Joanne Collins
Agricultural Panel · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“I am going to speak to amendments Nos. 2, 4 and 8. Amendment No. 2 makes it absolutely clear that the strategic emergency gas reserve is exactly that: an emergency reserve. It cannot become another source of gas for day-to-day commercial supply or market management.”
“(3) The Minister must mandate that the CRU carries out an assessment on the impact of the expenses incurred on household bills under this Act and all future Acts relating to construction, operation, maintenance and decommissioning of a Strategic Emergency Gas Reserve.”. I will keep this very brief.”
“I move amendment No. 6: In page 10, between lines 31 and 32, to insert the following: " State-led 5 . (1) The Strategic Emergency Gas Reserve constructed, operated and maintained under this Act and all future Acts relating to its construction, operation, maintenance and decommissioning will be a State-led asset.”
“Yes, I am not going to give out. Regardless of what is said to me I am going to be nice today on our last day. I echo what is being said about everybody enjoying their break and the thanks to all the staff in here. It can be very daunting when you first come in but everybody makes you feel like you can do it. It is great to work here.”
“I move amendment No. 7: In page 10, between lines 31 and 32, to insert the following: " Gas demand 5 . (1) The Minister shall ensure that a Strategic Emergency Gas Reserve established under this Act and all future Acts relating to its construction, operation, maintenance and decommissioning does not lead to an increase in gas demand.”
“I move amendment No. 10: In page 10, between lines 31 and 32, to insert the following: “Decommissioning 5. The Minister shall, within 12 months of the commencement of this Act, outline a plan for decommissioning any Strategic Emergency Gas Reserve constructed, operated, maintained or decommissioned under this Act and all future Acts relat…”
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“The ultimate objective must be a criminal justice system that protects victims, respects constitutional rights and encourages survivors to come forward with confidence.”
“Complex and significant reforms are increasingly being bundled together in miscellaneous provisions Bills, limiting opportunities for detailed examination and reducing transparency in the legislation process. Good legislation requires time, engagement and scrutiny, like I already said. Nowhere is it more important than dealing with survivors of sexual violence. As the Bill progresses, Sinn Féin will continue to engage constructively. We will support measures that strengthen protections for victims and improve access to justice. We will also be seeking amendments, where necessary, particularly in relation to the counselling notes because survivors deserve legislation that reflects both the reality of the trauma and the need for justice.”
“Regardless of whether one would support or oppose these measures, they deserve proper scrutiny in their own right and I hope we get the opportunity on Committee Stage to go through those that have not been gone through yet. That broader issue speaks to a recurring problem in how legislation is brought before the House. I mean that in terms of the amount that is in one Bill and the different areas it covers, and being given enough time to actually get through these because sometimes Committee Stage can be cut short. I know the Minister tries to give as much time as possible to these, so when we have such a wide-ranging Bill, it would be nice to get a little bit of extra time.”
“Sinn Féin has for a long time argued that successive Governments have neglected Ireland's maritime security capabilities and that greater investment and stronger legal powers are required. However, it is difficult to understand why such significant defence matters have been attached to a miscellaneous provisions justice Bill at such a late stage in the legislative process. Those provisions were not part of the original scrutiny process. They were not examined by the committee with responsibility for defence matters. They raise important questions regarding oversight, accountability and the role of the Defence Forces in aid of the civil power.”
“If we fail to get this right, the consequences could be fewer victims coming forward, fewer victims seeking support and a further erosion in confidence in the criminal justice system when it comes to these cases. That cannot be allowed to happen. A second concern relates to the manner in which the legislation has been assembled. It is another miscellaneous provisions Bill containing a broad range of unrelated matters, including significant amendments relating to the Defence Forces powers. There are elements to those defence provisions that many of us support, particularly measures aimed at strengthening maritime security and protecting our territorial waters.”
“The challenge, of course, is to strike an appropriate balance between protecting the privacy and dignity of complainants while safeguarding the constitutional right of an accused person to a fair trial. This is not an easy balance to achieve, but it is precisely because it is such a sensitive and complex issue that it deserves careful consideration and considered and comprehensive legislative scrutiny. The Minister said he has amendments coming forward on this, but we need to ensure that this legislation creates a strong presumption against the disclosure of counselling records unless the court is satisfied that disclosure is genuinely a necessity in the interest of justice. We need clear safeguards for this. We need robust protections and, above all, we need a system that recognises the unique vulnerability of victims of sexual violence.”
“Many survivors access counselling in order to process trauma, rebuild their lives and begin a journey of recovery. They do so with the expectation of privacy and confidentiality. The prospect that deeply personal discussions with a therapist could later become the subject of legal scrutiny can be a significant deterrent to seeking support and, indeed, reporting sexual offences in the first place. That reality must be recognised when we are dealing with this legislation. We must ensure that victims and survivors are not placed in a position where they feel they must choose between accessing counselling and pursuing the justice they so deserve.”
“As has been said across the floor by many speakers, this very wide-ranging Bill covers a variety of matters across criminal law, civil law and defence. There are provisions within this that Sinn Féin does agree with and will support. There are also areas where we will be seeking significant improvements as we push through with this legislation. My principal concern today, however, relates to one of the most sensitive and important issues combined in this Bill, which is the disclosure of counselling and therapy records in sexual violence trials. For years, survivors of sexual violence have told us that one of the most daunting aspects of pursuing justice is the fear that their private counselling notes may be sought, examined and used in court proceedings.”
“We are talking about HSE staff having to consider giving up work because this childcare provider cannot afford to stay within core funding. I ask that the core funding be reviewed for all four years. Could we have a date for the opening of the fee increase assessment so the provider will at least have some sense of when it might be able to look into this and determine whether its fee can be increased while staying within core funding, which is what we all want?”
“TLC Childcare charges €140 and €150, respectively, for its two childcare centres in Newcastle West. It needs the fee increase assessment to be opened. The assessment does open but the provider has not been given a date. Through it, the provider can show its books and accounts, show where core funding is not meeting what is needed to stay sustainable, and show that it needs to increase its fees by a small amount. It needs to increase its fee to €180. If not, it says, it will have to leave core funding, which would see its fees increase to €240 per week per child. The parents are not going to be able to afford that and will end up leaving. There are many nurses living in Newcastle West and they use this childcare facility.”
“I am sure this does not just arise in County Limerick and that it is widespread in every county. The rates were reduced last week. The fee reduction for parents of a mere €14 per week was not what we wanted but it was something. Two TLC Childcare crèches in Newcastle West, County Limerick, have done their books and have realised that while the €14 a week is going to come off for each child, what they can claim back works out at €5.80. Regarding what they can claim back under core funding, they are going to be nearly €10 short per week per child. Core funding was supposed to be reviewed. I understand there is a review beginning, but it is only a review of year one. We need a review of the four years of core funding to see how this is affecting childcare facilities. The parents from one of the childcare facilities have all contacted me.”
“In response to Senator Mullen, I for one am delighted to see that the legislation might pass and the three-day rule might stop because I do not know of any man who walks into a doctor’s surgery and is told to go home and think about it for three days. Yes, there is strain and mental stress for women on both sides: women who may have had an abortion and maybe were not 100% swayed that way and maybe regretted it afterwards, but also women sent home for three days, with the stress on their bodies that involves, who are told to have a think about it. It is absolutely disgraceful for anybody to be told to go and think about it when it comes to their own healthcare. I am delighted to see that there is cross-party support for the legislation. On childcare, there is a serious issue with core funding.”
“He was awarded home care hours but there was nobody there to give them so now she is living long term in a respite centre. She cannot get a place in a nursing home because she walks too much with her dementia, so they will not take her in a nursing home. It is very unfair. My father is nearly 80 and he drives for an hour and 20 minutes every day just to get to see his wife for an hour. That is wrong. There is a breakdown of the system. It is just not right and it is breaking families.”
“We need a genuinely needs-based system that recognises the difference between basic home help and high-dependency care and the guarantee of access based on needs rather than availability. While we support the Bill because regulation is necessary, the Government should not confuse a regulatory register with a statutory home care scheme. Families need rights, access, affordability, and most of all, they need a Government that will listen to the actual issues rather than another promise deferred. I am from County Limerick and I will give my own example. I know how important home care is, but I also know how detrimental it is when you cannot get home care. My mother has late stage dementia. My dad minded her at home every day because he made a promise to her that he would not put her into care.”
“The Bill contains no answers for the families that every day ask questions like who qualifies for support, how quickly will the support be provided, what is the maximum waiting time, how are different levels of need assessed and what happens when a family cannot afford additional care. If the Government is serious about shifting care into the community, home support cannot remain as a discretionary service. It must become a right and it must be delivered to a high standard, with a defined timeframe and supported by transparent reporting and accountability. What is needed now is the clear roadmap that we have been promised to the statutory home care scheme, with timelines, phased implementation and dedicated funding.”
“People were led to expect something completely different and something comparable to the nursing home support scheme, namely, a pathway to universal home care that is planned, funded and delivered as part of a properly resourced public health and social care system. Instead, this Bill says nothing about access, affordability or entitlement. It risks embedding a model that is designed around private provision rather than building a genuine public capacity. Regulation is not the same thing as a statutory scheme. Regulation can help prevent poor practice and protect vulnerable people, but it does not guarantee someone will receive the hours of support they need. It does not guarantee continuity of care. It does not guarantee that an older person or a person with disability can remain safely and independently in their own home.”
“Others depend on a growing private market where standards and oversight have not always matched the vulnerability of those receiving the care. Registration, inspections, enforceable standards and accountability are the minimum that people should expect. Regulation is overdue and it is an essential part of any future statutory home care scheme. However, the problem is that the Government will undoubtedly present this as progress towards that scheme. The reality of this is very different. The current and previous programmes for Government promised a statutory home care scheme and after five years what has been delivered is a register for providers.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on the Bill. As my colleague Senator Tully said, we will support this on Second Stage because the private home care sector must be regulated and families deserve basic assurances of safety, standards and accountability. Supporting a Bill is not the same as applauding the Government's record on this. The legislation is necessary but it is also a stark admission of how little has been delivered and how low the Government's ambition has been and has fallen when it comes to home care. In plain language, this Bill is about regulating providers; it is not about delivering entitlements for patients. We support it because families currently rely on a patchwork system. Some receive HSE-approved and HSE-provided support, which is often rationed and insufficient.”
“We also have the case where a lot of our young people are not seeing that they could possibly build a house on their own land because the bureaucracy is very difficult to navigate. I had to drill my own well because we do not get water services down that far. A lot of people are not willing to do that, so they are moving abroad. This is stopping the next generation from having kids who will join the sports clubs, and so on and so forth. I do not necessarily think there needs to be a reset, but we do need to start taking away some of that red tape when it comes to rural housing.”
“I do not have to go through the rigmarole of telling them who I am. Where I am living, however, it is becoming necessary to merge two GAA clubs just to have enough kids to make a team. It is actually quite sad when they cannot play in their own parish and have to join another parish. There was a time when there was a rule that you had to get permission to go to another parish. Now, they are all being amalgamated. Our schools are losing teachers because we cannot keep enough children in our country schools. The schools are losing a teacher and that teacher is losing their job. Schools are also losing out on SNA supports because there are not enough kids from the previous year to make up the required number.”
“I grew up in Limerick city and then moved out to the county when I was 17. I thought my life was over. How could I live somewhere where there was not a shop two minutes' walk away from me? I ended up loving it so much, however, that I actually moved further into the county. I am in a place now where the bin service will not drive down to us because we are so rural. We have to bring the bins three miles up the road for the bin service to collect them. That is the choice I made because I absolutely love living in the county. I love being surrounded by wilderness and having a little bit of solitude every now and again, where I know that if somebody is going to be calling to me, I am going to get a phone call first. I do not get the knocks on the door. I have never had a politician call to my house, which is one of the upsides.”
“(5) No biometric data collected, processed, or retained under this Act shall be transferred to, processed by, or stored on any server, cloud service, or technological infrastructure— (a) located in a state engaged in war crimes, crimes against humanity or genocide, (b) controlled by an entity referred to in subsection (1), or (c) operated using software, firmware, or backend systems originating in a state engaged in war crimes, crimes against humanity or genocide.”.”
“(2) For the purposes of this section, ‘surveillance technology’ includes any system capable of biometric analysis, facial recognition, behavioural categorisation, pattern of life analysis, or the processing of biometric data within the meaning of the Data Protection Act 2018. (3) Any existing contract, memorandum of understanding, or procurement arrangement that contravenes subsection (1) shall not be renewed, extended, or varied, and shall be terminated at the earliest date permissible under contract law. (4) Nothing in this section shall prevent the Minister from authorising the temporary retention of data or equipment solely for the purpose of evidential preservation, forensic examination, or legal compliance, provided that no further operational use is made of such technology.”
“I move amendment No. 7: In page 8, between lines 12 and 13, to insert the following: “Prohibition on procurement or use of certain technologies 43DA. (1) An Garda Síochána, the Minister, or any public body acting on their behalf shall not procure, license, contract for, deploy, or otherwise make operational use of any biometric analysis technology, surveillance technology, software, hardware, dataset, or related service supplied by— (a) a company incorporated, headquartered, or substantially operating in a state engaged in war crimes, crimes against humanity or genocide, (b) a subsidiary, affiliate, or parent undertaking of such a company, or (c) any entity that develops, trains, sources, or operates biometric or surveillance systems using data, infrastructure, or technology originating in a state engaged in war crimes, crimes against humanity or genocide.”
“As we permit the use of this kind of technology to assist the Garda to do its job in terms of detecting crimes and catching criminals, we need to ensure that there are safeguards in terms of where the data is stored and processed, and also who has access to it and that it is not retained for longer than is absolutely necessary. That is basically the gist of this amendment.”
“I move amendment No. 6: In page 8, between lines 12 and 13, to insert the following: "Processing and storage of data 43DA. Biometric data processed under this Act shall— (a) be retained only for the minimum period strictly necessary, (b) be stored and processed exclusively on servers located within the European Union, (c) not be accessible to private contractors, and (d) be deleted immediately once no longer required for the purpose for which it was collected.". This amendment seeks to ensure greater protection also, in terms of where the data is processed and stored, and to ensure such data is only retained for a necessary period.”
“That individual pleaded guilty to the unauthorised disclosure of Garda PULSE personal data of 14 individuals. While it is important to say that these misuses related to a very small minority within An Garda Síochána, the experience of that misuse of the PULSE system reinforces the need to ensure proper protections are in place to ensure that these technologies are only used where appropriate, properly authorised and necessary for the investigation of serious crimes. I believe it is appropriate to set at least the level of superintendent to be able to authorise this.”
“I move amendment No. 4: In page 6, after line 40, to insert the following: "(3A) A member of An Garda Síochána shall not deploy biometric analysis unless authorised in advance by a member of An Garda Síochána not below the rank of Chief Superintendent, who shall record in writing the grounds of necessity and proportionality for such deployment.". This amendment seeks to ensure that there are safeguards in terms of how this technology is used and that there is no overreach by ensuring the deployment of biometric analysis must be authorised in advance by a member of An Garda Síochána not below the rank of superintendent. We know that Gardaí have faced disciplinary procedures for the misuse of the PULSE system in the past, including the horrendous case in which a former garda was jailed in July for inciting strangers to rape a colleague.”
“It would also be important from a national security perspective, as it makes absolutely no sense to procure this kind of technology from a state that has been hostile to Ireland for standing up against the genocide in Gaza.”
“This company has been used by Israel during the current genocide in Gaza to target Palestinians. In 2021 alone, the Garda spent over €200,000 on Cellebrite services. While it is important the Garda has access to technology, including decryption technology required to detect and prosecute serious crimes, alternatives must be found to using companies from states engaged in war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. I do not believe this will be done without enshrining it in law, given the experience to date,. In 2024, the Government banned future purchases of military equipment from Israel due to the actions of the Israeli Government in Gaza. However, this ban did not apply to An Garda Síochána. Acceptance of these amendments would be consistent with the position the Government has taken regarding the purchase of military equipment.”
“Its tools have been used in Indonesia to monitor LGBT and religious minorities, and in Myanmar and South Sudan for mass interception. A Brazilian investigation alleges that a Cognyte system was used under Jair Bolsonaro to track political opponents. Can the Minister guarantee this company will not be used for the provisions in the Bill we are discussing here today? We also know that An Garda Síochána has paid hundreds of thousands of euro to an Israeli cyberdefence company that has worked with Israeli authorities to target Palestinians during the current genocide in Palestine. That company, Cellebrite, has deep links to Israel's military and intelligence apparatus and has previously been criticised by rights groups for selling its technology to prospective governments.”
“I will, and I thank the Minister for being here today. Banning the use of technology from states engaged in war crimes and genocide should not even be up for debate. It should just be a given. We know that An Garda Síochána has, and is probably still using, Israeli surveillance technology. Given Israel's record, this is highly problematic from a national security perspective and because it is supporting a genocidal regime that uses this very technology to target Palestinians. We know that in 2023 An Garda Síochána paid €278,000 to Cognyte, an Israeli surveillance technology company. Cognyte's main product is an investigations analytics platform that uses AI, facial recognition and data aggregation to analyse communications, CCTV, social media and more. The company has a controversial history.”
“I move: That leave be granted to introduce a Bill entitled an Act to amend the Electoral Act 1992 to reduce the age at which a person may be registered as a European Parliament Elector, and a Local Government Elector, and to provide for related matters.”
“We bring up many issues in this House and the other House every day. There is a bit of a disconnect when it comes to our youth as they do not always connect one with the other and they do not engage. My colleague spoke about what is happening in Belfast. If people knew how to engage with their representatives we might not have this level of what sometimes happens on the streets in this country. A lot of the time we see on the streets much younger people who have not been involved and have not had an education on how to understand how the political system works, how it can work and how we can strengthen it and bring about the changes needed for security and safety. It is about engaging with young people. They contribute to our society so why not give them the chance to vote and have a say in who represents them?”
“By extending the voting age to those aged 16 and 17, we would not simply be giving young people a vote but we would also be encouraging candidates for political parties to engage with them, listen to their concerns and address the issues they face, whether on education, access to apprenticeships, youth services or public transport. There are so many issues. Sometimes those starting college are aged 16 or 17, and they feel they do not have the same rights because they do not have the vote and they do not have a say in who is representing them. In a time when democracy is so important in this country, it would bring in this younger cohort to show them what democracy is all about and bring into our schools education to show them how important it is to be involved in democracy in this country.”
“I propose an amendment to the Order of Business to take No. 12 before No. 1. No. 12 is the Electoral (Amendment) (Voting Age) Bill 2026, which is straightforward legislation that seeks to reduce the voting age from 18 to 16 for local and European elections. There has been a debate going on for years about those aged 16 and 17 who contribute to our society and pay tax when they are out working, whether they start in transition year, go into apprenticeships or work on family farms. If they are paying taxes and contributing to our society should they not have a choice in who represents them? Should they not have a vote for their representatives on the ground whom they can contact? Should they not have a say on who represents them?”
“It calls on the Government to move beyond words and take concrete action, namely, banning trade with illegal settlements, prohibiting the use of Irish airspace for weapons destined for Israel and reviewing cultural and sporting links while these grave violations continue. These are peaceful democratic measures rooted in international law and accountability. No state should be above the law and no people should be denied their dignity, freedom or their future. The Seanad has an opportunity to send a clear message that Ireland will not be silent in the face of collective punishment, unlawful occupation or the destruction of civilian life. I urge all Senators to back the motion and also the amendments.”
“Otherwise, our commitment to international law becomes selective and hollow. We cannot continue to condemn illegal settlements while permitting trade with them. We cannot speak for peace while weapons transit through European airspace to fuel destruction. We cannot claim neutrality while civilians, including children, are killed in staggering numbers and humanitarian aid is obstructed. Ireland has a proud history of speaking out against injustice and colonial oppression. The Irish people have consistently shown solidarity with the Palestinian people, not out of hostility to anyone else but because we recognise the fundamental human rights of all people. That is why the second amendment to the motion is so important.”
“I support the motion and, in particular, the amendments to it that have been put forward. What we are witnessing in Gaza, the West Bank and across the wider region is not simply another cycle of conflict. It is a catastrophic assault on human life, international law and the very principles the European Union claims to uphold. For far too long, the international community, including many within the EU, has responded with statements of concern while continuing business as usual with the Israeli state. That contradiction is no longer tenable. The amendment before us rightly points out the failure by the EU to take meaningful political or economic action to hold Israel to account. If Article 2 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement means anything, it must mean that systemic violations of human rights carry consequences.”
“I would respect the Government and its representatives so much more if, just once in a while, they put their hands up and said this is not working, so let us stop and look at it, and go back and change it a little bit. The Government does not have to say that we were right. We are not asking for that. We just want the Government to get this right for the people on the ground. By the way, Deputy Eoin Ó Broin is not in government and never has been. How could he build a bloody house?”
“I just do not think the Government is seeing the bigger picture. I do not think it is hearing the stories it needs to hear. What is wrong is that the offices of the Government representatives are being packed up with the developers and investors. They are the ones getting the sweet deals when it comes to rent in this country. The Government is saying that our Private Members' Bill does not represent the progress that this Government has made. The 17,500 people living in homeless accommodation represent the Government and what it has done. This is what it needs to look at. I am really sorry if it sounds very blunt, but the Government’s policies are not worth the paper they are written on, because they are not working. Do you know what?”
“The only thing that does not work in this country is the majority of people's wages. For middle-income earners, the only thing not going up is their wages. The costs of paying for the food shop, car insurance, rent, insurance and tax have all gone up for them. The cost of everything they are paying for has gone up because of inflation. The only thing not matching it is their wages. What do I say to Jane and her husband, who are left with €130 a week just after paying the rent? They have two kids. What if a school tour comes up? Do they have to go to the principal or teacher, get down on their hands and knees, with embarrassment and pride in their heart, say they cannot afford the school tour this year and ask if they can get a payment plan for it? What is an experience like this doing to people?”
“The Government's representatives need to start listening to what the people who come into their offices are saying. They need to actually listen to them, because I do not think anybody across the floor listens. People are in bits. They cannot find somewhere to live and when they do, they cannot afford it. People are constantly in fear of being evicted because the new rules that came in ensure the landlord can up the price once they evict the tenant. It is an absolutely ridiculous rule to have put in place. The rent caps put in are too high, to start with.”
“I have been hearing about safeguards for tenants and renters and Ireland having some of the strongest protections for renters. If people cannot afford to rent a house, the safeguards and strongest protections are not worth the paper they are written on, because people will not have the house to have those safeguards. They will be stuck in emergency accommodation. I did smirk and laugh a little bit while some of my colleagues across the floor were speaking because I found it quite comical to hear that the Government has done so much for housing over the last number of years, and that it does this and does that. The only thing I can see the Government doing for housing is enabling evictions and putting policies in place that ensure landlords can undertake these evictions.”
“Again, we call on the Government to introduce an emergency ban on rent increases and no-fault evictions; cut private rents by putting a full month's rent back into every private renter's pocket; oppose rent increases for council tenants, those in receipt of HAP and rental accommodation scheme, RAS, payments, and cost rental tenants; introduce a radical reset of housing policy, as set out by the Housing Commission; and increase and accelerate the delivery of social, affordable and private for-purchase homes.”
“Does he agree or disagree with the report? Does he acknowledge and agree or disagree with the Housing Commission's view that a radical reset of housing policy is needed? The amendment to the motion is an insult to every single renter who is struggling to keep a roof over their head. It is an insult to the 17,500 people who are homeless and the thousands of young people who are fed up because they feel they will never move out of their family homes and instead are leaving the country. This Government does not listen and it is high time for it to admit the policies it is putting in place are not working.”
“This is from last week's report by daft.ie : This sharp surge in rents coincides with the new rent control system. A key feature of the new rules is the ability to reset rents to market levels when a tenancy ends. For landlords whose rents had been constrained by earlier rules, this represents an opportunity to realign rents with prevailing market conditions. The scale of the increase in early 2026 suggests that this opportunity has been taken up widely, where tenancies have recently turned over. This surge in rents comes at a time when the overall availability of rental housing remains very limited. As a result, the price effects of the new system have appeared more quickly and more clearly than any increase in supply. These are not my words; they are from a daft.ie report. Will the Minister acknowledge the figures?”
“God forbid something goes wrong with the car because they will not have the money. On €130 per week, they will find it very hard to budget for that. It is just an impossible situation for them and they are at their wits' end. I am hearing this consistently in my office. I have families coming in to me who are looking at eviction notices. They do not know how they are going to survive this. The Government can put whatever spin it wants on housing policy and how successful it thinks it is but the facts are the lived experiences of the people, and they tell a completely different story. This Government is not listening. We told it the rent hike Bill would cause an increase in rents. The Government said it would not and told us we were being dramatic. What does the Minister say now that the facts and figures are laid bare for him?”
“If they are lucky enough to find another house to rent, and if Members go on daft.ie any day of the week, they will see that there are slim pickings out there, they are looking at a significant increase in their rent payment. I am going to run through their situation. This family has an income of about just over €710 per week. Based on the average rent they will pay if they find another property, that is €400 a week leaving them with €310. A weekly shop for a family of four - two adults and two kids - costs approximately €180. That leaves them €130 a week to pay for electricity, gas, bin charges and school fees and, considering they live in County Limerick with its lack of public services and public transport, they are guaranteed to have a car which brings with it tax and car insurance.”
“The average rent on two-bedroom houses is now just over €1,700 a month. Where does that leave families? One family I spoke to in Limerick last week, came into my office crying and sobbing with sheer depression. It broke my heart to sit there and listen to what they are going through. Jane - I am not going to use surnames - and her husband are just €1,000 over the limit on their wages to be able to apply for social housing. They have two young children and they have been given a termination notice on their rented home. So, where do they go? They do not have family they can turn to. They do not qualify for the housing assistance payment, HAP, or long-term emergency accommodation.”