure that arms exporting countries exercise responsibility in their small-arms transfers and we must combat the illicit trafficking of such weapons. But disarmament need not always take place in the context of a peace agreement and the deployment of a peacekeeping operation. The initiatives taken up, for instance, by the Governments of Albania and Mali, with the support of the United Nations Development Programme and the European Union, provide commendable examples of attempts to deal with surplus weapons in civilian possession.”
1999-07-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4020 (1999) · source
“Unless the State itself can provide security to its citizens, there will be no incentive for disarmament. This is why the United Kingdom has focused a significant proportion of its aid to Sierra Leone on contributing to the radical restructuring and training of the Sierra Leone armed forces. The third and equally important element of today's debate is reintegration. The United Nations has a lot of experience, both good and bad. In Mozambique, for instance, a long-term reintegration programme worked. My delegation looks forward to hearing from the representative of Mozambique in this debate about his country's experience in this regard. In Angola, the programme did not work. The fact that it did not work contributed to a much longer and costlier conflict in that country. In effect, reintegration meant returning to UNITA's ranks.”
1999-07-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4020 (1999) · source
“Child soldiers are often the last to disarm and the first to rearm. Often as much victim as perpetrator, the child soldier requires special attention and treatment. The emphasis must be on long-term reintegration. Fifthly, the security of collected weapons is important if they are to be placed under the control of legitimate military authorities. Otherwise, they must be destroyed as soon as possible. Those who surrender weapons must also be given a strong and credible guarantee of their security. The need for security is also tied into the need for disarmament, demobilization and reintegration to be set in the context of wider security sector reform, including the restructuring of armed forces and assistance to the civilian police force and judiciary.”
1999-07-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4020 (1999) · source
“Where possible, a disarmament, demobilization and reintegration plan should be written into a peace agreement with its provisions set out clearly. It is important that all parties understand what is on offer, including through public information campaigns. Secondly, effective international coordination is essential. The United Nations funds and programmes, the Bretton Woods institutions and multilateral and bilateral donors all have a role to play, but their efforts must be concerted. As a rule, the United Nations should provide the coordinating framework. Thirdly, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programmes must be well resourced to be effective and tailored to the specific circumstances of different societies, including existing norms of weapons possession. Fourthly, we must address the specific problem of child soldiers.”
1999-07-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4020 (1999) · source
“Half-measures do little to contribute to lasting peace. The possible peacekeeping operation in Sierra Leone will provide an early opportunity for the Council to translate today's debate into concrete action. How valuable it would be if we could, with that kind of experience in the field, thrash out a blueprint for action on future occasions, which would give us confidence that these things can work. In that spirit, I would like to touch on some elements that seem to the United Kingdom to be important in constructing an effective disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programme and many of these elements reflect the priorities spelled out to us just now by the Deputy Secretary-General. First, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration must be given a higher priority in peace agreements and be subject to careful planning.”
1999-07-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4020 (1999) · source
“The recommendations provided by the Secretary-General in his reports to the Security Council are clearly crucial in this respect. The Secretariat is right to flag disarmament, demobilization and reintegration requirements in peacekeeping operations. This must continue, in particular when making recommendations on a new or developing operation. For their part, the Security Council and the General Assembly must ensure that a United Nations peacekeeping operation has an appropriate mandate and sufficient budgetary and human resources for the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration tasks assigned to it. If an operation is to carry out disarmament or provide security at disarmament sites, its mandate must provide the appropriate authorization and the right force level, based on clear and practical advice from the Secretary-General.”
1999-07-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4020 (1999) · source
“The United Kingdom warmly welcomes Malaysia's initiative to hold an open debate on the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of ex-combatants in peacekeeping environments. Effective disarmament, demobilization and reintegration is crucial in building lasting peace and security in post-conflict societies. We are also grateful to the Department of Peacekeeping Operations for their non-paper, which provides a sound basis for today's discussion. We welcome the Department's plans for a manual setting out principles and guidelines for practical disarmament, demobilization and reintegration in a peacekeeping environment, and look forward to its publication. Today's debate will only be of value if it has a practical effect on the way in which the Council addresses conflict situations in the future.”
1999-07-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4020 (1999) · source
“We therefore welcome the resolution's emphasis on a comprehensive approach to the economic development and stabilization of the region. We are taking today the first step towards lasting peace in Kosovo. A vast amount of work remains to be done. But this resolution, and the shared resolve which it reflects, constitutes an essential contribution to the process. It brings the United Nations, and our Secretary- General, to the forefront of international action to give the Balkans a stable future in a modern Europe. It has the unqualified support of the United Kingdom.”
1999-06-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4011 (1999) · source
“To have come this far, to have secured Belgrade's acceptance of all our demands, has required a huge diplomatic effort. My Government pays tribute and expresses its gratitude to Mr. Chernomyrdin, President Ahtisaari and Mr. Talbott for their outstanding contribution. The positive engagement of the Russian Government, via its Special Representative and in the preparation of this resolution by Ministers of the Group of Eight, has been vital. Our common challenge is now to use the momentum towards peace generated by this settlement to move the whole region decisively away from the tension and ethnic conflict of the past and towards durable peace and prosperity. This is going to require a sustained international effort.”
1999-06-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4011 (1999) · source
“That is why NATO has made clear that it will be essential to have a unified NATO chain of command under the political direction of the North Atlantic Council in consultation with non-NATO force contributors. This force, with NATO at its core, will be commanded by a British general. The United Kingdom will provide the leading contribution of at least 13,000 troops. This resolution applies also in full to the Kosovo Albanians, requiring them to play their full part in the restoration of normal life to Kosovo and in the creation of democratic, self-governing institutions. The Kosovo Albanian people and its leadership must rise to the challenge of peace by accepting the obligations of the resolution, in particular to demilitarize the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and other armed groups.”
1999-06-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4011 (1999) · source
“Our job now is to help them home safely, to get their lives back to normal, and to help assure their future in the Balkans without further fear of persecution. This Chapter-VII resolution and its annexes clearly set out the key demands of the international community, which Belgrade must satisfy. The interpretation and conditions which the delegation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has attempted to propose have been rejected. The resolution also provides for the deployment of an international civil presence, led by the United Nations, for the continuing work of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and for an effective international security presence to re-establish a safe environment in Kosovo. This force must command the confidence of Kosovo Albanian refugees if they are to return home.”
1999-06-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4011 (1999) · source
“Milosevic's ethnic cleansing machine in its tracks. The authorities of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Serb Parliament have now accepted the principles and demands set out in the G-8 statement of 6 May and in the Chemomyrdin-Ahtisaari paper. What a cost to the people of Yugoslavia that Mr. Milosevic did not accept them at Rambouillet three months ago. Instead he tried the despicable route of murder, systematic rape, destruction of housing, displacement: he attempted to destroy the lives and the homeland of a whole people. In that he has been defeated. But this is not a victory - not for the families who have lost loved ones, not for those whose lives have been torn apart, and not for those whose homes have been destroyed.”
1999-06-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4011 (1999) · source
“The Government of Mr. Milosevic has taken a long time to come to a political agreement on Kosovo. Mr. Milosevic never showed any real interest, from 1989 onwards, in a status for Kosovo that met minimum international standards. He never showed any real interest in the negotiations in France this past winter. He was preparing something else for Kosovo. The world has witnessed the devastating effects. What a tragedy for the Serb people that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) allies had to act, after trying every other avenue, with force. The Yugoslav Charge d'Affaires said at this meeting that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia did not threaten anybody. Clearly, 1.8 million Kosovo Albanians fell below the category of "anybody" for the Yugoslav authorities. We have now stopped Mr.”
1999-06-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4011 (1999) · source
“We do not initiate aggressive action and if we react we target relevant military facilities only. The no-fly zones are necessary in order to limit Iraq's capacity to oppress its own people and in order to monitor its compliance with its obligations under Security Council resolution 688 (1991).”
1999-05-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4008 (1999) · source
“The discussions on the recommendations of the panel on the humanitarian side and this draft resolution together underline the Council's firm and united support for the humanitarian programme and its determination to improve the situation of the Iraqi people. We call on the Government of Iraq themselves to cooperate constructively in the implementation of this programme to ensure that the full potential of the programme to meet the needs of the Iraqi people is realized. That will make a greater immediate difference within the framework of the Council's decisions on this issue than any other single measure. Mention has been made of the activity in the no-fly zones. There is a simple way to reduce tension. Iraq should cease targeting coalition aircraft. The United Kingdom's operations are purely reactive.”
1999-05-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4008 (1999) · source
“This draft resolution in front of us reflects the Council's desire to continue the humanitarian programme, and the United Kingdom welcomes that. Discussions amongst members of the Council continue on the Council's broader approach to Iraq. We hope that these discussions will soon reach a comprehensive conclusion compatible with the Council's present resolutions, and we will work hard to that end. In addition to rolling over the programme for a further 180 days, this draft resolution indicates the Council's intention to keep the programme under review, including, if necessary, by adjusting the ceiling for Iraq's oil exports to fund the humanitarian programme.”
1999-05-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4008 (1999) · source
“The draft resolution before us illuminates what really matters: the ordinary people who are suffering so greatly in and around Kosovo, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and the people who are trying to look after them. The United Kingdom agrees with those who want to see an early end to the Kosovo crisis. That must come about in a way which enables the citizens of Kosovo who have been displaced from their homes and who have been put through unimaginable horrors to return in safety and long- term security. The Group of Eight proposals show how that can be done. These are the basis on which to move on from crisis to fulfilling the terms of this draft resolution, in favour of which the United Kingdom will vote. It deserves the support of all members of the Security Council.”
1999-05-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4003 (1999) · source
“We must remember that the people of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia generally have suffered from President Milosevic's policies and are still doing so. He carries the full responsibility for their condition. So it is tragic that representatives of China should have been caught up by accident in this crisis. NATO has expressed its regrets, and we await the results of its investigation. NATO does not target civilians or embassies. It is a gross distortion to imply that the Chinese Embassy was deliberately attacked. We are all agreed that the conflict must conclude as soon as possible. The key to that is the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia's acceptance of the steps spelt out in the G-8 statement of 6 May, and that key lies in the hands of President Milosevic.”
1999-05-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4000 (1999) · source
“We share our colleagues' distress and concern over the tragic incident which caused deaths, injuries and damage in the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade yesterday, and the United Kingdom expresses its sincere condolences to China, to the injured and to the families of those killed. Let me restate the essential points in this matter. This is a thoroughly unpleasant crisis. More than a million people have been systematically beaten and burnt out of their homes in Kosovo, with several thousand of them killed as a result of President Milosevic's deliberate decisions, and we have not met at midnight over them. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has taken urgent and forceful action to reverse that humanitarian tragedy and to return the displaced to their homes in safety. But we are not in the business of selective concern.”
1999-05-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4000 (1999) · source
“Allow me to close with the following appeals to the two sides in the dispute. To the Kosovo Albanians our appeal is that they should remain on the path of peace which they chose by signing the Rambouillet accords in their entirety on 18 March. The United Kingdom urges them to show the utmost restraint in the next crucial days. And to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia our appeal is that it is not too late to show at any time that they are ready to meet the demands of the international community. I strongly urge them to do so.”
1999-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3988 (1999) · source
“In these circumstances, and as an exceptional measure on grounds of overwhelming humanitarian necessity, military intervention is legally justifiable. The force now proposed is directed exclusively to averting a humanitarian catastrophe, and is the minimum judged necessary for that purpose. The focus of our discussion today is the crisis in Kosovo itself. But Belgrade should be under no illusion that we have taken our eye off the ball elsewhere in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. We are watching Serb behaviour closely in relation to Montenegro. We have also noted with dismay that the Federal Telecommunications Ministry, backed by police officers, raided Radio B92 on 24 March, closed the station down and detained its editor-in-chief. We condemn this action aimed at further reducing the right of free speech in Serbia.”
1999-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3988 (1999) · source
“In the longer term, the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, whose mandate extends to Kosovo, will hold those responsible for violations of international humanitarian law accountable for their actions. The action being taken is legal. It is justified as an exceptional measure to prevent an overwhelming humanitarian catastrophe. Under present circumstances in Kosovo, there is convincing evidence that such a catastrophe is imminent. Renewed acts of repression by the authorities of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia would cause further loss of civilian life and would lead to displacement of the civilian population on a large scale and in hostile conditions. Every means short of force has been tried to avert this situation.”
1999-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3988 (1999) · source
“In defiance of the international community, President Milosevic has refused to accept the interim political settlement negotiated at Rambouillet, to observe the limits on security-force levels agreed on 25 October, and to end the excessive and disproportionate use of force in Kosovo. Because of his failure to meet these demands, we face a humanitarian catastrophe. NATO has been forced to take military action because all other means of preventing a humanitarian catastrophe have been frustrated by Serb behaviour. We have taken this action with regret, in order to save lives. It will be directed towards disrupting the violent attacks being perpetrated by the Serb security forces and towards weakening their ability to create a humanitarian catastrophe.”
1999-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3988 (1999) · source
“In recent months the Contact Group and Ambassadors Hill, Mayorsky and Petritsch, on behalf of the United States, the Russian Federation and the European Union, have taken the lead in seeking a negotiated settlement. Several months of painstaking shuttle diplomacy led to the talks in February and March at Rambouillet and at Paris on an interim settlement for Kosovo, underpinned by a NATO-led force: a truly exhaustive process. But President Milosevic refused to engage seriously in negotiations on an agreement. His intransigence led instead to the breakdown of the Rambouillet process. Since the ending of the talks, a further 25 ,000 people have been forced to flee their homes in the face of pre-planned military action by the Yugoslav army.”
1999-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3988 (1999) · source
“But Belgrade has rejected all of the Security Council's demands, and continues to act in defiance of the expressed will of the Council. In these circumstances, when diplomacy has failed, do we react just with further words? In October, Ambassador Holbrooke negotiated a package with President Milosevic setting up an unarmed OSCE verification mission and a NATO-led air verification mission. President Milosevic also accepted a commitment to reduce his force levels in Kosovo. But President Milosevic tried to expel the head of the OSCE mission. His forces continued to repress, particularly in those areas where the mission was not present. The massacre at Racak showed his contempt for the mission and for the international community as a whole. And his force levels were, and remain, well above the agreed levels.”
1999-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3988 (1999) · source
“The international community - the Security Council, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the Contact Group and the United Nations and its agencies - have sought over the past year to persuade Belgrade to end the suffering it has caused and to agree a political settlement with the Kosovo Albanians providing for a substantial degree of self-government but also respecting the territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. In a series of resolutions, most recently resolutions 1199 (1998) and 1203 (1998), the Security Council has called on Belgrade to end actions against the civilian population and withdraw security forces responsible for repression, to cooperate with organizations engaged in humanitarian relief and to pursue a negotiated settlement.”
1999-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3988 (1999) · source
“Over 2,000 people have been killed in Kosovo since March 1998, and Serb scorched-earth tactics have forced over 300,000 people to flee their homes. Today, President Milosevic is once again repeating the tactics of the summer, forcing people out of their homes and burning entire villages. In the past month alone he has created more than 65,000 new displaced people. While the Kosovo Albanians were signing the Rambouillet accords in Paris last week, Belgrade substantially reinforced its security-force presence in Kosovo and began a new offensive.”
1999-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3988 (1999) · source
“President Milosevic has been engaged in repression of the Kosovo Albanians since he revoked Kosovo's extensive autonomy almost 10 years ago. During all this time he has declined seriously to pursue a political solution to the problem of Kosovo, a problem that everyone knew would lead to increased tension and that he, as leader of his nation, held the responsibility for remedying. Instead, he has chosen to use brute aggression against a peaceful population. Where is the outrage at that? Since March last year, Serb violence against the population of Kosovo has increased massively. Over last summer and autumn, Serbian internal security forces and the Yugoslav army embarked on a series of offensives in western and central Kosovo, which were increasingly characterized by wanton destruction of homes, crops and livestock.”
1999-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3988 (1999) · source
“It is they who must take the steps to bring this senseless war to an end. If they do, the Security Council, the broader United Nations and the international community will act in immediate support. This is the conclusion which the Governments involved in the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo must draw from today's debate.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987 (1999) · source
“Hence the fifth step: the economic angle. With political understanding advanced and security arrangements in place, development and investment resources will be attracted in. We therefore need to plan for an economic development conference for the Great Lakes, drawing together major bilateral assistance partners, the United Nations and its agencies, the European Union and the international financial institutions, either as part of or in parallel with a conference on peace and security. The challenges and the burden for the international community in each of these steps will be significant, but none of these ideas will get even to square one without a dramatic change in political will on the part of the parties to this conflict, and above all the leaders of the sovereign nations of the region who have its future in their hands.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987 (1999) · source
“We must continue to refine and develop these ideas and feed them into the negotiating process. What the United Nations and the international community could do to make an agreement stick will be a key factor in making it happen. The fourth step is a framework for tackling the wider and deeper problems in the Great Lakes region. The United Kingdom fully supports the holding of an international conference on peace and security in the Great Lakes. But a conference of this kind will work only by careful preparation, and preparation will take time. We should begin this work now. Only by mapping out the paths towards a more secure and stable region will the incentives for ending the current conflict become clearer. They must include arrangements for promoting and protecting human rights and for the economic regeneration of the region.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987 (1999) · source
“The United Nations and certain Member States can help, but the principal contribution must be African and regional. The third step is coherent international involvement to motivate, monitor and sustain these processes. We applaud the efforts of SADC and the OAU, through President Chiluba, to try to mediate this complex, sprawling conflict. But the continued resistance of the parties to these efforts demonstrates the need for further inputs, leverage and pressure from outside the region. As part of this process, the Security Council has already indicated its readiness to consider how it could assist in the implementation of a cease-fire and settlement. The United Kingdom, with several partners, has already done work on possibilities for a peacekeeping presence.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987 (1999) · source
“Its intentions need to be implemented. The second step is the withdrawal of foreign troops. This will require a tough negotiation process among all the parties, and some substantive, creative ideas. The United Kingdom is fully committed to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. We would not countenance any suggestion of partition. But the bare fact is, the Democratic Republic of the Congo's neighbours will have no incentive for withdrawal unless some credible mechanism can be developed which will bring about the disarmament of rebel groups, particularly the ex-Rwandese Armed Forces and Interahamwe, on their borders, and ensure border security into the future. We must start mapping out the potential arrangements for this.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987 (1999) · source
“It is encouraging that there is such a clear consensus among representatives who have spoken today on the steps that need to be taken, not excluding the Minister for Human Rights of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Let me try to summarize those steps. The first step is a cease-fire agreement. The key to unlocking this is direct talks with the rebels. A military solution, as so often elsewhere in Africa, is a chimera. We must use international experience to help President Kabila and the Congolese people shape a framework in which a constructive political dialogue can take place. The innocent civilian population of the Democratic Republic of the Congo deserves no less. The statement made this week by the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo about the need for national reconciliation is encouraging.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987 (1999) · source
“The United Nations system, other international institutions and individual countries, through their bilateral relationships, can all play a part. This is particularly the case with the European Union, whose position will be made clear by the German presidency later in this debate. We all have diplomatic, political and financial resources which could make a big difference to the Governments and populations in the region. There are enormous reserves of goodwill towards the peoples of these beleaguered countries. We need to use these resources to construct a motivation for peace and economic regeneration among the regional leaders. They must together be persuaded that a continuation of this war is not in their interests and that there is a different way out.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987 (1999) · source
“But the Minister also found a startling lack of political will and creative thinking among the parties to get the building-blocks of a settlement into place. This is not for want of external pressures and external offers of help. Numerous envoys have Visited the region. Three Presidents have been tasked by the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the OAU to mediate. Fifteen conferences, 10 of them at the Head of State level, have been held. But the conflict, and its dreadful human rights and humanitarian side-effects, goes on. Having met the key leaders involved in the war, Tony Lloyd judged that they could stop the war if they really wanted to. The role of the international community, and this Council, has to be to make them want to.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987 (1999) · source
“Late last month British Minister of State Tony Lloyd went to the region, as the Special Envoy of Prime Minister Blair, to explore what scope there was for ending the war. The Minister encountered an overwhelming sense of frustration. He found fatigue on all sides with the war and common ground among the parties on what needed to be done to stop the fighting. No one questioned the need for dialogue among all parties in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, including the rebels, to pave the way for a more inclusive government. And it was widely acknowledged that the security concerns of the neighbours of the Democratic Republic of the Congo were genuine, that an end to the war could come about only through some arrangement or mechanism which addressed them.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987 (1999) · source
“We welcome this open debate, even though the subject before us is sensitive for many. It concerns a country, a fellow State Member of the United Nations, which desperately needs international help; a region which has been too long in crisis, with horrific humanitarian consequences; and a continent whose tribulations must be successfully addressed by the United Nations system as a whole, or that system will show itself incapable of meeting the increasing demands put on it. If we can turn the tide for Africa, we can turn the tide for the United Nations. The United Kingdom is prepared to make a special effort to establish how non-Africans can best help Africans, and specifically the Organization for African Unity (OAU), to end the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987 (1999) · source
“When Foreign Secretary Cook met President Kabbah in Abuja on 9 March, he pressed him to develop dialogue with the rebels. We recognize the difficulties which this presents, but are convinced that political exchange is necessary to pave the way to a better future for Sierra Leone and its people. Success in Sierra Leone is achievable, but it needs hard work and hard cash. Ultimately, it lies in hands of the people and Government of Sierra Leone. But it will only be possible with the continued commitment of the international community to give vigorous support, on both the security and the political tracks, to a lasting solution. I trust that the Council's unanimous support for the draft resolution before us will mark that commitment.”
1999-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3986 (1999) · source
“Part of the United Kingdom funding will address this through a training programme for a new, democratically accountable and effective national army. We urge others to consider what help they too can contribute in this essential area. While the United Kingdom has paid much attention to the urgent requirement for financial, logistical and material support to shore up security in Sierra Leone, we are conscious of the need to pursue the search for a peaceful solution of the conflict as a matter of urgency. Special Representative Okelo, to whose efforts we pay tribute, has called for a significant and forceful push towards dialogue and a settlement. He and others in the region involved in these mediation efforts have our strong support.”
1999-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3986 (1999) · source
“Pressure there seems to be paying dividends, and the draft resolution recognizes certain proposals made by the Government of Liberia to address this problem. But we need to check that President Taylor's assurances will be translated into concrete action. For example, we expect the Government of Liberia to meet its commitment to arrest and prosecute any Liberian citizen found to be still engaged in the armed conflict in Sierra Leone after the 45-day amnesty that began on 19 February. The draft resolution and the report also highlight the need to help Sierra Leone ensure its own security when ECOMOG eventually leaves. This is the only way the country can look forward to lasting peace and stability.”
1999-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3986 (1999) · source
“The international community cannot expect the current ECOMOG contributors to continue to bear the human and financial costs of the operation in Sierra Leone without significant levels of assistance. The Secretary-General was right to draw attention in his report to the possible consequences if ECOMOG forces were to withdraw or scale down through lack of adequate support. There is a material and collective responsibility here which the United Nations and, specifically, the Security Council, must live up to. The stabilization of Sierra Leone also depends on continuing international pressure on those providing support to the rebels. In this regard, much of our attention has rightly focused on support coming from Liberia and through the involvement of Liberian nationals.”
1999-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3986 (1999) · source
“ECOMOG's deployment in Sierra Leone has represented a milestone in the development of regional peacekeeping, which the Council has rightly commended. This improvement has been heavily dependent on international support for ECOMOG. The draft resolution before us, enshrining the judgements of the Secretary- General's fifth report on UNOMSIL, urges the need for continued international financial and logistical support for ECOMOG. A large part of the new United Kingdom assistance package of 10 million pounds, announced by Foreign Secretary Robin Cook on 2 March, will again go to ECOMOG. Our funds will be used to match new contributions from others, so we urge others to play their part.”
1999-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3986 (1999) · source