Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire
Cork South-Central · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“That is important and the Minister and I share that view, much as we disagree on how it is not right to get rid of the triple lock. We have made that very clear and we think there is scope to deploy on peacekeeping missions elsewhere.”
“As I probably will not get more questions and it is my last contribution before the recess, I wish to take the opportunity to thank the staff of this institution and the Ceann Comhairle's office, who serve us so well.”
“We have all probably been guilty of the offence of going over time at different stages, I am sure. Despite our disagreements in relation to the triple lock, I think the Minister and I agree that peacekeeping missions are important.”
“In the context of the previous question, I submitted another question that was ruled out of order, which is fair enough. I probably did not word my question as precisely as Deputy Gibney worded hers. I record my concern about legal representation in that regard. It is important to say that. This question relates to another welfare issue.”
“The Minister said that she is not pushing anybody to the courts. I am not a doctor and cannot make a clinical decision, but if people suffered negative health outcomes that they believe have a connection to their clinical exposure, and they have never taken a case, how precisely is the Government going to help them?”
“The Minister talks about the need to ensure that Defence Forces personnel have the ability to deploy internationally and are not prevented from participating in rescue missions. I have no problem at all with head No. 7. Actually, most of the legislation is fine. It is just head No.”
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“Ireland is uniquely vulnerable to the threats that exist due to changes in economic policy in the United States and elsewhere because of a government that has failed to invest in the infrastructure that we need and has placed a heavy reliance on tax incentives, some of which were subsequently found to be contrary to the rules and European law. We must prepare for the potential impacts. The Taoiseach, who has departed from the Chamber, has expressed his concern, as I have, about the impact on the food and drink sector, in particular the whiskey sector given the potential for 200% tariffs from the United States. We must do a number of things. First, nobody wins a trade war. The only way to win a trade war is to stay out of it. We hope that cooler heads will prevail. Obviously, that cannot be guaranteed or controlled.”
“It is imperative that any settlement that occurs is a sustainable and fair one that recognises the rights of the people of Ukraine who have suffered immensely in the past three years due to the war of aggression by Vladimir Putin. I hope any proposals for negotiations can deliver a just, lasting and sustainable peace in Ukraine. There was also significant discussion of the economy, trade and so on. Ireland is extremely vulnerable and we must be clear sighted. We do not need to panic by any manner or means but we must be realistic about the challenges we potentially face.”
“Everything that has happened in the Middle East in the past 15 to 20 years is because Israel has been allowed to act with impunity given that there are no consequences for its actions. There are no ramifications in any respect - economically, politically, culturally or socially. That cannot continue. That is the central point behind the occupied territories Bill. It is about ensuring that international law is implemented. However, much to my regret, this Government is walking away from it, contrary to the wishes of the Irish people. The Council meeting did discuss Ukraine at length. Any progress towards a ceasefire is welcome, although, if it is happening, it is happening haltingly.”
“This European Council meeting took place at a highly uncertain and volatile time right across the world, but in particular in the Middle East and in both Gaza and the West Bank in Palestine. As Deputy McDonald outlined, the conclusions that came from the European Council meeting are very disappointing, as is the review of the EU-Israel agreements, both commercial and otherwise. The Tánaiste touted the success of getting a meeting on this but the outcome of it is effectively much as it was. Despite the depravity and the numerous war crimes committed by the Israeli Government, it seems to be business as usual when it comes to trade between Europe and Israel. Ireland must be vocal in that regard. It should not be business as usual.”
“Ultimately, as imperfect as it is, we have had the policy that Irish peacekeepers go on UN-mandated missions, not missions of whatever kind the Government is talking about.”
“The reality is that the actions the Government proposes to take will undermine the credibility that we have. We will expose ourselves very significantly to potential pressure from other countries if we remove the triple lock protection. We have had comments from Ursula von der Leyen and the rearm Europe movement. We can see the direction in which things, including politics, are travelling. Given the climate that currently exists, it is not difficult to foresee a situation whereby an Irish government would be put under pressure to increase its role in X mission or engage in Y mission. We are totally opposed to that. The UN is not perfect by any manner or means. However, I take the point, which is important, that some of the arguments the Government made in terms of the Security Council are not correct or entirely accurate.”
“It should not be overstated or understated that we have an outsized influence in the world. We have achieved that in a number of ways. We have achieved it by the strength of our diplomatic team. I acknowledge the strong work that people in the Department of Foreign Affairs have done. It has also been achieved by the huge credibility of our peacekeepers, whom I commend for the work they have done. It was not helped by the underfunding of the Defence Forces over many years which has resulted in their withdrawal from the Golan Heights. They have built our credibility. We have the credibility that we enjoy because of our understanding of the impact of colonialism and imperialism across the world and our history as a colony under imperialism.”
“It will be within the gift of a Government that commands a majority to deploy Irish troops to missions and deployments of the type that we have never considered and which are completely contrary to decades of our foreign policy. The Government has spoken a lot about the world changing. The world is changing; there is no doubt about that. We live in a very febrile and volatile world at this moment in time. It is not the time for rash actions that undermine our place in the world. The world is changing and we need to consider our place in this changing world. The Irish people have a very strong understanding of Ireland's place in the world. They understand that Ireland will never be a major military power, that we are a small country with an outsized influence.”
“Ba mhaith liom cuidiú leis an rún agus tréaslaím leis na Daonlathaithe Sóisialta as an rún seo a chur os ár gcomhair. Tá Sinn Féin go hiomlán i bhfabhar an rúin agus i gcoinne leasú an Rialtais. Tá Sinn Féin den tuairim go bhfuil an Rialtas ag cur na neodrachta atá mar chuid lárnach dár bpolasaí eachtracha i mbaol agus go ndéanann sé laghdú ar an gcosaint atá air sin. Sinn Féin is totally opposed to the end of the triple lock neutrality protection. That is what is at issue here, not reform, change or anything like that. Fundamentally, this debate is about removing the triple lock. It will be a matter for a Government that has a majority to make a decision to deploy troops. That is the reality of what the door is being opened to here.”
“They work full-time, they try everything they can and they are patient, waiting and trying to hope things will come around. For many of them, though, there is little prospect of that. There is little prospect of their being able to have a permanent home. The reality is, for all the Government talks about its commitment to this, there needs to be a change in course. What we are seeing is actually the opposite - a doubling down on policies that are failing. There is a need for a significant change of course. The Government cannot keep doing the same thing while expecting better results.”
“She is in her early thirties, and she is working hard and full-time. She has annual income of approximately €28,000 or €29,000. She has worked hard to save about €20,000. What could she get? She has been offered a mortgage of €100,000 or something like that. What she could possibly get for that in Cork city, Cork county or anywhere would hardly be bigger than a garden shed. It is just not possible. She qualifies for social housing, but as a person on her own, she could be waiting ten years. All that time, she should be out on her own and living independently. She is working hard and has done everything right, like so many people of her generation. They have done everything that has been asked of them. They go out and get their qualifications, whether it is third level or apprenticeships. They go out and work hard.”
“The reality is that house prices are reaching record levels, rents are reaching record levels and more people, including children, are homeless in this State than we could ever have imagined possible ten or 12 years ago. Children are still doing their homework on the edge of a bed in overcrowded emergency accommodation. The scandal continues, and it escalates, and the Government's policies are adding to it. We talk a lot about the need for affordable housing schemes and so on. In the last such scheme that was launched in Cork city, the minimum price that somebody paid was €320,000. The maximum was €389,000 or €390,000. How could that seen as affordable for anyone? Some of the people who come to our clinics - I am sure they come to the Minister's clinics, too - have limited options available to them. I spoke to a woman recently.”
“We hear time and again from the Government that housing is the most important social, political and strategic issue. We heard it thrown back at us again today about a monopoly on compassion, which is one of those talking points we hear all the time. That is not contested. We appreciate that there are people on every side of this House that have compassion but the sobering, depressing, frustrating reality is that the housing crisis is getting worse. What is worse than even that is the Government is locked into and committed to policies that will continue to make it worse. I dread to think what the price of housing will be after another four or five years of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael in government.”
“Across Cork, there are dozens of children with special educational needs who do not have a place for September. In the past three weeks alone, I have been contacted by eight parents of children who need a place in a special school for September who do not have one. The pressure this is putting on them, the anxiety they are carrying, the uncertainty they are facing and the worry they have for their children is absolutely enormous. They are doing everything they can. One mother I spoke to had her child's name down on nine waiting lists. I will be joining several of these parents on a march in Cork city on Saturday. Will the Minister tell me when will the additional special school for Cork be delivered? Will he commit to ensuring every child who needs a place in a special school for September will have one?”
“Caithfimid go léir teacht i dtír ar an meánscolaíocht i nGaeilge. Tá an tuairim sin ann go bhfuil sí róchasta agus tá míthuiscint ann faoi cad atá i gceist leis an tumoideachas sa taobh sin de agus an chonstaic atá ann ó thaobh tuismitheoirí de. Is mian liom ceithre scoil a ardú leis an Aire agus seolfaidh mé ríomhphost chuici ina dtaobh. Beidh iarratas ag teacht go luath ó Choláiste Daibhéid i gCorcaigh. Tá gá le foirgneamh nua ansin. Cé gur foirgneamh nua atá ann i nGaelscoil Charraig Uí Leighin, tá go leor fadhbanna ó thaobh slándála agus é a choimeád tirim. Tá Gaelscoil ag teacht i gCloich na Coillte. Tá gá le meánscoil neamhspleách sa Chlár freisin.”
“Ó thaobh an Ghaeloideachais ach go háirithe, is gá cinnte a dhéanamh de go bhfuil polasaí ann ó na luathbhlianta go dtí an ollscoil. Tá sé sin fíorthábhachtach. Ó thaobh oideachas na Gaeilge go ginearálta taobh amuigh den Ghaeloideachas, caithfear déileáil leis na díolúintí. Níl ciall ná réasún leis an tslí a bhfuiltear á dtabhairt amach. Tá siad iomarcach ar fad, agus níl siad ag pleidhcíocht ach an oiread. Ó thaobh foirgneamh agus an tsaghas sin ruda, tá an-fhadhb againn ó thaobh cinnte a dhéanamh de go bhfuil go leor spásanna ann do na daoine atá ag lorg oideachais trí mheán na Gaeilge. Caithfear déileáil leis sin. Tá gap mór ann, agus is ábhar bróin é roinnt den chaint a bhí ann maidir le haistriú na scoile i Synge Street agus gach rud. Léiríonn sé míthuiscint agus fadhb ó thaobh dearcaidh.”
“Eadrainn go léir, is dóigh liom go bhfuil na canúintí go léir clúdaithe againn faoin am seo. Tréaslaím go mór leis an rún ar chuir an Teachta Ó Snodaigh os ár gcomhair. Tá go leor oibre déanta aige. Tugaim aitheantas dEoghan ina oifig freisin atá tar éis as an-chuid oibre a dhéanamh ar na polasaithe go léir atá tar éis teacht as an oifig sin. Tá na fadhbanna atá ann ó thaobh an Ghaeloideachais suntasach. Is ábhar mór frustrachais é, mar nuair a bhíonn daoine i gcoitinne ag caint go ginearálta faoin nGaeilge, faoin todhchaí agus conas atá rudaí, luann daoine an chaoi go bhfuil na Gaelscoileanna ag dul go maith, agus tá i go leor slite. Gluaiseacht fhíorthábhachtach le linn an 20ú haois a bhí i gceist. Tá fadhbanna, constaic agus go leor ábhar imní ann.”
“I know the people of Ukraine hope for peace, but it must be on a just and sustainable basis and the Ukrainian people must be at the table in any negotiations. That is the only way we will be able to see a peaceful settlement for the people of Ukraine and for humanity. I hope this happens sooner rather than later. Any new negotiations regarding the future of Ukraine can only take place with Ukraine at the table. Nothing can be decided about Ukraine without Ukraine.”
“In our view, peacekeeping happens under a UN flag or a UN mandate. Neutrality and having an independent foreign policy allow Ireland to be a consistent advocate for international humanitarian law and a champion for the UN framework. This does not mean, however, that we are politically neutral and it is our very clear view that this is a war of aggression and that the Russian Federation is the aggressor. Today, we mark three years since the commencement of the brutal war in Ukraine. We would all have said this time last year that we would have hoped not to have marked another year of war. Sadly and tragically, many more people have been killed in the intervening period. Unfortunately, the people of Ukraine have been let down in that regard. Nonetheless, I hope this time next year there will be peace.”
“We are clear that Russia's invasion of Ukraine is a blatant breach of international law. It is full-scale aggression that has been defined by the potential war crimes committed by the Russian military against innocent people. Sinn Féin calls for a co-ordinated and concerted effort by the international community to secure an end to the hostilities and build peace. We want to see a peaceful settlement for the people of Ukraine, but we wish for peace based on a just and sustainable settlement that respects Ukraine's rights. Ireland should use its voice to the greatest extent to achieve and support an end to the conflict in the Ukraine. Ireland remains a militarily neutral country. As I said during an earlier debate with the Tánaiste, we do not agree with any changes to the triple-lock neutrality protection.”
“As we hope peace may be delivered, when and on what terms we do not know, on that day there will be a need to support the Ukrainian people in rebuilding their country. The Irish people have supported the Ukrainian people in the wake of this invasion. I reiterate Sinn Féin's solidarity with the people of Ukraine. I reject entirely the commentary offered by the US President that characterised President Volodymyr Zelenskyy as a dictator. Those were objectionable comments, and he is certainly no such thing. It is the leadership of the Russian Federation that represents authoritarianism in this conflict.”
“The Taoiseach cited some of the locations of the most offensive incidents and attacks on humanity, such as Bucha, Mariupol and elsewhere. There is no question but that what we saw in those locations was barbarism on the part of the Russian Federation. These are completely unacceptable and despicable attacks on the Ukrainian people. The Irish people have been clear on whose side they stand. For 36 months, the courageous people of Ukraine have stood against the Russian onslaught and brutal invasion. I acknowledge and welcome further sanctions, financial and otherwise. It has long been our view that the Government could have gone further in relation to financial sanctions, but we welcome the most recent round.”
“They are faced with incredible challenges and attacks that greatly impact on their ability to provide education, healthcare, heating supplies and water distribution and just get on with day-to-day living. There is no doubt in my mind that Russia significantly underestimated Ukraine and the resolve of its people, which has been clearly demonstrated in the past three years. Ukraine's energy infrastructure has come under severe attack. There have been 14 large-scale, co-ordinated attacks since last March alone, which has created a serious electricity deficit and increased the difficulties for ordinary people. I acknowledge the serious danger in relation to the nuclear facilities at Zaporizhzhia and Chornobyl.”
“Casualties rose by 30% in 2024 in comparison with 2023 as hostilities intensified on the front line and the Russian Federation increased its use of aerial bombs, short-range drones, long-range missiles, loitering munitions and double-tap attacks. Landmines and explosive remnants of the war now contaminate 139,000 sq. km of land in Ukraine, posing serious risks to civilians both now and far into the future as the country is rebuilt. Millions of Ukrainian people have been forced to leave their homeland. I acknowledge the people in Ireland who have done what they can to support the Ukrainian people who arrived here. In spite of this, ordinary civilians in Ukraine have persevered, shown immense courage and resilience, continued their everyday lives and kept their country going despite the severe challenges and brutality they have faced.”
“It is a vicious and violent expression of the dead-end belief that might is right and that military power can dominate humanity. The result to date of this most brutal invasion has been the killing of more than 12,000 civilians, men and, women and girls and boys, and the injuring of over 30,000 people since 24 February 2022, as verified by the UN human rights monitoring mission. Some 84% of the casualties have occurred in territory controlled by the Government of Ukraine and the other 16% in territory occupied by the Russian Federation. What is extremely concerning is the sheer scale of civilian harm we are seeing in Ukraine. Unfortunately, the situation in this regard is only getting worse.”
“I begin by acknowledging the presence in the House of H.E. Larysa Gerasko, the Ukrainian ambassador, and all the representatives of the Ukrainian community in Ireland. I thank the ambassador for continuing to keep Members and the Irish public aware of the reality of life in Ukraine . On behalf of my Ukrainian constituents in Cork, I thank her for the representation she provides for them. Three years ago, Vladimir Putin's Russia launched a brutal war of aggression on its neighbour Ukraine, and "brutal" is truly the word to use. The Russian invasion of Ukraine has resulted in the largest land conflict and greatest displacement of people in 80 years. I reiterate that Russia's attack on and bombardment of the Ukrainian people is an attack on sovereignty, peace and the right of a nation to be sovereign, independent and free.”
“Returning to the first question, the most fundamental issue we have to resolve that is relevant to this area is the proper resourcing of our Defence Forces.”
“I will not make a final intervention after this because we have ventilated it well enough. It sounds to some extent as though these are criteria the Dáil should have regard to, but ultimately it remains a decision of the Dáil and there is no safeguard beyond that. I am concerned about that. It is not the UN Security Council or anyone on it that has prevented us from sustaining a peacekeeping presence in the Golan Heights; it is because of a lack of resources and underinvestment in the Defence Forces. The most recent issue for Irish personnel being in a position to contribute to peacekeeping was, unfortunately, the approximately 130 personnel who were withdrawn from the Golan Heights and that was because of the failings and underinvestment in the Defence Forces.”
“We are returning to this issue again. We have had a discussion regarding the principle of it, and it remains my strong view that the effect of getting rid of the triple lock, whatever the intention, will undermine Irish neutrality. The Tánaiste talked a great deal about the detail and so on. This is an opportunity for him to tell us what is going to be in the legislation and outline, to the greatest detail that he can, what exactly this is going to look like.”
“However, there are many countries across the world that are led by people who we would not have any time for but that are part of the UN. It is the multilateral organisation that makes decisions in respect of peacekeeping missions. We need to be part of UN missions.”
“We will have the legislation. The Tánaiste is talking about teasing through it. Of course we will. We will have our engagement, and I hope that there will be enough time for it. However, as far as we are concerned, the triple lock is something that Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil for a long time put a lot of store by and pointed to it as evidence that there was no question regarding Irish neutrality, as Deputy Connolly outlined. In the context of the Lisbon treaty, which was a very flawed document that contained flawed proposals, one of the fundamental arguments in favour of that and one of the reasons used to sell it to the Irish people was that this would strengthen both our position and international respect for the triple lock. We can have numerous debates about all the failings of the UN. Ireland must use its voice.”
“With Irish troops being deployed outside that mandate, what if something were to go wrong? That is the concern. What if Irish troops were to become embroiled in something controversial or difficult or that might in any way undermine or damage our status as a neutral state?”
“Regarding our assessment as to why Ireland should be a neutral State, some people have talked about moral superiority. That is not it in my view. In my view it is a clear-sighted assessment of the role we can play where we can be of most benefit but also do what is in our interests. I believe that neutrality serves us well and has popular support. The Minister has said he is in favour of neutrality. The massive concern is that without the triple lock, effectively a vote of this Dáil ultimately is the only thing that will decide whether troops will be deployed. What we are talking about here is Irish troops operating outside of a UN mandate. For all the flaws of the UN, it is recognised and there is a certain respect for the blue helmets and all that goes with it and Irish troops have served with distinction under it.”
“It feels as if there is constantly something unsaid in this debate. The Government is in favour of removing the need for a UN mandate for peacekeeping missions. We have had referendums in the past and a lot of weight was put on the fact that the triple lock existed - that this was a defence of our neutrality. Whatever about your bona fides, the effect of this is to undermine Irish neutrality. The issue that is left unsaid is: what missions does the Government believe need to take place outside of a UN mandate? For all the faults of the UN, this is how it operates. We would certainly like to see it reformed. I take the point that reform is unlikely to happen. However, notwithstanding that, the UN is the organisation that is tasked with providing peacekeepers, generally speaking.”
“My next question was going to be whether the Tánaiste planned to meet with them. I am glad that he has met them. I hope he took on board some of their suggestions and requests. From what he is saying, it seems that the target is effectively no longer 4,500 for 2028, but 3,000. That would be a fair step back. It was only on 15 October last that the current Taoiseach committed to the target of 4,500. That is a reduction in terms of the ambition. In any event, I appreciate the realisation that it is not a sustainable situation. There are probably parts of the country that require very particular focus because it is stronger in some areas than others. Also, there is more of a tradition of it in some places. I hope the Tánaiste can tell me what suggestions from the representative organisation he might take on board.”
“Many people have very little contact with or awareness of the Reserve Defence Force. In large parts of the country, it is effectively non-existent. Surely we have to recognise that the Reserve is the best way to attract new recruits. I welcome the actions the Tánaiste outlined.”
“There is a sense of a lack of ambition with respect to redeveloping the Reserve Defence Force. Typically, reserve defence forces are a critical element of recruitment to permanent defence forces. We are at critically low levels. Indeed, the Commission on the Future of the Defence Forces reflected the fact that the Reserve Defence Force is important in terms of surge capacity as required. That is not remotely possible at present. There is hardly another reserve defence force in Europe whose membership is a fraction of that of the permanent army. In many cases it is multiples of it. In the past, in virtually every significant town there would have been an FCA hall and an FCA presence with personnel from across the community. We do not really see that any more.”
“The Tánaiste and I had an engagement a while ago that was primarily about the Permanent Defence Force. I want to bring to the Tánaiste's attention the issue of the Reserve Defence Force, RDF. It is a seriously depleted organisation that has much greater potential. It has a huge ability to support the Permanent Defence Force in its own right. As of 15 October, the current strength of the RDF is 1,720. We are a long way from the target of 4,500 that has been set for 2028. How are we going to achieve that target?”
“Therefore, that will not be anywhere near adequate. What ACCAS has demanded is to ensure medical care is provided as well as an assessment to identify what were the implications for health outcomes. There is also a need for a statutory investigation of some form, given the role of the State Claims Agency in failing to alert the HSA of ongoing failings when known. It should go without saying these are personnel who were part of the Defence Forces. They gave their careers and long parts of their lives to serve the State. If their health is now profoundly compromised the State has a responsibility to them. The Tánaiste says he will go away and consider it, and I appreciate this. Will he also meet those affected, ACCAS and any other organisation?”
“I appreciate the fact the Tánaiste will reflect on it. He mentioned the tribunal. I would make the point, and the Tánaiste's comments reflect that he may be aware of this, the tribunal only deals with the handling of complaints rather than the substance of complaints.”
“This is a matter of the gravest seriousness. We know this issue is not unique to Ireland. In Australia there was SHOAMP, which was the study of health outcomes in aircraft maintenance personnel. Will the Tánaiste put in place a similar model to assess the health of the former personnel?”
“It is for this reason that I communicated with the Tánaiste last night. It is important that ongoing monitoring is happening but my primary concern relates to the issues that have arisen over the past 20 or 30 years. For many years personnel in the Air Corps, particularly those in the repair shop, were exposed to very dangerous chemicals. Despite this, there were no meaningful precautions in terms of health and safety until very recent years. In the meantime, hundreds of personnel were exposed. According to ACCAS it has identified 97 untimely deaths since 2000 of Air Corps personnel that may potentially be connected. I am not sure whether the Tánaiste saw the "Prime Time" segment on this, in which Paul Flynn was interviewed from his hospital bed. Some of the people affected by this are very ill. Others have passed away.”
“The Tánaiste will be aware of a recent settlement for Mr. Gary Coll of €2 million, without liability, after he lodged proceedings regarding exposure to dangerous chemicals while working in the Air Corps. I do not wish to discuss any case before the courts. Many people who are affected do not want to have to go to court. However, as a matter of policy, the Department of Defence has a responsibility to ensure that issues regarding former Defence Forces personnel are addressed, particularly if their health has been compromised. The Tánaiste will be aware of the organisation, Air Corps Chemical Abuse Survivors, ACCAS, as I sent him the group's demands last night. Will he introduce measures to ensure the mental care of those affected?”
“Talking about progressing from LOA2 to LOA3 is a bit off when we are not at LOA1. When will the Defence Forces reach establishment in terms of personnel?”
“The Tánaiste spoke about an objective analysis. Any objective analysis would find that the previous Minister for Defence, who is now the Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil, Deputy Micheál Martin, kept giving unspent money in defence back to the Exchequer. It was €30 million last year and €70 million in 2023 and 2022. Any objective analysis would find that more than 900 people recruited to the Defence Forces since 2020 left within five years. We have had the embarrassing situation where ships have been put to sea with no functioning main gun because of a lack of specialist staff. The objective analysis is that our Defence Forces are at rock bottom in terms of morale and seriously struggling in terms of recruitment and retention. The Tánaiste gave me an answer to a related question but not quite the one I asked.”
“Only proper resourcing and resolving the terms and conditions and income of Defence Forces personnel will do that. The men and women of the Defence Forces deserve better than what they saw from the last Government. Regarding the Commission on the Future of the Defence Forces, will the Tánaiste give a timeline? He spoke about needing to go beyond LOA2. Currently, we are substantially below level of ambition 1, LOA1. Will the Tánaiste give a timeline for the Defence Forces to reach establishment and to deliver 11,000 PDF members?”
“In recent weeks, we have heard lots of big speeches, announcements, lofty promises and big commitments. I welcome that the Defence Forces are finally getting some attention. I live in a city that has a large number of Defence Forces personnel who work in Collins Barracks and Haulbowline. They tell me they have heard all of this before. They have heard big talk and small follow-through. The Tánaiste says it is important that we are seen to be increasing the capacity of the Defence Forces. It should not be about being seen to do anything. It is about making sure - in the interests of the men and women in the Defence Forces and the Irish people - that the Defence Forces are supported. It needs to be about action rather than being seen to do things. The reality is that big speeches will not put boots inside the barracks' doors.”
“We have heard a lot about defence spending in recent weeks but the truth on the ground is that the Defence Forces are in a precarious position because of Government underfunding. We currently have fewer than 8,000 members of the Permanent Defence Force. This is well below establishment, not to mind the 11,000 recommended under stage 2 in the report of the Commission on the Future of the Defence Forces. Morale is very low. Does the Tánaiste regret the neglect of the Defence Forces by the Government and how does he intend to ensure that we have Defence Forces that are fit for purpose?”
“I will finish by saying that was not necessarily the case. There is a lack of long-term planning and a need for reform of the marine agencies because there is a feeling that it is a neglected area and its potential is not being fully met.”
“It then only allowed 1.25 years for them to be completed. They were told there would be no cliff edge and that EMFAF would follow through.”