Joanne Collins
Agricultural Panel · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“I am going to speak to amendments Nos. 2, 4 and 8. Amendment No. 2 makes it absolutely clear that the strategic emergency gas reserve is exactly that: an emergency reserve. It cannot become another source of gas for day-to-day commercial supply or market management.”
“(3) The Minister must mandate that the CRU carries out an assessment on the impact of the expenses incurred on household bills under this Act and all future Acts relating to construction, operation, maintenance and decommissioning of a Strategic Emergency Gas Reserve.”. I will keep this very brief.”
“I move amendment No. 6: In page 10, between lines 31 and 32, to insert the following: " State-led 5 . (1) The Strategic Emergency Gas Reserve constructed, operated and maintained under this Act and all future Acts relating to its construction, operation, maintenance and decommissioning will be a State-led asset.”
“Yes, I am not going to give out. Regardless of what is said to me I am going to be nice today on our last day. I echo what is being said about everybody enjoying their break and the thanks to all the staff in here. It can be very daunting when you first come in but everybody makes you feel like you can do it. It is great to work here.”
“I move amendment No. 7: In page 10, between lines 31 and 32, to insert the following: " Gas demand 5 . (1) The Minister shall ensure that a Strategic Emergency Gas Reserve established under this Act and all future Acts relating to its construction, operation, maintenance and decommissioning does not lead to an increase in gas demand.”
“I move amendment No. 10: In page 10, between lines 31 and 32, to insert the following: “Decommissioning 5. The Minister shall, within 12 months of the commencement of this Act, outline a plan for decommissioning any Strategic Emergency Gas Reserve constructed, operated, maintained or decommissioned under this Act and all future Acts relat…”
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“However, we have been told and many have said that they sometimes feel ignored when decisions are made affecting Dublin Airport. This amendment, therefore, requires the DAA to establish meaningful and ongoing engagement and maybe more than what is already happening. If people are still feeling like they are being ignored, I do not see the harm in having something in place to ensure they are informed at stages when this moves or when more changes have to come into effect, particularly residents impacted by the north runway. It also requires the Minister to consult publicly and report back to the Oireachtas. Good engagement should not be an afterthought. It should be the core of how major national infrastructure operates, and it does. Public engagement does stop those delays when communities put in objections.”
“I move amendment No. 4: In page 8, between lines 27 and 28, to insert the following: “Community engagement obligations 7. (1) The Minister direct the daa to establish a formal mechanism for ongoing and meaningful engagement with local communities affected by airport operations, including those impacted by the north runway. (2) The Minister shall open a public consultation concerning daa’s engagement with local communities and lay a report before both Houses of the Oireachtas no later than 12 months following commencement of this Act.”. This amendment is more or less around community engagement. I know there are plenty of groups that have been set up around Dublin Airport. We have met many of them throughout our time on the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Transport.”
“I move amendment No. 3: In page 8, between lines 27 and 28, to insert the following: “(4) The Minister shall, not later than 12 months following commencement, lay before both Houses of the Oireachtas a report reviewing daa’s compliance with the directions of the Minister.”. Amendment No. 3 is basically a review of compliance being held up by the DAA. It is really just monitoring again. The amendment introduces a simple measure of accountability. Where the Minister is given powers to direct the DAA, it is entirely reasonable that the Oireachtas should receive a report within 12 months outlining whether those directions are actually being complied with. Greater powers must come with greater oversight. This amendment strengthens the transparency and ensures Parliament can monitor whether the legislation is working as intended.”
“22 asks a simple question about what effect lifting the ban will have on the regional airports. They kind of mirror each other. One would be to have policy drafted and the other is to see the effects. I have said from the very start of the debate on this Bill that we live on an island. It does not make sense to cap the number of people who come in and out. We have to have movement. It is about one not having the benefit so much more. As well as that, residents are giving out about the number of flights. If our regional airports were to grow a little more, Dublin would either stay the same or drop a bit. Everything would be shared out across the whole country, which would be great.”
“I have to drive three hours to Dublin because the flights from Shannon to Strasbourg only go on Saturdays. If I do not want to spend a whole week over there for the sake of four days, I have to go from Dublin. It took me 13 hours to get to Strasbourg the first time I went, between my trip from my house near the border with Kerry up to Dublin. Would it not be amazing if we had more flights? I know it comes down to the airlines. I would love to see airlines being incentivised to use our regional airports, whether it is for tourism or for the growth and development of our industries. We have a fantastic area in Shannon where there is a lot of foreign direct investment. It is about publishing a policy that will strengthen that, which we all seem to be calling for across the two Houses. Amendment No.”
“I will speak to amendments Nos. 20 and 22, which are grouped with amendment No. 2. Amendment No. 20 requires the publication of the national aviation policy that supports regional balance, strengthens regional airports and adopts the all-island approach. I understand what Senator Scahill said to the effect that it is not one above the other. I get that, but would it not be great, on the back of this, when we are talking about Dublin Airport, to have a report to show what we are doing for regional airports? I am all for regional airports. I live in County Limerick. I am right in the centre between Shannon Airport and Kerry Airport. Would it not be great if I could use Shannon or Kerry airports to fly wherever I need? I have to travel to Strasbourg four times a year for the Council of Europe.”
“It is great that enforcement is mentioned in the Bill but we need to do more than simply having it in the Bill on its own without having staff to enforce the legislation. The reason I say that is because I have spoken to representatives of The Sunbed Council of Ireland who have told me about scenarios. They told me about one or two incidents where they were in salons and saw underage people going in to use sunbeds but when they reported it they were told, "Yes, we kind of know that goes on sometimes but we do not have the staff to go out". Therefore, I ask that the Minister of State ensures that it is included in the Bill that staff are provided who will enforce the legislation.”
“You will not see someone asking for 20 Benson and Hedges without being asked for ID if they look like they are under the age of 18. Sellers need to start doing that. We need to be a lot stricter about checking the age for buying vapes. We have tabled this amendment because we want to see how the legislation is working. If it is not working, then we can come back and look at something else. It will be good to have a report on the legislation. I am a great advocate for doing something and checking later to make sure that whatever you did actually worked. If it does not, then it can be amended or added to where necessary. I will leave it at that and not ramble too much more.”
“Shamefully, I will say I was 11 when I first started smoking, which was the norm back when I was 11 years old - everybody did it. I was lucky to be able to come off cigarettes and go on a vape. Do not ask me if it is healthier – I could not say, as I have not got a clue – but I know it is cheaper for me. I did not have any negative health effects from smoking, I do not have any negative health effects from vaping but I do not like to see children with them in their hands, so I am with the Minister of State on that. However, we need to put a lot of effort into the enforcement side and not collective punishment. We need to make sure that the sellers of vapes are afraid in the same way those selling cigarettes were afraid a long time ago.”
“People are asking me why there was never anything done about cigarettes bar changing the packaging. It took until December 2023 to say that vapes were illegal for sale to under-18s. It completely blew my mind. I thought it was a given that under-18s could not buy them because there was nicotine in them. Enforcement will be our biggest issue with vaping. We need to go back to what it was like when I was young and you went into a shop to buy cigarettes and the person behind the till would ask for ID because they knew they would be fined. They had the fear regardless of whether it ever happened. We need to go back to that because I do not believe any child should have a vape in their hand. It is absolutely crazy. The only reason I started vaping was to give up cigarettes.”
“I think it is a good thing to ban them whether because of the littering we see everywhere or their incorrect disposal. I do not think this Bill will have the effect the Department hopes for. Single-use vapes will be imported. If someone wants to use a single-use vape, they will find a way around this. I do not think it is something you can mitigate against here today. Vaping is a part of our culture now. The next Bill coming will look at flavours. Again, I do not think that will sort anything. I have been told that if I want flavours after the new Bill comes in, there will be no problem getting them - they can be got. We need to look at the reasons people are vaping and coming off cigarettes, but we also need to look at making this ban more acceptable to people. The Bill is looking at banning single-use vapes.”
“This amendment is an effort to gauge the public's reaction to the Bill, examine if banning single-use vapes actually changes anything, including whether it is having an impact on people taking up smoking or vaping, and investigates smoking cessation. Let us see what is out there and whether there are any new products or if we can be more active rather than consistently reactive to nicotine or smoking cessation. We should look to see what products are out there and whether we can make them more accessible to individuals who want to give up smoking. I do not have a problem banning single-use vapes and nor does my party. I am a vaper and I think single-use vapes are the most expensive way to go. You might as well go back smoking with their cost. If you are going to vape like a smoker does, you will use one single-use vape every single day.”
“I move amendment No. 1: In page 16, after line 20, to insert the following: “Review of Act and of smoking cessation supports 21. (1) The Minister shall, within 18 months of the passing of this Act, conduct a review, to be laid before the Houses of the Oireachtas within 24 months of the passing of this Act, to— (a) examine the operation and effectiveness of this Act, (b) examine more broadly the effectiveness of public health laws and cessation supports relating to tobacco and nicotine products, and (c) recommend measures for achieving reductions in the nicotine content of tobacco products, expanded smoking cessation supports, and further encourage a reduction in smoking rates.”.”
“It must not be a back door for commercial LNG and it should not result in even higher energy bills for households that are already under financial pressure. This Bill fails those tests. For those reasons, Sinn Féin cannot support the legislation as currently drafted. We will continue to argue for an energy policy that delivers genuine security of supply while accelerating Ireland's transition towards affordable, publicly accountable and renewable energy independence.”
“We want to see more community-owned and locally owned renewable projects so that the wealth generated by Ireland's natural resources benefits Irish people rather than flowing overseas. A secure energy future should be built around renewable energy, democratic accountability and public ownership, where appropriate. That is how we can reduce emissions, strengthen our energy security and bring down costs for consumers for the long term. Energy security is too important to be left to commercial interests. If a strategic gas reserve is required, it must be genuinely State-led, subject to full democratic oversight, developed with proper community consultation and operated solely in the public interest.”
“It started on the east coast, on the other side of the country, despite there being a plan and strategy for the area outside the estuary in County Limerick on the west coast. We are now waiting for the process to move around. By the time it does, the funding stream from Europe will have stopped and we will have to wait for the next funding stream. Everything seems to take so long. When there is such a good idea, we should move with it and go at pace to get these projects up and running and to get the funding in. Sinn Féin believes there is a better way. I have said there is a better way through offshore wind, but we also support greater public investment in and public ownership of renewable energy infrastructure.”
“Global events have translated directly into soaring energy bills for workers, families and businesses across Ireland. This dependency was not inevitable. Ireland possesses one of Europe's greatest renewable energy resources, our offshore wind. If the Minister of State were ever to take a trip down to Foynes in County Limerick, as he may have already, Pat Keating of the Shannon Foynes Port Company will tell him about the amazing project the company wants to get off the ground. We need to tap into things like this. The country could not only be energy independent but a major exporter of wind energy. Progress is painfully slow, however. We have been waiting for designated maritime area plans, DMAPs, for years. This process has only started.”
“We have seen lots of those over the years because we did not listen to communities and bypassed certain areas. Ordinary households are going to be expected to pick up the bill for this. Our understanding is that the operation of this facility could cost anything up to €60 million a year with those costs covered by levies pushed onto families and businesses that already have some of the highest energy bills in Europe. They should not be asked to pay more because this Government has failed to plan properly over the years. The truth is that Ireland remains one of the most fossil fuel-dependent countries in Europe. We import virtually all of our oil and coal and the vast majority of our natural gas. That leaves us exposed every time there is international instability or conflict. We have seen the consequences this has had over the years.”
“Energy security should never become an opportunity for private developers to profit. Decisions of national importance should be made in the interests of the Irish people and not those of corporate shareholders. Equally concerning is the Government's proposal to disapply elements of the planning Acts. We have spoken about this plenty of times when discussing wind energy and other planning matters. Communities need to be on board. They need to be consulted. They deserve to be heard. The people of County Clare deserved meaningful consultation before the location was announced. Good planning is not an obstacle to progress. It builds trust, strengthens projects and reduces the likelihood of costly legal challenges further down the line.”
“Nobody disputes that Ireland needs to strengthen its energy security and the 2023 energy security review recognised that a strategic gas reserve may be necessary to ensure secure supply in the event of catastrophic disruption. We have seen the disruption in this country as a result of the Strait of Hormuz being closed. Sinn Féin accepts that protecting our energy security is a legitimate objective. However, this Bill is not the legislation that Ireland needs. Instead of delivering a genuinely State-led strategic reserve in the public interest, the Bill opens the doors to commercial LNG. That is a significant departure from the recommendations of the Government's own energy security review, which review envisaged a State-led facility operating solely for strategic purposes.”
“I welcome the Minister of State to the House. Energy security is one of the most fundamental responsibilities of any government and people rightly expect, when they turn on the lights or when they open the doors of their businesses, that the electricity will be there for them. Unfortunately, that confidence has been undermined for years and it is down to Government failure. We find ourselves debating legislation because of successive Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael Governments that have failed to properly plan for Ireland's energy future. They have left Ireland dangerously dependent on imported fossil fuels and overly reliant on a single piece of infrastructure, the Moffat interconnector. That vulnerability should have been addressed years ago.”
“They wonder whether it will just be a building or whether services will be provided in it. It cements these fears when people are told to leave the scene of an accident and present at a Garda station because there are not enough gardaí to get out on the roads to attend the scene. We can be thankful it was not a serious accident but I can only imagine what she would have done if the car was not driveable. Would she have had to sit there for five hours? I would like a debate in the House on Garda numbers. In my last second, I will ask another question. I know extra Garda resources are needed for the EU Presidency. Are Garda resources being taken from rural Ireland for these meetings? I would like to be sure rural Ireland is not being given a lower priority when it comes to Garda numbers.”
“When she arrived at the Garda station, she was told that she was the third person that day to have been told to leave the scene of an accident and report it to the Garda station. I imagine there could be implications as regards liability when gardaí do not come out to see the scene and give their own report. You are relying on somebody who goes in to say that the other person was responsible for the accident and on their account of what happened. There are going to be some issues down the line when these people are trying to get money back to repair their cars. It comes down to Garda numbers. We have an amazing Garda station being built in Newcastle West at the moment,but local people tell me that they fear that there will not actually be any gardaí in it.”
“I know we only have another week before recess. I ask that, when we come back in the autumn, we add to the agenda something about Garda numbers, particularly in rural areas. I refer especially to roads policing and community gardaí. Last Thursday, I received a phone call from a constituent in County Limerick who had been in a car accident. She was okay. There was not a huge amount of damage done. Like myself, she had always been told to stay at the scene of the accident and not to leave. When she rang An Garda Síochána, she was told it would be four or five hours before somebody could come out to her. The person on the phone recommended that she leave the scene and present at her nearest Garda station, which was the station in Newcastle West.”
“Costs are the same as they were when excise duty was taken off and just before the war in Iran. If the Government puts the cost of fuel back up, we are not going to see a reduction if the price of a barrel of oil comes down. When the cost of a barrel of oil goes up, the price of fuel in this country goes up within an hour. When the cost of a barrel of oil goes down, it takes months for the price of fuel to come down.”
“This Government has chosen to protect the banks while making families pay more. It has chosen complicated schemes instead of straightforward supports and headlines over help. The people paying the price are ordinary workers, families and rural communities, who deserve so much better. For many people in Dublin, a car is a choice. Where I am from and for the people I represent, it is not a choice but a necessity. We do not have public transport. We do not have trains or a Luas. We barely have taxis. This affects every single person in County Limerick when they put fuel in their car. I do not care if the Government is going to do this bit by bit. At the end of it, we are still going to be up at high costs. I hear the price of a barrel of oil has come down, but we do not see it here.”
“It might exist in Dublin, but I guarantee that when you go outside the M50, it does not exist to work for people who need it. You cannot tax people into buying electric vehicles that they cannot afford. You cannot tax people into heating their homes with different forms of heat when there is no realistic alternative. That is not climate action. That is simply making life harder for those already struggling. These policies do not reduce emissions. What they do is to increase deprivation. They force families to keep the heating off. They force older people to sit in cold houses or to heat one room at a time and use that room day and night. They force parents to choose between filling an oil tank and paying other essential bills. A Government's priorities are revealed by the choices it makes.”
“If this had been done at the pumps, it would have been instant and would have benefited every single person as well as the haulage sector. No supports were provided for the healthcare assistants driving to work every day and none for the carers who have to drive between appointments. There were no supports for any ordinary families in this State. They were forgotten about. A direct reduction in costs at the pump would have delivered immediate help for all sectors. We have also seen a lot of misinformation and lies over the last couple of months about carbon taxes. What is crucial here is that people understand the facts, and the fact is that carbon taxes are an ever-increasing tax on essentials. You cannot tax people into using public transport when it does not exist, and it does not exist.”
“Do not get me wrong - the haulage sector, contractors and farming sector needed these supports, but the everyday person needed them too. I have met so many people I stood with in Foynes during the week of protests. They have told me they stood there for a week and then walked away completely deflated because their bosses got a rebate. They still have to drive to work at the yards to get into their trucks. Their wives, partners and children are still driving. They are driving to college and to take the kids to school. They did not get a rebate. That should have been taken off at the pump. The haulage sector is still giving out that it is three months down the line and it is still waiting for its rebates. Deputy Pearse Doherty has raised plenty of times in the Dáil that there are sectors not getting this support on time.”
“This is going to place a huge burden on families and households. Families are being squeezed in every direction, and the response we are getting from the Government is to increase the cost of filling a car. It is just not on. Families cannot afford it. The Government had choices. It could have protected ordinary people and looked elsewhere for this revenue. It could have tackled the sweetheart tax arrangements it has with the banks, under which they get to continue offsetting their losses from the financial crash against the enormous profits they are making today. Instead, once again, it is the easy option of making the working people pay for it. The Government likes to boast about the €750 million package of supports announced after the protests.”
“It is also a time of colder weather, longer nights, higher electricity bills and a need for more heating oil in households. Home heating oil has never seen a cut. We also have the secondary school voluntary payments, which are anything but voluntary. Barnardos has repeatedly highlighted the enormous burden of back-to-school costs. It reckons that it costs €1,700 for a primary school student each year and up to €3,000 for a secondary school student. This imposes huge costs on families coming into this time of year. There was another blow yesterday, with the introduction of the €3 charge on every parcel coming in from outside the EU. This disproportionately affects people in this country given the trade agreement we have with Britain. People trying to save a little bit by ordering online will have €3 added to every parcel.”
“I genuinely fear that we are facing into a winter of discontent due to the increase and the plans this Government has put forward. The decision to restore fuel excise duty increases from September onwards may be insignificant around the Cabinet table, but it is very significant in the parts of the country I represent and for the people I represent, the workers commuting every day, the parents dropping their children to school, families travelling to hospital appointments or just in general for people living in rural Ireland who simply have no alternative but to use their cars. The period from September through to Christmas can be one of the most expensive times in households, especially for parents with children going back to school and having to buy school uniforms.”
“Therefore, our aviation strategy should look beyond Dublin and consider how airports across the island can complement one another, improve reliance and strengthen connectivity for people, and businesses, both North and South. Tourism deserves a mention. Almost one in ten jobs across the island depend on tourism, yet international visitor numbers and visitor spending declined last year. At a time when many hospitality workers continue to struggle with low pay and rising living costs, we need policies that strengthen rather than weaken Ireland's attractiveness as a destination. Strong aviation links are central to that. Sinn Féin supports removing the passenger cap that has become outdated and no longer serves Ireland's interests. We also believe that growth must be properly planned and respect local communities.”
“Shannon Airport has increased its passenger numbers year on year over the last couple of years, which is great, but we need to encourage more airlines to fly out of regional airports. Galway no longer has commercial services. Sligo has no commercial passenger operation. Waterford has struggled for years to secure the investment necessary to restore its scheduled service. If the Government is serious about balanced regional development then regional airports must become economic drivers in their own right supported by investment in infrastructure, route development and integrated transport links. We also need to recognise the all-island dimension of aviation. Brexit has demonstrated the vulnerability of our transport links. The disruption at Holyhead showed how quickly our supply chain can come under pressure.”
“We intend to examine these provisions carefully and bring forward amendments to ensure that the legislation is proportionate, transparent and respects proper planning processes, and the independence of the relevant authorities. Third, we cannot discuss Dublin Airport in isolation. The Government continues to speak about balanced regional development while allowing Dublin Airport to dominate aviation policy. Nearly nine out of ten passengers who travel through airports in this State travel through Dublin Airport. Meanwhile, airports like Shannon, Cork, Kerry, Knock and Waterford continue to receive piecemeal support instead of the strategic investment needed to unlock their full potential.”
“If the Government wants public confidence in this legislation then meaningful engagement with local residents cannot be optional and must be built into the legislation. That is why Sinn Féin will bring forward amendments that require meaningful consultation with local community groups, and the strengthening of community mitigation and compensation measures. Second, the Bill raises important questions about ministerial powers. While we recognise that the Government needs a mechanism to address an outdated passenger cap, the legislation must clearly define the scope of those powers. The Minister's authority should be confined to dealing with the passenger cap capacity issue alone and should not become a mechanism for overriding broader planning protections or creating uncertainty about future planning decisions.”
“Residents who live around Dublin Airport have legitimate concerns, which we have heard about at the Joint Committee on Transport over the last few months. We have heard about the increased number of night flights, aircraft noise, air pollution, traffic congestion and the reduction in the overall qualify of life within their own communities. Too many people feel like their voices have been ignored for years by both the DAA and the authorities. The irony is that the original passenger cap was introduced because commitments were made regarding transport infrastructure and local impacts. Many of those still remain unresolved today.”
“Continuing with a cap that no longer reflects operational reality creates uncertainty for airlines, businesses and workers whose livelihoods depend on aviation. We are also conscious of the looming legal uncertainty around slot allocation. If the cap is not addressed then Ireland risks reduced connectivity, fewer routes and potential damage to the tourism sector and the wider economy. For those reasons Sinn Féin supports lifting the passenger cap. However, supporting the principle does not mean giving the legislation a blank cheque. There are significant shortcomings within the Bill that must be addressed on Committee Stage. First, local communities cannot simply be expected to absorb the consequences of expansion without being listened to.”
“I welcome the Minister of State. As has been said, we are an island nation and depend on connectivity. Aviation in this country is not a luxury but an essential part of the Irish economy, tourism sector, exporters, diaspora and our ability to attract investment. We cannot pretend otherwise. That is why Sinn Féin agrees that the current 32 million passenger cap at Dublin Airport is no longer fit for purpose. The cap was introduced many years ago as a planning condition linked to the construction of terminal 2 and was based on circumstances that have long since changed. Last year alone, Dublin Airport handled approximately 36 million passengers, which is 4 million passengers above the current cap. The reality is that passenger demand has outgrown the planning framework.”
“However, it is only a small thing. There is a huge issue when it comes to energy in this country. All you have to do is knock on a few doors and see people's bills. People are struggling. I would welcome this small move but I would love to see the Government bring in something big. Perhaps it could give those powers to the CRU so that it could do a deep dive and look into what these energy companies are making and how much the data centres are paying compared to households.”
“That is the real energy crisis Ireland is facing today. Yes, let us ensure that consumers receive refunds where they lose electricity supply through no fault of their own. I completely agree that the situation is totally unfair. However, let us not pretend that refunding a few euro in standing charges addresses a crisis where households are paying hundreds of euro more each year than families elsewhere in Europe. People deserve more than token gestures. They deserve an energy system that is fair, transparent and affordable. They deserve a regulator that has the power to tackle profiteering and price gouging. They deserve proper regulation of standing charges. We support the motion, even though I have said it is a small thing. I will take the positivity sandwich approach. I started positive and then I gave the criticism.”
“Nobody disputes that but investment alone means little if ordinary people cannot afford to pay their bills. The long-term answer is to reduce our dependency on imported fossil fuels through faster delivery of renewable energy and greater public investment in our energy capacity. Ireland has enormous renewable potential but progress has been painfully slow. Delays every year mean that families are once again exposed to international conflicts and volatile global energy markets. The human consequences are impossible to ignore. Hundreds of thousands of households are now in energy debt. More families are falling into long-term arrears and the number of disconnections is increasing. Behind every one of those figures is a household forced to choose between heating, food and other basic necessities.”
“Before a family even switches on a light or boils a kettle, they are already paying substantial fixed costs. That cannot go unchecked. We also need to ask a fundamental question about fairness. Why are ordinary households paying higher network charges than some of the largest energy users in the State? Families are effectively subsidising a system where major data centres benefit from significantly lower network costs despite placing enormous demands on our electricity infrastructure. Households should not be paying six, seven and sometimes eight times more in network charges while multinational corporations receive preferential treatment. That is simply not fair. The Government rightly points to investment in our electricity grid and renewable energy. Investment is necessary.”
“The Government has repeatedly refused to support Sinn Féin legislation that would finally give the Commission for Regulation of Utilities, CRU, the powers that it needs to hold energy companies to account. Our proposals would require proper oversight of energy companies, priced-in practices and hedging strategies. They would give the regulator stronger powers to investigate and sanction anti-competitive behaviour. They would require far greater transparency around how prices are set. Crucially, they would place affordability at the heart of energy regulation rather than treating it as an afterthought. We have also brought forward legislation to regulate standing charges. At present, suppliers can impose these fixed charges with remarkably little scrutiny.”
“Families are struggling to pay bills month after month, businesses are struggling with soaring operating costs, and people are cutting back on essentials simply just to keep the lights on. The Government wants to present this motion as an answer to energy affordability; it is not. At best it deals with a symptom. It does nothing to address the underlying cause of why electricity has become so unaffordable in the first place. Ordinary workers and families are being fleeced while energy companies are continuing to make enormous profits. Time and again this Government has claimed that these prices are simply unavoidable, as though nothing can be done. That simply is not true. These are political choices.”
“Nobody disputes that when families or businesses lose power through no fault of their own they deserve fair treatment. If people are left without electricity for hours or even days, particularly following severe weather events, they should not be expected to pay standing charges for a service that they cannot use. While there is merit in ensuring consumers are compensated during outages, we must also be honest with people. Refunding a standing charge for a period without power is a very small measure in the context of the enormous energy costs households are facing every single month. For many families the standing charge is not the biggest problem. The real problem is that Ireland has some of the highest electricity prices in Europe.”
“We need to have a serious conversation about what is happening and how the systems are preventing our paramedics and hospital staff from working. It is through no fault of their own. They are amazing workers. The treatment and care they give is out of this world, but the systems behind them are stopping them from doing the vital work they want to do.”
“He said that if it had been a stroke or heart attack, my father would either be going out in a body bag or with irreversible damage done. He said the system the staff work under is stopping them from doing their job correctly. That is what he asked me to raise - the systems staff are working under. The crew wanted to get to us and were ready to leave but they were not allowed to because of a shift change. That is absolutely ridiculous. We were lucky that he was fine and it was not a heart attack or stroke, but what about the next person or neighbour down the road or somebody who is having a heart attack or stroke? To wait for more than two hours and 20 minutes for an ambulance is absolutely crazy when the ambulance station is 15 minutes away. People are sitting there, waiting.”
“The ambulance was first called at 6.10 p.m. and it arrived at 8.30 p.m. Amazing paramedics in the ambulance crew took really good care of my dad and decided he needed to go into the hospital to be monitored because his blood pressure was still not coming down. The paramedic in the ambulance asked to speak to me for a moment because he recognised who I was. He told me not to worry, it was not a medical issue and he just needed to have a word. He told me the call came in at 6.10 p.m. and it was now 8.30 p.m. He said the crew was not allowed to leave the ambulance base until a shift change had been completed as the crew coming out to us had to be the night shift. He said my father was a category 1, meaning it should take a maximum of 19 minutes for an ambulance to get to him.”
“Many of us often raise issues with and concerns about our health system. I for one do not have high expectations when it comes to certain areas in health. We raise concerns, whether it is about cancer care or medications for rare diseases. Last Thursday, I had first-hand experience of the health system. On my way back from Dublin, my dad rang me and said he was not feeling great, his blood pressure had been over 220 all day and he needed to ring an ambulance. I told him I was still on the road and would not get to him on time. He said that was fine and he would ring an ambulance. I arrived close to 7 p.m., thinking he would not still be at home. A community first responder was there and did an amazing job. He continued to take my dad's vitals and rang the ambulance service four times while I was there.”