Joanne Collins
Agricultural Panel · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“I am going to speak to amendments Nos. 2, 4 and 8. Amendment No. 2 makes it absolutely clear that the strategic emergency gas reserve is exactly that: an emergency reserve. It cannot become another source of gas for day-to-day commercial supply or market management.”
“(3) The Minister must mandate that the CRU carries out an assessment on the impact of the expenses incurred on household bills under this Act and all future Acts relating to construction, operation, maintenance and decommissioning of a Strategic Emergency Gas Reserve.”. I will keep this very brief.”
“I move amendment No. 6: In page 10, between lines 31 and 32, to insert the following: " State-led 5 . (1) The Strategic Emergency Gas Reserve constructed, operated and maintained under this Act and all future Acts relating to its construction, operation, maintenance and decommissioning will be a State-led asset.”
“Yes, I am not going to give out. Regardless of what is said to me I am going to be nice today on our last day. I echo what is being said about everybody enjoying their break and the thanks to all the staff in here. It can be very daunting when you first come in but everybody makes you feel like you can do it. It is great to work here.”
“I move amendment No. 7: In page 10, between lines 31 and 32, to insert the following: " Gas demand 5 . (1) The Minister shall ensure that a Strategic Emergency Gas Reserve established under this Act and all future Acts relating to its construction, operation, maintenance and decommissioning does not lead to an increase in gas demand.”
“I move amendment No. 10: In page 10, between lines 31 and 32, to insert the following: “Decommissioning 5. The Minister shall, within 12 months of the commencement of this Act, outline a plan for decommissioning any Strategic Emergency Gas Reserve constructed, operated, maintained or decommissioned under this Act and all future Acts relat…”
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“I am not referring to everybody because there are some renting out property because they want to help the Ukrainian people. Nobody else in this country is entitled to something like that. The 15,000 homeless people would not be entitled to something like that. We have to think fairly and put logic behind it. A means test should be done. That is what we are asking for. We have been asking for it since last year or the year before. Means testing is not punishing. It means that if someone comes here from another country such as Ukraine and is working as a doctor on a massive wage, or working as a pharmacist, teacher or otherwise and getting paid for it, they should be means-tested, like everybody else in this country. It is a simple ask.”
“That would involve closing the scheme to new entrants, restricting it to primary residences only, introducing a means test for beneficiaries of temporary protection, which is so important considering that every person receiving every other benefit in the country is means tested, and banning top-up payments. I am listening to everybody saying nobody rents out their house for money. That might be the case for some, but, by God, nobody lives in this country for free. A dog with a mallet up its arse would know renting a house out for €800 tax free would be more beneficial than renting a house out for €800 and paying 50% or 52% in tax. I am sorry but there is no way the Minister of State can stand here and say nobody is doing this for the money. The money is available and that is what people are doing it for.”
“It provides a strong incentive to direct properties away from the long-term rental market, and its tax-free nature makes it more attractive than standard rental income, including supports like the housing assistance payment. That is the Government's own report, yet it is not taking the advice from it. This confirms what Sinn Féin and other Opposition parties have consistently argued, raising serious questions about the Government's transparency in the Dáil. Sinn Féin's proposal, which is in the amendment we have proposed, is that we do not agree with the ARP being extended without significant reform.”
“Pensions, medical cards and Student Universal Support Ireland, SUSI, grants are means-tested, yet this scheme allows individuals, sometimes on high incomes, to benefit from generous tax-free State payments. The scheme also allows landlords to avoid standard tenancy obligations and permits unregulated top-up payments, further disadvantaging renters. For years, the Government has denied any negative impact on the private rental sector, despite consistent warnings from the Opposition. The Government's own report, Regulatory Impact Analysis Residential Tenancies (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2026, has now confirmed that the ARP is having a negative impact on the private rental sector.”
“I thank the Minister of State for coming in today. As he knows, we have tabled an amendment to this motion. What began as a short-term emergency scheme has since evolved into a scheme increasingly used by landlords. Let us be fair: renting out under the scheme is more financially beneficial and more attractive than standard renting, especially in low-rent areas like the west, the north west and Border counties. Crucially, the ARP is a non-means-tested, tax-free payment paid directly to landlords, something not available under any other housing support. That creates a clear inequality. In reality, most other payments in this country are means-tested.”
“I move amendment No. 1: To insert the following after "23rd February, 2026": ": provided that this Order shall take effect only after the Civil Law (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2022 has been amended to provide for the Accommodation Recognition Payment (ARP) Scheme Termination date to be extended only for the following: – existing recipients with respect to the beneficiaries of temporary protection currently benefitting from the Scheme, where those beneficiaries of temporary protection have satisfied a means test similar to those applicable for other housing assistance payments; – new applicants who propose to host a beneficiary of temporary protection in their property which is also their own primary residence, and who have not availed of the Rent-a-Room Scheme in the previous 24 months; ensuring that the ARP does not further distort the rental sector; and – recipients who are not in receipt of any additional or 'top-up' payments from a beneficiary of temporary protection".”
“There is no house that can have no heat going on just because it is coming into springtime. We do not work that way. I have to agree with my colleague across the floor that fishing communities and agribusinesses are really going to suffer as a result of this. It is great that there is a rebate scheme for the haulage companies, which is going to have a trickle-down effect. I get it that if they do not get that rebate scheme, everything will go up in price on foot of the extra costs those companies will incur. However, the same thing needs to be done for fishing communities and agribusinesses as well.”
“There are over 700,000 households in this country that use home heating oil. That is what was predominantly used when these houses were built. These are not new houses that use air-to-water systems. They are not in cities, so their owners cannot connect to the gas supply. These people do not have a choice. Not taking anything off the price is absolutely scandalous. This Government is again saying "Screw rural Ireland". That is what is happening, constantly. It is fine if you live in the city and can connect to gas or electricity, but these families do not have a choice. They have to get home heating oil. The Government can say that we are coming into springtime. Springtime in this country, as we all know, is not actually spring. It is still bloody winter. Temperatures fell to 0°C at night last week.”
“I also wish to raise the issue of petrol, diesel, home heating oil and other fuels. The measures that emerged earlier are not even going to make a dent when it comes to what is happening. Diesel alone in County Limerick went up by nearly 60 cent in some petrol stations. Reducing the cost of a litre of fuel by 20 cent is not going to make the blindest bit of difference to somebody who has to get up and drive to work, never mind the likes of home care help or public nurses. When it comes to rural Ireland, they could be driving anything between 20 km and 40 km between calls. They are not going to get a crazy increase in what they are getting for mileage. This is not going to stop. The war is not over yet. To say that 20 cent off the price of a litre of diesel is going to do the job is absolutely crazy.”
“It is another way of pushing people and families closer to cities. If we want to look at keeping what we have in rural Ireland, we need to look at making it safe as well as the cities.”
“Limerick city got 87% of active travel funding and Limerick county got 13%. Limerick county has a much bigger landmass than the city and we also would not exactly have footpaths to every single school in the county. I know my own local school has no footpath to it so it would be next to impossible for children to walk to school or even cycle to school safely. My issue is that you have the same population in both city and county and there is a bigger landmass in the county. I know it is probably not up to the Government to decide what way each council distributes its funding but I think there needs to be a little bit of fairness when it comes to the likes of active travel and safe routes to schools, so that it is not going to be better to be in school in the city than in the county.”
“Today, I raise the issue of schools, active travel and safe routes to schools. There is a school in County Limerick that has raised an issue where there is no pedestrian crossing outside the school, none of those lovely coloured crayon bollards for children to exit the school safely. We are coming into the nice weather now where kids might want to be able to walk home from school or cycle. Dromcollogher National School is on a main road through Dromcollogher which is also the main road from Newcastle West to Cork. If any of the trucks and lorries are going, that is the route they take. There are no speed bumps on that road so they tend to travel at quite a good speed going through because it is just outside the town. We have an active travel fund in Limerick. Limerick city and county are together when it comes to the council funding.”
“Communities will not judge this plan on the basis of the language it contains. They will judge it on whether homes are built, whether businesses can connect to the grid and whether young people can see a future in their own communities. Acceleration must not simply mean faster delivery in already developed areas; it must mean unlocking the potential of regions that have waited too long. As my colleagues across the floor said, this is not about accelerating development in cities that are already over-expanded; it is about looking at new areas where there is potential to expand outside the cities and allow people to live where they want to live. If this action plan can achieve that, it will be worthwhile, but that will require not just reform on paper, it will require political will, regional prioritisation, and accountability in practice.”
“We need to get that project moving fast. While I welcome the recognition that infrastructure delays are constraining regional development, I question whether this plan goes far enough in guaranteeing that acceleration will be felt in the regions first and not last. What do we need? We need infrastructure-led housing delivery where investment in water and energy is sequenced ahead of demand. We need transparent region-by-region reporting to the Oireachtas in order that we can track where projects are progressing and where they are stalling. We need genuine empowerment of our local authorities, with resources and powers to drive delivery rather than waiting for sign-off. We need a clear commitment that balanced regional development is not just referenced in our policy documents; it has to be embedded in capital prioritisation.”
“I have raised in the House a few times how in Newcastle West, the county town of Limerick, no more houses can be built because the infrastructure is just not there at the treatment plant. I believe 2031 is the next year in which we will get a connection to the treatment plant, which is absolute madness for the only tier 2 town in the county. Towns are zoned in the context of growth but they lack wastewater capacity. Businesses are ready to expand but cannot secure energy connections. Communities are promised transport upgrades, but these remain years away. The M20 is a clear example. We have been waiting over 20 years for the Limerick to Cork motorway, with accidents occurring every year on the existing road. We say that one accident is one too many or that one fatality is one too many. The number of accidents on the M20 is disgraceful.”
“Many delays stem from poor upfront project preparation, under-resourced agencies and a lack of delivery capacity in the system in the context of planning, engineering and construction. If we are serious about acceleration, we must invest not just in projects but also in the people, namely planners, engineers, the legal expertise and project managers needed by local authorities and State bodies. Without that capacity, legislative reform will not deliver the results we need. Most importantly, if balanced regional development is to mean anything, it must shape the order in which projects are prioritised. In counties like Limerick and across the mid-west, housing is being held back because enabling infrastructure is not in place.”
“The action plan refers to improving co-ordination between State agencies. Again, that sounds very positive, but co-ordination cannot simply mean more inter-agency meetings or revised governance charts; it must mean clear lines of accountability. When a wastewater plant is delayed, when a grid connection stalls or when transport projects slip for years, who is responsible and what are the consequences? The motion also welcomes streamlining decision-making and reducing duplication in consenting processes. All of this is good. We should absolutely remove inefficiencies and end unnecessary sequencing of applications, but we must be careful not to frame this solely as a planning problem.”
“I welcome the publication of the Government's Accelerating Infrastructure Report and Action Plan. It is important that the Government has finally acknowledged what communities across this country have known for years, namely that the delays in delivering water, energy and transport infrastructure are structural constraints on housing, economic growth and balanced regional development. While that acknowledgement is welcome, it is long overdue. The motion recognises that Ireland is investing unprecedented levels of capital funding under the national development plan. Even though funding is important, however, we have to be honest and say that the problem up to now has not solely been about money. We have had plans, strategies and announcements for years. What is missing is delivery on the ground, particularly outside Dublin.”
“Because Senator Byrne did it, I am going to have to mention my sister because she would kill me if I did not. She does amazing work and bringing all these women together on Saturday will be fantastic. I look forward to being there to celebrate International Women's Day with Network Ireland. I want to give a shout out to Rathkeale in County Limerick which every year holds an amazing International Women's Day celebration. Together, the settled community and the Traveller community walk down the street as an inclusive and integrated community. There are guest speakers at the end and refreshments. It shows how women can be strong in the community and bring people together through shared interest and commonality and shows that we have women power in the country.”
“We must also acknowledge the emotional and caring labour carried by rural women, often in isolated areas with limited services. Isolation, centralisation of services and the rising cost of living disproportionately impact women. International Women's Day is not just about celebration; it is also about action. It is about ensuring that the next generation of girls growing up in rural areas can see a future for themselves at home with equal opportunity, equal representation and equal respect. I wish to take a moment to make a special mention of my colleague Senator Nicole Ryan and all the members of the cross-party pregnancy group who have done tremendous work in trying to improve supports and recognise the loss of so many families in Ireland due to early pregnancy loss.”
“However, they still face too many barriers, from unequal access to land ownership and farm payments to the lack of childcare, public transport and health services which have sometimes made participation in work and public life very difficult. As my colleagues across the floor have mentioned, it is significant that 2026 has been designated as the International Year of the Woman Farmer. While it represents real opportunity, it must be more than just symbolic and must deliver practical change, namely, improved access to schemes in women's own names, greater visibility in farm ownership and succession planning, targeted supports for women in fishing and a pension system that recognises a lifetime of work on family farms and in coastal communities.”
“On International Women's Day, we celebrate the strength, resilience and leadership of women across Ireland. Today, I want to focus primarily on women in rural areas. As the only female Oireachtas Member living in the county of Limerick and not the city, I am proud to stand and carry the voices of the women who live in rural areas of Ireland. They often feel as though they are undervalued and sometimes invisible. These women in rural areas are farmers, fishers, carers, entrepreneurs, teachers, healthcare workers and community leaders. They are driving innovation in agriculture, leading diversification on family farms, sustaining our fishing sector and keeping local economies alive.”
“Democracy is not just about a government making decisions; it is also about ensuring future governments reflecting the will of the people are not unnecessarily bound by choices that restrict their flexibility. Ireland can and should design an international protection system that reflects our sovereignty, geography and values. One size does not fit all. Even at this stage, the Minister should reconsider the blanket opt-in and prioritise Ireland’s interests. Our communities deserve a system that works. Those fleeing war and persecution deserve timely, fair decisions and decent conditions, and the Irish people deserve legislation that is properly scrutinised, properly costed and properly thought through. I really hope that when it comes to Committee Stage, we will have the opportunity to go through amendments we will be proposing.”
“The system itself is clearly under strain. On average, it takes more than two and a half years for an international protection application to be finalised. Deportation orders are signed in their thousands, yet confirmed deportations are constantly less than half that figure. That undermines confidence in the entire system. A fair system must be enforced. If someone is entitled to protection, they should receive that protection quickly and be supported to integrate. If they are not entitled to remain, that decision also needs to be implemented swiftly and humanely. This Bill risks diverting energy away from fixing those operational failures into meeting an EU deadline.”
“In County Limerick, people understand both fairness and practicality. Limerick has shown compassion and welcome, but people have also raised legitimate questions about school places, GP access and transport links. Decisions on IPAS accommodation have too often been driven by the availability of a building, rather than the capacity of a community. That approach breeds frustration and division. We need pre-assessment of community capacity, not a first-come, first-served model, driven by private investment and investors. The cost of IPAS accommodation exceeded €1 billion last year. We have seen eye-watering profits made by a small number of operators. Taxpayers in Limerick and across the State, working families already stretched by housing and childcare costs, are entitled to transparency and accountability for every single euro spent.”
“However, we did not support opting into every element without properly accounting for Ireland's position as a state with a land border with a non-EU jurisdiction and as part of a common travel area with Britain. That failure to account for the common travel area is extraordinary, particularly when Ministers repeatedly acknowledged that the vast majority of international protection applicants travelled here via Britain. Cross-party scrutiny of this Bill raised profound concerns. Stakeholders from across the spectrum agreed on one thing, namely, the Government is unlikely to meet the timelines it has been assigned. Failure on this is not simply going to be embarrassing. It could expose the State to infringement proceedings and substantial fines. That means the Irish taxpayer is paying for a political decision that did not need to be made.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on the Bill. As the Minister of State acknowledged, the primary purpose of the legislation is to facilitate Ireland's opting into the EU asylum and migration pact. Let us be clear: we did not have to opt into this. Under Protocol No. 21, we had the ability to opt out. That safeguard exists precisely because of our unique circumstances, yet Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael chose to discard that flexibility and sign up wholesale. Sinn Féin has been consistent. We did not oppose co-operation. We support opting into some measures, like the asylum and migration management regulation and the Eurodac regulation, because information sharing and a returns policy make sense.”
“They truly believe, I truly believe and the rest of this side of the House truly believes that there are double standards going on. When somebody who has responsibility for promoting Irish food and produce is importing Brazilian beef for their own company, there is a double standard and a clear conflict of interest. They are not backing down. I wish to give a shout-out to those who are playfully called the Bord Bia five; the people who are still sitting inside the Bord Bia headquarters. I think last night was the 23rd night they spent sleeping on a floor because they are standing up for farmers, their families and what is right. We need to acknowledge that. We need to get them out of there by taking the chair out of his position.”
“It is not definite that they will not happen. The Government has come out and said it is rolling back on them, but we need to see definite policies put in place to protect SNAs and students. Pensioners are facing rising costs, including ESB bills, every day and every week. There is no help. There are no extra payments. They do not know how they are going to live from week to week. For working families, there are concerns about childcare, groceries and ESB bills. The list goes on and on. It is like living in the Dark Ages at the moment because people are struggling so much. I was in Cavan last night at an IFA meeting, which was attended by 800 or 900 farmers who are absolutely furious because there is a chairman sitting inside in Bord Bia with double standards.”
“Students, farmers, renters, people with disabilities, SNAs, pensioners and working families are among some of the groups that have been completely disrespected and left behind by this Government over the past weeks and months. Students see their student fees increased. Farmers are out on the street for Mercosur and Bord Bia. Renters who can afford their rent are looking at a market reset where their rents are going to increase if they change their accommodation after 1 March. People with disabilities are fighting every day for basic rights, never mind anything extra. SNAs feel like they are not respected. The children in their classes are devastated at the thought of losing a SNA and the families of those children are wondering how they are going to get their child to school if the SNA cuts go ahead.”
“I move amendment No. 24: In page 28, between lines 10 and 11, to insert the following: “(4) The Minister may by regulations prescribe periods under subsection (2), having consulted the Agency, and may prescribe different periods for different classes of activity. (5) The Agency shall include in its annual report under section 51(3) the number of cases in which the period under this section was exceeded, the reasons, and corrective actions taken.”.””
“I move amendment No. 20: In page 26, between lines 5 and 6, to insert the following: “(4) An order under subsection (1) shall specify a maximum duration and shall be strictly limited to what is necessary, and shall be laid before each House of the Oireachtas in accordance with section 88C.”.”
“I move amendment No. 19: In page 26, between lines 5 and 6, to insert the following: “(4) The Minister shall cause a copy of any order made under subsection (1) to be laid before each House of the Oireachtas as soon as may be after it is made, and the order shall lapse 6 months after the date it is made unless earlier revoked or expressly continued by a resolution of both Houses.””
“I move amendment No. 18: In page 24, between lines 16 and 17, to insert the following: “(d) ensure that information published under this section is accessible, written in plain language, and includes non-technical summaries of likely significant effects and mitigation measures.”.”
“I move amendment No. 17: In page 24, to delete lines 4 to 7 and substitute the following: “(b) publish, prior to deciding the application to which the exemption relates, a notice of the exemption, any requirements referred to in paragraph (a), a summary of public and authority submissions, and the Agency’s reasoned conclusions on the main issues raised— (i) on a website maintained by it or on its behalf, and (ii) in a national newspaper,”.”
“(4B) The Agency shall not grant an exemption unless, having regard to subsection (4A), it is satisfied on the basis of clear and convincing evidence that— (a) the exemption is proportionate to the risk or necessity identified, (b) no reasonable alternative exists that would allow compliance with the EIA Directive. (4C) An exemption granted under this section shall specify: (a) the reasons and evidence relied upon; (b) the alternative assessment method and minimum content requirements; (c) a maximum duration; (d) any conditions, monitoring and reporting obligations necessary to avoid, prevent, reduce or offset significant adverse effects.”.”
“I move amendment No. 16: In page 23, between lines 31 and 32, to insert the following: “(4A) In this section, ‘exceptional circumstances’ means circumstances that— (a) arise from a unique and unforeseeable event, or a specific and demonstrable public necessity, (b) cannot reasonably be addressed by compliance with the requirements of the EIA Directive within the timeframe necessary to avert serious risk to human health, safety, the environment or essential public services, and (c) are strictly limited in scope, duration and geographic extent.”
“I move amendment No. 15: In page 23, between lines 19 and 20, to insert the following: “(d) publish a notice of the request for an exemption, accompanied by the information provided under subsection (1), on a website maintained by it or on its behalf and in a national newspaper, inviting submissions from the public within a period of not less than 30 days, and (e) consider all submissions or observations received under paragraph (d) and publish a reasoned report addressing the material issues raised.””
“I move amendment No. 12: In page 19, between lines 15 and 16, to insert the following: “(4) The Minister may by regulations prescribe periods under subsection (2), having consulted the Agency, and may prescribe different periods for different classes of activity. (5) The Agency shall include in its annual report under section 51(3) the number of cases in which the period under this section was exceeded, the reasons, and corrective actions taken.”.”.”
“I move amendment No. 8: In page 16, between lines 31 and 32, to insert the following: “(4) An order under subsection (1) shall specify a maximum duration and shall be strictly limited to what is necessary, and shall be laid before each House of the Oireachtas in accordance with section 88C.”.”
“I move amendment No. 7: In page 15, between lines 4 and 5, to insert the following: “(d) ensure that information published under this section is accessible, written in plain language, and includes non-technical summaries of likely significant effects and mitigation measures.”.”
“I move amendment No. 6: In page 14, to delete lines 31 to 34 and substitute the following: “(b) publish, prior to deciding the application to which the exemption relates, a notice of the exemption, any requirements referred to in paragraph (a), a summary of public and authority submissions, and the Agency’s reasoned conclusions on the main issues raised— (i) on a website maintained by it or on its behalf, and (ii) in a national newspaper,”.”
“(4B) The Agency shall not grant an exemption unless, having regard to subsection (4A), it is satisfied on the basis of clear and convincing evidence that— (a) the exemption is proportionate to the risk or necessity identified, and (b) no reasonable alternative exists that would allow compliance with the EIA Directive. (4C) An exemption granted under this section shall specify: (a) the reasons and evidence relied upon; (b) the alternative assessment method and minimum content requirements; (c) a maximum duration; (d) any conditions, monitoring and reporting obligations necessary to avoid, prevent, reduce or offset significant adverse effects. (4D) An exemption which has expired under paragraph (c) of subsection (4C) may be renewed.”.”
“I move amendment No. 5: In page 14, between lines 18 and 19, to insert the following: “(4A) In this section, ‘exceptional circumstances’ means circumstances that— (a) arise from a unique and unforeseeable event, or a specific and demonstrable public necessity, (b) cannot reasonably be addressed by compliance with the requirements of the EIA Directive within the timeframe necessary to avert serious risk to human health, safety, the environment or essential public services, and (c) are strictly limited in scope, duration and geographic extent.”
“I move amendment No. 4: In page 14, between lines 18 and 19, to insert the following: “(d) publish a notice of the request for an exemption, accompanied by the information provided under subsection (1), on a website maintained by it or on its behalf and in a national newspaper, inviting submissions from the public within a period of not less than 30 days, (e) consider all submissions or observations received under paragraph (d) and publish a reasoned report addressing the material issues raised.”.”
“Members are hearing "transparency" an awful lot but it is key to any of these Bills that the public can see exactly what we are looking to do. There are good sides and bad sides to every Bill and it is about being transparent and upfront about them.”
“17 requires the publication of exemption details, submissions received and the conclusions of determination made to strengthen transparency and accountability. Transparency, accountability and safeguards are key to ensuring the public is brought along with all this. Amendment No. 18 ensures the information published under the section is accessible in plain language and includes the non-technical summaries. Amendment No. 19 provides for Oireachtas oversight of ministerial orders and introduces a six-month sunset clause. Amendment No. 20 requires that ministerial orders specify a maximum duration, be strictly limited in scope and be laid before both Houses in accordance with the oversight provisions. Amendment No. 24 permits the setting of statutory time periods by regulation and enhances transparency.”
“12 allows for time periods to be prescribed by regulation while strengthening accountability through mandatory reporting on delays, the reasons for the delays and the corrective actions in the agency's annual report. Amendment No. 15 introduces public notice and consultation requirements for exemption requests under this section, including a minimum submission period and a reasoned report addressing the issues raised. Amendment No. 16 defines "exceptional circumstances", which is important so that we will have clear boundaries for what falls into that category. It also sets strict conditions for granting these exemptions to ensure decisions are evidence-based, proportionate and limited to what is strictly necessary. Amendment No.”
“Again, it is just putting in clear language to ensure there are safeguards when it comes to an exemption. Amendment No. 6 strengthens procedural transparency by requiring publication of the proposed exemption submissions received and for the agency to respond to the conclusions prior to the decision being made. Amendment No. 7 ensures information published under the section is accessible and understandable, including through plain language and non-technical summaries. Not everybody reading these things is a solicitor, so it is for the general public to be able to understand what is going on. Amendment No. 8 requires ministerial orders to specify a maximum duration, be strictly limited to what is necessary and be subject to Oireachtas scrutiny under the existing laying provisions. Amendment No.”
“It is basically putting a sunset clause in to get out of jail free. If it is not working, we will start over. Amendment No. 4 provides for public notice and consultation where an exemption from environmental assessment is requested. This would ensure transparency and require the agency to consider and respond to submissions received. Again, it is to keep the public informed and to keep up their participation. If we do not have their trust, it just leads to legal cases down the line and costs both sides money. Amendment No. 5 is to ensure we can define what "exceptional circumstances" are. It sets clear statutory criteria for granting those exemptions, requires a high evidential threshold, proportionality and confirmation that no reasonable alternative exists.”