Joanne Collins
Agricultural Panel · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“I am going to speak to amendments Nos. 2, 4 and 8. Amendment No. 2 makes it absolutely clear that the strategic emergency gas reserve is exactly that: an emergency reserve. It cannot become another source of gas for day-to-day commercial supply or market management.”
“(3) The Minister must mandate that the CRU carries out an assessment on the impact of the expenses incurred on household bills under this Act and all future Acts relating to construction, operation, maintenance and decommissioning of a Strategic Emergency Gas Reserve.”. I will keep this very brief.”
“I move amendment No. 6: In page 10, between lines 31 and 32, to insert the following: " State-led 5 . (1) The Strategic Emergency Gas Reserve constructed, operated and maintained under this Act and all future Acts relating to its construction, operation, maintenance and decommissioning will be a State-led asset.”
“Yes, I am not going to give out. Regardless of what is said to me I am going to be nice today on our last day. I echo what is being said about everybody enjoying their break and the thanks to all the staff in here. It can be very daunting when you first come in but everybody makes you feel like you can do it. It is great to work here.”
“I move amendment No. 7: In page 10, between lines 31 and 32, to insert the following: " Gas demand 5 . (1) The Minister shall ensure that a Strategic Emergency Gas Reserve established under this Act and all future Acts relating to its construction, operation, maintenance and decommissioning does not lead to an increase in gas demand.”
“I move amendment No. 10: In page 10, between lines 31 and 32, to insert the following: “Decommissioning 5. The Minister shall, within 12 months of the commencement of this Act, outline a plan for decommissioning any Strategic Emergency Gas Reserve constructed, operated, maintained or decommissioned under this Act and all future Acts relat…”
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“This Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael Government recently introduced new rental measures - a market reset – which is already showing to be disastrous for people, workers and families who already struggle to pay rent and are now receiving eviction notices. The Daft report published last week proved what we were saying all along, that the rent hike Bill would push up rents. Alongside the higher rent increases, we are also seeing a 51% increase in eviction notices across the country. This is no coincidence. This is a direct result of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael policy. These figures are stark, but they are not just numbers. They are real people struggling with the real impacts of these policies. Last week’s Daft report showed that to rent a two-bedroom house in County Limerick has gone up by a staggering 32% since last year.”
“I welcome the Minister to the Seanad. I and my colleagues in Sinn Féin have brought this motion forward because we remain deeply concerned about the rental sector in Ireland and, of course, the Government’s policies which are worsening the housing crisis month by month. The updated homelessness figures will be out this Friday and no doubt the figures will, sadly, break new records. Every month more people are forced into homelessness. More young people end up back with their parents in their childhood bedroom and unfortunately, we see many of them, who just cannot continue to stay there due to the lack of dignity, independence and privacy, leave every single week whether it is to Australia, Canada, New Zealand and so on.”
“I move: That Seanad Éireann: notes with extreme concern that: - 7,062 eviction notices were issued to tenants from January to March this year, up 51 per cent on the same period in 2025; - new private rents have hit their highest level in 25 years with the rate of rent inflation at the highest since records began; further notes that: - for three consecutive quarters, the number of eviction notices has increased dramatically, 38 per cent in Q3 2025 and 41 per cent in Q4 2025; - statewide, market rents have jumped 7.8 per cent in the first quarter of this year to €2,176 a month for a two-bed apartment, costing €26,000 a year; - in Dublin, new rents are up 7 per cent, with a two-bed apartment now costing €2,536 a month and €30,000 a year in rent; - in Galway City, rents have increased by a staggering 18 per cent with a two-bed apartment costing €2,290 per month and more than €27,000 a year in rent; - in Cork City, rents have increased by 13 per cent, in Limerick City they are up by 9.7 per cent, and in Waterford City they are up by 7.6 per cent; - this dramatic surge in market rents is a direct consequence of the Government’s decision to allow landlords to reset rents between tenancies; - these trends are the direct result of Government policy and will lead to increased displacement of tenants, increased rents and increased homelessness; - the Government continues to miss its social and affordable housing targets, targets that were too low to begin with, and too few private for-purchase homes are being built or coming to the market; resolves that: - Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael’s housing policy continues to make the housing crisis worse and, in particular, is failing renters; calls on Government to: - introduce an emergency ban on rent increases and no-fault evictions; - cut private rents by putting a full month’s rent back into every private renter’s pocket; - oppose rent increases for council tenants, those in receipt of Housing Assistance Payments, Rental Accommodation Scheme payments and cost rental tenants; and - introduce a radical reset of housing policy as set out by the Housing Commission and to increase and accelerate the delivery of social, affordable and private for-purchase homes.”
“We believe there is a legitimate role for these technologies, but only where there are strong safeguards, democratic accountability, independent oversight and full protection of civil liberties. The public must have confidence that any use of biometric analysis is lawful, proportionate and necessary and that the rights of ordinary citizens are not sacrificed in the process. That is the balance we must achieve and it is the standard against which the Bill must ultimately be judged.”
“We have proposed increasing the garda training allowance, the equivalent of the minimum wage, increasing the intake capacity in Templemore, introducing incentives for former members to return to policing, improving pay progressions, recognising long service and increasing the mandatory retirement age to 65. Those measures are essential because safe communities are built, first and foremost, through visible policing, strong community relationships and properly staffed Garda stations, not solely through new technologies. Technology can support policing but it cannot replace trust, experience and human judgment. As the Bill progresses through the Houses, Sinn Féin will engage constructively and responsibly.”
“Those incidents involved only a small minority but they underline an important point, namely, that whenever the State grants additional surveillance or data powers robust safeguards, accountability and oversight are absolutely essential. At the same time, we must be honest about the wider challenges facing policing in the State. Technology is not a substitute for properly resourced community policing. The biggest challenge facing An Garda Síochána today is the recruitment and retention crisis. There are simply too few community and roads policing gardaí, too few detectives and far too much reliance on overtime to carry out routine policing duties. Sinn Féin has set out comprehensive proposals to tackle this crisis.”
“They must also examine the accuracy rates, potential for discrimination or profiling and the impact on the right to privacy and human rights more broadly. Any wider roll-out across the State should only occur following a tightly controlled pilot phase with independent evaluation. We need evidence that the technology works effectively in Irish policing conditions and that it can do so without causing disproportionate harm. We also cannot ignore the lessons of the past. Unfortunately, there have been incidents where Garda systems have been misused. We know a number of gardaí face disciplinary action for misuse of the PULSE system, including the shocking case of a former garda who unlawfully disclosed personal data related to colleagues and members of the public.”
“Likewise, requirements for a code of practice, human rights assessment and engagement with bodies such as the Data Protection Commission and Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission are very positive steps. However, there remain serious questions that need to be answered. Sinn Féin believes there must be far stronger safeguards written directly into legislation, rather than relying too heavily on future codes of practice. Codes of practice are important, but the Oireachtas must have the opportunity to scrutinise and debate the key protections in primary legislation. There must be independent oversight and a regular review of how the technology operates in practice. Reviews cannot simply examine operational effectiveness.”
“The core concern here is that we do not drift into a surveillance society where people's movements, behaviours and identities can be tracked in ways that undermine fundamental rights and freedoms. The use of biometric analysis must be necessary, proportionate and strictly limited to serious and clearly defined purposes, which the Minister has outlined in his opening statement. There are some welcome provisions within this Bill. The fact that the technology can only be used retrospectively and not in real time is important. The fact that it is confined to arrestable offences, State security matters and missing person investigations is also very important.”
“We recognise those potential benefits. We also recognise that these technologies can carry very significant risk if they are introduced without strong safeguards, proper oversight and clear legal limits. It is not an ordinary technology. The Artificial Intelligence Advisory Council stated in June 2024 that facial recognition technology when used in a lawful enforcement context is a high-risk technology given the potential consequences of its use for individuals. The council went further and advised against procuring and deploying such technology until statutory independent evaluations are conducted under real-world conditions relevant to Irish law enforcement.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on this. This is very important and far-reaching legislation that will deserve careful scrutiny because it deals with the balance between public safety, effective policing and the protection of civil liberties and privacy rights. Sinn Féin believes that facial recognition technology and other biometric technologies can have a very rewarding and positive role in assisting An Garda Síochána, particularly in the investigation of serious crime, matters relating to the security of the State and locating missing persons. Gardaí today are dealing with an enormous volume of CCTV footage, digital evidence and recorded material. Technology can help process that evidence more effectively and potentially speed up investigations, identify subjects, locate vulnerable people and, ultimately, save lives.”
“I wish all the exhibitors the best of luck but going forward it would be nice to see our products as well as our businesses being promoted when they are 100% Irish.”
“However, it would be nice to see our Irish products being showcased also. It comes back a little to the issue with labelling when it comes to this country as to whether the product itself is an Irish product or whether it is imported or there are ingredients within the product that are imported. It is very important we ensure that if something is being promoted by us or by Bord Bia, we are promoting it correctly and making sure that people understand if it is a fully Irish product or if there is a percentage of it that is not. However, I want to wish everyone well. It is going to be a fantastic event. Thankfully, they seem to have the weather in their favour for it which means it will be even better. With lots of people coming into the city for the weekend there will be a great buzz around the place.”
“I want to start by wishing all the exhibitors well this weekend at the Bloom Festival, where we showcase the best of our gardening, Irish products, food and sustainable living. As Senators know, it is sponsored by Bord Bia. It was raised with me over the last couple of days that there will be exhibitors there showcasing Irish wool. The Irish wool that they showcase actually has a product that is imported called merino, which means it is not actually 100% Irish wool. There is a company called Galway Wool. I have dealt with Blátnaid Gallagher from Galway Wool in the past through committee and other engagements. Hers is one of the only companies in Ireland that is 100% Irish wool. It is important to promote Irish business also, so I am not giving out that there are other companies there, because they are Irish businesses.”
“It needs to become a turning point, one where women in agriculture receive not just praise for their contribution but equal access to opportunity, ownership, recognition and leadership. Rural Ireland is changing and that change must include greater equality within farming itself. By supporting women farmers, we strengthen families, food systems and rural communities.”
“There is enormous value in the proposal for an education programme promoting women in agriculture. Young girls growing up in rural Ireland should see farming as a career path for themselves, not as something secondary or supportive but something they can actually lead. This is because the future of Irish agriculture depends on attracting our next generation into farming and we cannot afford to leave half of our population behind. I also acknowledge the work already undertaken through the women in agriculture action plan and a commitment in the programme for Government to support female succession and gender equality in farming. We now need delivery on this. The International Year of the Woman Farmer cannot simply be a symbolic exercise or a series of events and photographs.”
“We need to ask ourselves why it is still considered unusual in some areas for a daughter to inherit the family farm or for a wife or partner to be made equal legal participants in the family farm business. If we are serious about encouraging women into agriculture, then we must address the practical barriers that continue to exist. This includes examining taxation structures that may unintentionally discourage joint ownership or succession for women. It means improving access to education, advisory services, grant schemes and leadership opportunities. It means ensuring that women farmers are visible in our agricultural colleges, co-ops, farm organisations and policymaking bodies. Importantly, it means changing cultural attitudes, which I know can be very difficult, that still persist in certain parts of the sector.”
“It is an economic issue, a rural development issue and a food security issue. I particularly welcome the recognition in the motion of barriers around landownership, succession, taxation and access to finance. For many women, particularly in rural Ireland, farming has traditionally been something they contribute to rather than something that they are formally recognised within. Too often, women work full time on farms while their names are absent from land titles, herd numbers - I am one of them because my name is not on our herd number - partnerships, decision-making structures and succession plans. This has real consequences, not only economically but socially and emotionally too within the house.”
“They have worked on farms, managed accounts, cared for livestock, raised families, driven diversity, supported local communities and sustained rural life without any recognition sometimes and without ownership or equal decision-making power. Despite their enormous contribution, as has been said a few times across the floor, only 13% of farms are owned by women. This statistic alone tells us that while women have always been central to farming, they have not always been treated as equal participants in the sector. Globally, women make up 41% of the agrifood workforce. The evidence is overwhelming that when women are empowered in agriculture, communities benefit, household incomes improve, food security strengthens and rural communities become more resilient, so this is not simply an equality issue.”
“I thank Senator Boyhan and his group for bringing this motion forward. One of the first conversations I ever had with him after I got elected to this House was around the year of the woman farmer, when he told me all about how this was coming in. Since then, he has been providing me with information that I might be interested in. He is an amazing advocate for women in farming, and I have to give him that today. This is an opportunity not simply to celebrate women in agriculture but to finally confront the structural inequalities that have existed within farming for generations. Women have always been at the heart of rural Ireland.”
“There is an awful lot of stress within County Limerick for the residents that it will become just one big wind farm at the end of this.”
“Local residents must retain confidence that environmental assessments, biodiversity protections, landscape considerations and community participation remain genuine and meaningful. If the onshore wind developments are to be designated as critical infrastructure then I ask that the Government clearly outlines what criteria will apply, what safeguards remain for communities, how consultation rights will be protected, why the updated guidelines still have not been published and how planning independence will be preserved. This is very close to my heart. There are two wind developments in County Limerick that are with An Coimisiún Pleanála, and from what I hear there are another six proposed over the next couple of months.”
“It is difficult to ask rural communities to accept accelerated planning processes for projects designated as critical infrastructure when the State has failed to provide the up-to-date national guidelines governing setback distances, noise, shadow flicker, cumulative impacts and community protections. The Government cannot on the one hand argue that onshore wind energy is so strategically important that projects warrant a fast-tracked treatment while on the other hand refuse and fail over many years to publish the modernised wind energy guidelines that would provide certainty, transparency and public confidence. Communities across rural Ireland already feel excluded from decisions relating to large-scale onshore wind developments, transmission infrastructure and grid expansion. Public consultation cannot be a box-ticking exercise.”
“That threshold is vague and potentially very expensive. It appears entirely possible that large-scale wind energy projects could be designated under these provisions. My concern is not with renewable wind energy or renewable energy itself. My concern is whether the designated process could create a two-tier system, one for ordinary developments and another for projects deemed politically or strategically important. These concerns are compounded by the Government's continuing failure to update and publish the revised wind energy development guidelines despite repeated commitments over many years. Communities are still relying on guidelines dating back to 2006 despite enormous changes in turbine heights, scale and technology, and the cumulative impact of wind energy projects since then.”
“I raise a couple of concerns I have about this Bill, particularly the designation of energy projects, including onshore wind development, as critical infrastructure. While nobody disputes the importance of energy security, renewable generation and meeting our climate obligations, there is a serious question as to whether this legislation risks undermining established planning safeguards and the meaning of public consultation. The definition of infrastructure in section 1 is extremely broad and explicitly includes energy generation, transmission and distribution systems. Onshore wind projects could fall within the scope of this Bill. Under section 3, the Government may designate projects as critical infrastructure where delay or disruption may have economic or social consequences for the State.”
“It is hoping the public does not notice that the State is exposing itself to the worst form of corporate capture, as well as hoping that the Commission does not notice that it is advancing legislation that is likely to breach EU law. It must hope that the Commission does not notice that it is advancing legislation which is likely to breach EU law. The Government has tied itself up in legal knots to create a system that is clearly not going to work.”
“Furthermore, it would have required other parties to such agreements – Canada in the case of CETA - to acknowledge the declaration and accept its provisions. To be clear, I do not believe the European Commission or, indeed, Canada would accept this. The Commission would rightly say that Ireland’s ratification of CETA means that it is now an obligation of its EU membership. The Canadian Government would rightfully say that CETA does not envisage domestic court oversight of awards and that the institution of such a process breaches the agreement. The same problem would arise for the EU-Chile agreement. The best way to describe what the Government is doing here is to say it is adopting a hope-no-one-notices approach.”
“Therefore, the Bill cannot claim to address the constitutional issues raised by the Costello case, which I do not believe it does in any case. This amendment would have inserted a new section 25B into the principal Act to condition commencement of section 25A on the Government submitting a declaration to the European Commission that Ireland will allow its courts to oversee the enforcement of claims made under international agreements referred to in section 25A. It would also have required confirmation from the Commission that such a declaration was valid and the provisions of which would not conflict with the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, the Treaty on European Union or case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union.”
“In paragraph 86 of his judgment, he observed that: ...were an Irish court to contemplate a refusal to recognise a CETA award post-ratification ... compliance with CETA would then be a “necessitated obligation” of the [European] membership ... of the [proposed] Article 29.4.6 of the Constitution. He went on to state that: There would be at least a question mark as to whether an Irish court could properly refuse to recognise a CETA award by reference to some domestic ordre-public -style considerations having regard to the duty of sincere co-operation contained in Article 4(3). Therefore, once the Government proceeds to ratify CETA, it appears the mechanisms envisaged in this Bill will be null and void.”
“If Ireland ratifies CETA or the EU-Chile agreement, enforcement of awards made by investor courts will become a necessitated obligation of EU membership within the meaning of Article 29.4.6° of the Constitution. This was outlined in the judgment of Mr. Justice Charleton, who highlighted that any domestic legislation permitting the refusal of enforcement would conflict with the duty of sincere co-operation under Article 4(3) of the Treaty on European Union. If this is challenged in the Court of Justice of the European Union, then Irish courts will, in black and white, be required to automatically enforce awards. This will bring us back to square one with the constitutional issues the Costello ruling identified with ratification. Mr. Justice Hogan appeared to recognise this difficulty in his judgment.”
“I wish to briefly speak about two of our amendments that were ruled out of order. Amendment No. 38 sought to add something that the Government has shown its aversion to throughout this whole process, namely, democratic scrutiny. This amendment would have ensured that we, as Members of the Oireachtas, and the public received proper oversight and scrutiny of what the Government is trying to do here and the implications for our legal obligations and wider ability to affect public policy decisions. It would have ensured expert input into this process, which the Government actively blocked when it forced this Bill through without pre-legislative scrutiny. Amendment No. 39 sought to address a core deficiency in this Bill that was highlighted as a future problem in the Costello case.”
“A person might be entitled to hours, but staffing is a huge issue. There are no staff to be deployed to particular areas. This is an overarching issue that we may need a debate on in the House. We may need to have a look at policies in relation to fair deal and at helping out couples who have no choice but to keep loved ones at home.”
“When it comes to the fair deal scheme, let us say you have a couple, a husband and wife, and the wife needs to go into care. A little over 80% of her pension will be taken and there will be a stay put on the family home. The husband is left at home with his old-age pension and he is being asked to pay €160 - sometimes a little more, sometimes a little less - out of that for recreational services that will never be used. It does not seem to work out mathematically to take up the fair deal scheme and pay all these extra charges, especially for those who do not have family to help out behind the scenes. This is going to be a barrier, and many people will end up keeping their loved ones at home, regardless of whether they can care for them or not. Then there is the issue of home help.”
“I want to refer to the barriers to nursing home care. I know about these from my experience of trying to get a place in a nursing home for my mother, who has dementia. She has the type of dementia where she walks a lot, so she is not the ideal patient who will sit down and be quiet all day. Nursing homes seem to have such long lists of people to choose from that she cannot get a bed in one because she would take more care than somebody who will sit down all day and be quiet. That is the first issue. The second issue relates to the fact that because she has fairly late-stage dementia, she would not be involved in activities in the nursing home. Nursing homes charge up to €160 per week for recreational activities, which some patients will never make use of because they do not have the cognitive ability to take part.”
“I completely agree that having a freight line is very important. I go over and back to Foynes quite often. I would have a lot to do with Foynes and I understand how important it is to have that freight line for the moving of goods. My query is more around the fact that €5 million is being put in. It seems like it is opportunistic for the Ryder Cup. I am all for the business and tourism that will come from the Ryder Cup but I would like to see a guarantee that this will turn into a passenger line. Whether it is from Foynes to Limerick or Foynes to Shannon, or whether it is only from Adare in to Limerick or to Shannon, we need a guarantee before €5 million of taxpayers' money is pumped into something that may only be in use for a week and may only be around for the Ryder Cup.”
“They have their tickets and accommodation booked and they have their tickets for the golf. They are going to come in, whether it is by car or bus. Is the €5 million going into Adare Station and the temporary platform a good use of taxpayers' money? Could it be made permanent? Could the rail line be upgraded for the people of west Limerick to get use out of this, if that kind of money has to be put into that station?”
“When I heard a temporary station and platform were being put into Adare Station, around the time of the Ryder Cup, I had a few questions. Why is it temporary? Is it possible to make it a permanent structure? My understanding is that Iarnród Éireann sold the train station in Adare just over ten years ago for €200,000 and bought it back last year for €2 million. A sum of €3 million is needed to put in a temporary platform and redo the station, which would result in €5 million of taxpayers' money being spent on something that people feel is only to facilitate those coming in from Limerick Junction to Adare for the Ryder Cup. There will not actually be a service for the people living in the area or anybody further out in west Limerick. The people coming to the Ryder Cup are going to go anyway, regardless of what kind of transport is there.”
“I thank the Minister of State, Deputy O'Sullivan, for being here. I know this is not his Department but I was advised that he was going to take this and he should have answers for me. I hope we will get something from this. I am from County Limerick and I travel in and out of the county. I take the train from Colbert Station to Dublin every week. When I heard there was a rail line going down from Foynes to Limerick, I thought it was a fantastic thing to get for County Limerick. However, it is a freight line that is there at present. I have been told that the hope is that it will be turned into a passenger line. I have it on good authority, off the record from Iarnród Éireann, that this is an "if" not a "when". There is no guarantee that it will ever be a passenger line.”
“Burglary, farm, fuel and machinery theft and antisocial behaviour impact rural communities. People in rural Ireland deserve to have the same sense of security. I am delighted this motion has been brought forward because I am a true advocate for An Garda Síochána and the need to see its numbers increase everywhere, not just in cities and towns. I would like to see our community gardaí come back. I know a lot of people near me would love to see our community policing ramped up again because they were a part of our community.”
“What is the point in investing millions of euro in new infrastructure when we do not have enough front-line gardaí available to provide the policing that is needed with this infrastructure? Rural communities do not need buildings alone. They need boots on the ground, gardaí visible in their towns and villages, gardaí patrolling rural roads and available to respond quickly when incidents occur. I have seen this issue in Newcastle West. We do not have enough gardaí when a serious accident occurs on the main road, the N21. Those gardaí are pulled to the accident and, if something else happens, no other gardaí are available. The Garda station is more or less closed At the end of the day, crime does not stop at a city boundary. Rural crime is a major issue and we have all heard about it in this Chamber.”
“Too often, resources are concentrated in urban centres, while towns and villages in rural Ireland are forgotten about. I see that where I live. I have never passed a checkpoint on a rural road. The last time I saw a checkpoint - I noted this at the transport committee this morning - was during Covid when gardaí asked us where we were going. That is the last time I saw a checkpoint and I have travelled on lots of roads around County Limerick. I acknowledge that we have a new Garda station opening in Newcastle West later this year. It is a fantastic, modern facility for the town and the wider west Limerick region. It is badly needed but there are concerns that we will not have the gardaí to staff this fantastic new building. Those in the community with whom I have spoken are asking fair questions in this regard.”
“We need greater Garda visibility on secondary and regional roads, not just on our motorways and urban routes. A Garda car on a rural road will not only slow traffic and deter reckless behaviour, it will also save lives. I acknowledge the pressures gardaí are under. Many gardaí in rural stations are overstretched, under-resourced and covering vast geographical areas. Recruitment alone will not solve these problems unless those new gardaí are deployed into front-line, rural policing roles. Communities want to see Garda numbers translated into real local presence. This motion refers to the high-visibility policing operation. Rural communities deserve that visibility too. Members will become sick of my giving out about rural communities not seeing enough, but that is the theme to my day.”
“Excessive speeding, dangerous overtaking, drug driving and the use of mobile phones behind the wheel are putting people at risk every day. Yet, many rural communities rarely see policing units. At a time when road deaths are rising and families continue to suffer devastating losses, a serious question must be asked - where are the Garda resources on our rural roads? Rural Ireland has a unique road network, with long distances, narrow roads, poor lighting and limited public transport options. For many people, driving is not an option; it is essential. This makes effective road policing all the more important in our rural areas. We need significant increased investment in dedicated road policing units, particularly in our rural counties.”
“The local Garda station was never just a building; it represented presence, connection and trust within a community. We cannot speak about supporting gardaí while continually hollowing out policing infrastructure in rural Ireland. Another major concern is the clear lack of roads policing across rural Ireland. For the past couple of weeks, probably for a month or more, the transport committee has looked at the issue of road safety. A lot of the time, with every group that comes in, we come back to the issue of Garda numbers and the amount of roads policing we have. Each group said that incidents of road fatalities or major injuries from road accidents would decrease if there were more gardaí on the roads. People can see this themselves. Dangerous driving has become increasingly common on rural roads.”
“They measure it by whether they see a Garda station open in their town or Garda patrols on their rural roads. They measure it by how long it takes assistance to arrive when they ring for help. Increasingly, people across rural communities feel abandoned. Across rural counties, Garda stations have been closed, opening hours have been reduced and front-line visibility has diminished over many years. Communities that once had a local Garda station presence now see those stations sitting idle and shuttered, while people are expected to rely on services that are many miles away, in some cases. For older people living alone, small business owners, farming families and isolated rural communities, the closure of a Garda station has a profound impact. It is not just about safety but confidence and reassurance.”
“I welcome the Minister of State. I acknowledge the extraordinary service, dedication and sacrifice that gardaí make across this State. They put their lives on the line every day. Every single day, gardaí put themselves in harm to protect others, serve their communities and make people feel safe. I remember the 90 gardaí who lost their lives in the line of duty. No one in this House should underestimate the importance of An Garda Síochána to communities across Ireland. We are speaking to this motion on investment, recruitment and visibility in An Garda Síochána, but rural communities in Ireland have a different experience in this regard. In rural Ireland, people do not measure safety by Government press releases or funding announcements and figures.”
“I looked at it 15 years ago and insurance cost €15,000 or €16,000 for the year. Unless it is a massive industry with a huge profit coming in, that is a lot to pay out for insurance. I would like to see the action plan looked at again or at least worked on and these insurance companies held to account. I am sorry, but they are making profits off what people just cannot afford anymore.”
“If they cannot get insurance, they are then living in a home that is susceptible to damage and fire and they are taking it in their hands. If they had a fire, God forbid, they would lose everything and nothing to come back on. This country used to be great. You used to be able to have so many different options for insurance, whether it was motor, house, thatched houses or for business. I see the business side of it as well. You do not see inflatables or bouncy castles for kids anymore. No person can get insurance for them. It has taken away the fun for children in that sense. You want to be able to run your business properly. There used to be a time where there were loads of indoor play centres and they would have had inflatables. Even for the indoor play centres now, the prices for them to get insurance are colossal.”
“I brought up a case I myself had last week where I received a quote for an insurance premium the month before my insurance was due at €420, and because I forgot and stupidly did not take the insurance straight away, I had to try to get a quote the day before my insurance was due and it had risen to €950. It was because they knew I was desperate, they were able to play on that. There is not enough regulation around these insurance companies. They have to be held to account. I was lucky I was with a broker and could go back and take the original quote, but we have spoken in this House about thatched cottages and thatched houses, where the owners cannot even get a quote. They are limited to what they can take.”
“This is a fig leaf designed to cover the Government's embarrassment. It will do nothing to assist small businesses being crippled by rising insurance costs nor those businesses that struggle to get cover at all. The Government states the action plan will control the controllable and tackle the cost of doing business, yet the key drivers to these costs - the cost of insurance, housing and energy - have all been ignored by the Government. That is why people were blocking the roads this April just gone. People have had enough of the transfer of wealth generated through their labour to the coffers of multinationals and big players. It is long past the time the Government worked on behalf of the people of this State and not at the behest of the wealthy and the powerful.”