Matt Carthy
Cavan-Monaghan · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“I move amendment No. 1: To insert after "on 2nd July, 2026": "and: further calls on the Government to provide that the Accommodation Recognition Payment (ARP) scheme shall apply only to: — existing recipients with respect to the beneficiaries of temporary protection currently benefitting from the scheme where those beneficiaries of tempor…”
“10 reads, "In page 5, line 31, after “section 2” to insert “or section 3”." Section 3 criminalises recording, sharing or publishing an intimate image without consent where it seriously interferes with a person's privacy or causes alarm, distress or harm to them.”
“In terms of the legislation, as well as the breadth of the issues covered in the Bill, the other problem is the number of amendments the Minister has introduced on every Stage on new and unrelated matters that just have not been discussed in this House at all and will not get discussed here because of guillotines being applied and the Min…”
“It is not an additional punishment to be included on the register. As has been said, this is just about having a mechanism whereby the constitutional diktat that justice should be done in public is actually made available. This is not an additional punishment. It is actually a protection for others.”
“We must bear in mind that the vast majority of domestic violence offences and abuses never make their way to court. Most of them never result in a complaint. When complaints are made, most of them never see a file being sent to the DPP. Even when that happens, most of them never actually make it to court.”
“She made the point that when a woman, in the majority cases we are talking about women, goes to a Garda station to make a complaint about domestic violence you can virtually bet your life that it is not the first instance of domestic violence that she has encountered.”
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“They got nothing in tax, energy credits or any other supports. They got nothing. Members opposite voted for a budget that gave them nothing. Worse than that, they are about to vote to make their cost of driving to work even more expensive. I commend Deputy Doherty on tabling this amendment. I absolutely look forward to the people of Ireland seeing how their Teachtaí Dála vote. They are the messengers of the people but the question is whether they have actually heard the message from the people that they cannot take any more burden.”
“I say categorically that no person who represents a constituency, knowing their constituents are finding it very difficult to meet the cost of groceries, energy and virtually every single thing, on the back of a budget from which those people who are struggling got no support, can stand over the fact those working families not on social welfare and who are not mega-wealthy developers got nothing-----”
“What is not said is that the Government agreed at an EU level to a multi-annual financial framework that actually fleeced farmers. Whatever funding is reimbursed through the carbon tax, and I contend it is very little, does not make up for the shortfall. We do not have a good rural environment protection scheme, REPS, like we had in the past. We have an agri-climate rural environment scheme, ACRES, that farmers find very difficult to enter and, if they do get in, find it very difficult to receive payments. The Tánaiste should not give us the folly that the carbon tax pays for the fuel allowance and other supports. Those supports should and could be in place without increasing the carbon tax this year. The carbon tax is supposed to be an environmental tax but it does not work because the alternatives are not there.”
“We will find out fairly soon. There will be an opportunity for people to put their money, and their vote, where their mouths have been for the past five years or more. I know what the Tánaiste will say in his response. He will say the carbon tax funding is ring-fenced and kept aside to support vulnerable people through hardship schemes and other social welfare benefits. He is actually going to tell lies and mistruths. He is going to repeat the mistruth-----”
“They said they were in government with them and that they were insisting on carbon tax increases every year. During debates like this every single year, you could hardly hear yourself with Deputies Michael and Danny Healy-Rae and the Rural Independents slamming the Green Party for forcing poor Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael to make people’s lives harder. The Green Party was given its answer by the electorate and Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael can no longer hide behind its skirts. Tonight, Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Independent TDs will have an opportunity to say whose side they are on. Are they on the side of making people's lives harder or on the side of making people's lives just a little more tolerable by not increasing the essential cost of using their car each day to go to work, drive their children to school or whatever the case may be?”
“It may be to purchase an electric car, but most of the people I represent do not have the funds to purchase one. The car is not a luxury or something they can just decide to leave at home. Rather, it is an essential part of their life. It is the exact same as a light switch in their home and the water coming out of their tap. It is something they need in order to run their family. What are we, as legislators, doing in this House? We are making their lives more difficult. Carbon tax does not help the environment; it makes people’s lives harder. Increasing it at this time is absolute folly and cannot be justified by anyone. For the past five years before the last election, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael representatives in my county and right across the place were saying it was those dastardly Greens who were forcing them to do it.”
“If they are lucky enough to work in Dublin city centre in a nine-to-five job, they can drive into the nearest town and get a bus to and from work, but God forbid they work the nightshift in a hospital because there is no public transport available to them and they have to drive to Dublin. If they work anywhere other than the artery from Letterkenny and Derry to Dublin, there is no public transport available for them at all. They have no choice but to use their car. That is also the case if their children are taking part in any after-school activity, if they have a hospital or health appointment or if they want to go to watch their local football team play in game, usually home or away. They have no choice. What is the alternative?”
“I am very pleased that Deputy Doherty has put down this amendment because it will give those Deputies whom I hear in my constituency and right across the constituencies, particularly rural ones, regularly talking about the unfairness of carbon tax and the lunacy of increasing the price of petrol, diesel and home heating oil at a time when people are at the pin of their collar. My fundamental difficulty with carbon tax is that it does not work. It does not bring people to alternatives because for many of them, the alternatives do not exist. For people who live where I live and work anywhere beyond walking distance, they have no choice but to use their car.”
“We will support the motion but we urge the Government to get its act together and bring forward the comprehensive legislation that will put these measures on a formalised and regularised basis.”
“Are they operating on the same basis as every other business? I welcome that having written to Revenue in this regard, it has indicated there is increased activity in relation to the compliance of these types of businesses to ensure that everybody trying to run a shop, pub, restaurant or other business is playing on a level field. Across our towns, we want legitimate, vibrant and innovative local businesses that create employment and bring increased footfall to town centres. Outdoor dining and socialising are part of protecting the vitality of the hospitality sector. We must do more than that. We need proper focus and debate in this House about how we can invest in and develop our rural towns and villages and support businesses and entrepreneurs trying to bring employment back to these areas.”
“On the one hand, we have closures of existing businesses that just needed a little support and a bit of a break to be able to maintain operations. On the other hand, we see a proliferation of other types of shops, particularly vape and mobile telephone shops. There is a need for some of those but not for the numbers we are seeing. I have raised directly with Revenue my concerns around the proliferation of vape and mobile telephone repair shops. They are countering what we need, which is a proper mix of retail, commercial and leisure-based activities and businesses in town centres. For that to happen, we need a level playing field in terms of compliance with the many rules and regulations in place. There are questions about how so many of these types of premises are operating so close together.”
“Carrickmacross, and every regional town across Cavan, Monaghan and further afield, wants measures to support businesses that will bring vibrancy and commercial activity back to our urban centres. Instead of that, we are seeing towns struggling. Businesses are struggling with the high cost of insurance and energy. The cost-of-living crisis is impacting on the money people have to spend in their local shops, cafés and restaurants. The most recent budget only made the situation worse. I commend Monaghan County Council on its initiative of a rates waiver for new commercial businesses operating within town centres. I encourage other local authorities to follow suit. We need a particular set of schemes that support existing commercial activities and ensure we keep the heartbeat of our towns going.”
“However, we need a wider debate, which I hope the Minister of State will take on board, about how we can make villages, towns and cities better places to live in, work and visit and how to support a vibrant hospitality sector. It is clear to me we need a strategy for the rejuvenation of rural towns and villages that includes investment in public spaces, tackling dereliction and ensuring proper services and amenities. I have referenced in this House the situation in my home town of Carrickmacross and many towns like it that are desperately trying to revitalise their traditional town centre. It appears that rather than supports being put in place, the Government has put obstacles in the way.”
“The approach of the Department has limited the scrutiny of individual changes but also means delays in what should be straightforward issues such as these when they are embedded in complex miscellaneous laws. Miscellaneous Bills should be used for limited and technical changes rather than a large range of complex issues which results in far too little time for scrutiny of individual measures and will invariably lead to flaws in legislation. The issue of outdoor seating is largely non-contentious. It should have been dealt with by way of a simple, straightforward Bill, which would take less time in terms of Dáil business than the situation we are in of having to renew these provisions twice a year. The provisions are good for the hospitality sector and that is why Sinn Féin will support the motion.”
“Years after the Covid pandemic, when the measure was first introduced, the Government is still operating under emergency legislation when it should have regularised the position of outdoor seating areas on a permanent basis long before now. This is to be done by the criminal law and civil law (miscellaneous provisions) Bill 2025, on which the Joint Committee on Justice, Home Affairs and Migration has already completed pre-legislative scrutiny. We have been critical of the approach of the Minister, which has included a wide range of unrelated, diverse and, in themselves, important matters in a miscellaneous Bill. Therein lies the reason for the delays we have experienced.”
“I thank the Minister of State. It is disappointing that we are back here again debating the extensions of these provisions. The motion seeks to extend the provision for the consumption of alcohol in relevant outdoor spaces, as provided for in the miscellaneous provisions Act 2021. As the Minister of State said, the current arrangements are due to expire at the end of this month and the motion would extend them for a period of six months. I want to be very clear. Sinn Féin supports the extension of the provisions but we believe very strongly that it is past time that we regularise these positions and not have a situation whereby the Dáil has to debate them every six months.”
“He's not allowed to talk to me, he's not allowed to try and communicate with me, ideally, he's not allowed in the very same building as me. That is added value that this Oireachtas can bring to all of these women. My final appeal, in thanking Government for allowing this to move to the next Stage, is let us listen to Leona, Sonya and Shaneda and to all those countless victims and survivors who have told their stories. Let us pass this Bill.”
“If I was protected against him as a child, I'd have had a very different life. Everything would have been so different. And society couldn't protect me from that because these monsters exist and they're clever and we don't see them for what they are before they do it. But now we know who he is and we know what he does. We know how violent he is. And what I'm asking is not for me, because it's too late for me. It can't be retrospective, but for the little Leonas that come after me, that are brave enough to look these people in the eye, relive what they went through, and put them behind jail, and, you know, at that stage, they should have the protection of knowing this man is not allowed to come anywhere near me.”
“Sonya Stokes, Leona O'Callaghan and Shaneda Daly are forces of nature. They set out to me in stark terms why this legislation is required. By telling their stories, they brought their perpetrators to justice. In doing that, they did the State - all of us - a great service. That should be all we have to ask of them but I was struck by the words of Leona O'Callaghan. I ask the Cathaoirleach Gníomhach to indulge me while I recite those words verbatim: You know, we've done enough when we’ve done that. But what I've also done ... is ... put myself in the firing line when he gets out, because he's going to want revenge on the very people that took his freedom for so long. And I worry that he spends most days thinking about what he will do to the people who put him where he is. And I would love the protection of a protection order.”
“The added value is that by passing this Bill we can say clearly to victims and survivors, "We hear you, we see you and when you point out failings in the system to us, we will act." I thank again all of those organisations that have indicated support of this Bill. I thank Sinn Féin for allowing me to utilise our Private Members' time to progress it. I thank Caoilfhionn Ní Dhonnabáin in my own office for working so hard on bringing forward this important proposal. I thank my party colleagues, particularly Deputy Máire Devine, our junior spokesperson on domestic and gender-based violence issues and Senator Maria McCormack, who is a determined and fierce advocate for vulnerable people in her constituency and, indeed, everywhere. I thank Maria, especially, for introducing me to three of the most powerful people I have ever met.”
“Of course, I accept that the purpose of the next Stages of the Bill is that amendments can be brought forward that would improve the Bill. It is transposing something from the harassment legislation into the sexual violence sphere. I hope we can explore on Committee Stage whether we can find a mechanism that would ensure that a civil protection order against a perpetrator could be imposed by a judge for a lifetime period, and my appeal to the Minister and to Government is to be constructive as we tease out all of these issues. Something Ministers have said repeatedly tonight is that there needs to be added value.”
“I thank every TD who has contributed to this debate this evening and the many TDs who contacted me in the course of the day to indicate their support for this Bill. I also thank the Minister and Government for allowing this Bill to pass on Second Stage. There are issues more important that political games. It would have been possible for Government parties to play political games and table a delaying amendment, and I acknowledge that they did not. I also acknowledge that the Minister stayed for the entirety of this debate. Most senior Ministers run off as soon as their contribution in a debate such as this is over. I want to ensure, and ask, that that spirit continues. I want us all to make a resolution for 2026 that this Bill will be law by this time next year.”
“I ask all TDs to listen to the testimonies of victims and survivors, listen to their experiences and above all listen to their demands and ensure that we pass Second Stage of this Bill tonight and make it law.”
“This is what she said happened after his release: After his release he later attempted to follow me on social media. I was shocked. I immediately contacted my Garda liaison and local station to report it, but I was told that there wasn't enough evidence to be raised in any appeals or hearings he might have. Instead, I was told that I would need to apply for a barring order myself. This enraged me. How could I, the victim of rape, not only endure six years of waiting, a minimal sentence and even a quicker release, but also be told that I needed to apply for a barring order, that there wasn't enough evidence of him attempting to contact me. It was disgraceful and still is. It is the experiences of this woman and many others who have approached TDs from all political parties this week that we must listen to.”
“They have told me about the impact this has on their lives, how they feel they are on a countdown clock to the release of that person. Victims and survivors have said very clearly to me that they want to know the perpetrator in their case will not be able to speak to them, will not be able to approach them and will not be able to harass them. I will give the example of just one survivor to show why this Bill matters. It is one of the many emails I received this week. In this case, after enduring the process of giving statements and completing a rape kit, her attacker was actually released on bail and then went on the run. It took six years for the case to come to court. Her attacker was sentenced to four years and served just two.”
“We know that the disclosure of counselling notes adds hugely to the trauma of the judicial experience. The justice committee has called for the full ban on the disclosure of counselling notes and I hope that the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, will listen to survivors and to the committee and ensure that is reflected in the legislation being brought forward by him. Where there is a conviction, that is not the end for victims and survivors. In fact, that is where the long and often difficult journey to rebuild their lives starts. Victims of rape, sexual assault and childhood sexual abuse have spoken to me about the anxiety, stress and fear they feel as their assailants come to the end of their sentences. They fear contact from their perpetrators and they fear encountering that perpetrator as they go about their day-to-day lives.”
“This Bill simply provides that at the same time as someone is convicted of a crime of sexual violence, a court can impose an order restraining that person who is convicted of the offence from approaching the victim in the case. The provision currently exists in harassment legislation in section 28 of the Criminal Justice (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2023 but it is not currently available to victims of sexual violence. We know that only a small percentage of those who experience sexual violence get justice; that has to change. For that small percentage who get to court, it is often a difficult and traumatic process. Court cases take too long. There are insufficient resources to support every victim or ensure that they have equal access to accompaniment at court. Many feel that is they rather than their attacker who is on trial.”
“I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time." This is simple legislation. It is a small step to support victims and survivors of sexual violence. It comes directly from the experience of victims and survivors. This is their Bill. It is a testament to their courage, persistence and strength to deliver change for others. In particular, I thank Sonya Stokes, Leona O'Callaghan and Shaneda Daly, who worked with me on this Bill. I welcome them and others who will be joining us in the Public Gallery for this debate this evening. I also thank all those who have expressed their support for this Bill, including Rape Crisis Ireland and Women's Aid.”
“When it came to the MRI scanner, I put down questions to Ministers countless times and they gave the exact same answer as the Minister is giving with regard to a CT scanner yet eventually the logic has become apparent and an MRI scanner will be provided. That is the result of pressure put on the Department and the HSE. The Government should cut out the middle man, cut out the messing and deliver. It should carry out a feasibility study on a CT scanner for Monaghan hospital because it is what the county deserves.”
“I invite the Minister to go back and read her statement and those of her predecessors about an MRI scanner at Monaghan hospital and several other issues. She is right. There have been staff increases in Monaghan hospital and services have increased in terms of provision. Every single one required a sustained campaign to force the Department and the HSE to see logic. When it came to the minor injuries unit when Monaghan hospital was operating at the lowest operating hours anywhere in the State, we had to fight tooth and nail to get the same operating hours as everyone else. The then Minister said the exact same as the Minister is saying today.”
“The decisions by previous Governments to remove all services from Monaghan hospital has proven to be absolutely disastrous for the health services across the region. It has been a battle a day ever since to establish new services at Monaghan hospital. The most recent battle was in relation to an MRI scanner, that eventually we are told will be in place over the next 18 months, which is still far too long. I am asking the Minister that we do not have to go through the same rigmarole and process to get what is blatantly needed, which is a CT scanner in Monaghan hospital. Will she ensure that this is put in place?”
“We need clear, unequivocal language that the European Commission hears. We, the Irish people, will not accept the Mercosur trade deal.”
“They never say that the only reason Mercosur is on the table at all is an Irish Government signed up to a negotiating mandate and permitted the European Commission to open negotiations when it could have said, "Stop" when a unanimity principle was in place. They do not say that there were countless occasions over the past decade where the Irish Government could have stopped the Mercosur negotiations in their tracks and failed to do so. They do not say, loud and clear, so that the European Commission can hear, that Ireland will not accept a lunacy whereby, in this House, we have people talking about cutting herds in Ireland and Europe, while at the same time importing hundreds of thousands of tonnes of beef from the far end of the world, and literally mowing down rainforests to produce that beef. The lunacy has to stop now.”
“Yet, while they are expected to meet all of those obligations, they are also expected to compete with states and farmers which do not have to adhere to the same level of regulation. That is unfair. Not only are they expected to compete, we are now being faced with a trade deal that wants to tip the balance in favour of those farming organisations that do not adhere to the same regulations. The approach by successive Governments on this matter has been very cynical. I have heard Ministers from Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael over the past decade and a half indicating that they oppose the Mercosur deal.”
“I have often said that our farmers deserve three things: fair prices, a fair CAP, and fair play. On all three, successive Governments have failed. On prices, we still have the diktats coming from factories and retailers, and we have never got a stranglehold on the conglomerate interests that are controlling the prices received. On CAP, we now have a situation where farmers are receiving fewer payments but are being asked to do more and more every year. What do I mean by fair play? The first thing I mean by that is a recognition that the farmers in the Gallery tonight and across this country produce food to the highest standards and with the highest number of regulations in the world. Nowhere outside of the European Union matches the controls on farmers in respect of the climate, the environment, animal welfare and biodiversity.”
“Housing, childcare, energy and grocery costs are putting people under pressure and rising all the time, while the Government sits on its hands and its members shake their heads at reality. People are struggling and the Government has turned its back on them. The toll increases and the carbon tax increases must be scrapped. This motion allows TDs from all parties to stand up for their constituents. The real message that needs to come out of this debate is that it is time to give people who are under pressure a break. This is the Government's chance to do so.”
“The contracts which allow these unacceptable, punitive increases during a cost-of-living crisis are just another legacy of bad economic policy decisions made by successive Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael Governments. Private toll companies have recorded millions of euro in after-tax profits in the past year and motor insurance companies continue to make huge profits all at the expense of motorists. Then, to make matters worse, the Government is doing nothing whatsoever to deal with the other cost-of-living pressures that families are facing. We had a budget with €9 billion in additional spending. What did the average worker or family receive in return? A kick in the teeth. Nothing out of that went towards them.”
“People know that the cost of their insurance is going up because they see it in their bill. While the Minister of State shakes his head, they are burdened by those costs. On top of all the costs that workers and families have, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are actually making things worse. They are putting up petrol and diesel prices by increasing carbon tax. These are supposedly behavioural taxes, but they make no sense whatsoever when people have no option but to drive. They are just putting additional financial pressure on people who are already struggling. Now the Government is allowing increases in tolls on the roads people need to use to get to work.”
“The question I keep asking is what this Government has against motorists and people in rural communities. People in constituencies such as Cavan-Monaghan have no choice but to use their cars to get work, do their grocery shopping and bring children to childcare or after-school activities. There is no alternative to using the car, but it is getting more and more expensive to do so. The Government is actually making people's lives harder. The cost of car insurance, for example, went up more than 9% last year. We now have the highest insurance costs in five years. It is double the European average. There has been a complete failure on the part of the Minister of State and the Government to tackle the cost of insurance. I know that by looking at my own bill, so the Minister of State can stop shaking his head.”
“However, if somebody goes on to their social media or Facebook account right now, they will see an advertisement for a raffle where, with the stroke of a button, they can enter into a draw for a house, a car, or, in some cases, tens of thousands of euro. Those lotteries are operating outside of the law as it currently stands. It appears to me that nobody is paying any attention to it. We need to address that. If we have laws in place and they need to be changed or are not fit for purpose, let us address them. However, if people are blatantly breaking the law, then we need to address that. Sinn Féin will be supporting this Bill.”
“We have heard how the inspection by the Health Information and Quality Authority, HIQA, of Tusla services in the south east found the capacity of the service to provide a quality, safe and effective foster care service had not improved since the previous inspection in February 2024. It was reported that one child in Tusla care had eight social workers in two and a half years. Dealing with the concerns around Tusla must be an urgent piece of business. In respect of the technical amendments to the gambling regulations contained in this Bill, I want to bring to the Minister's attention what appears to be a disregard of legislation that is currently in place. I know we are moving towards the enactment of the more recent gambling legislation.”
“The word "absconding" was used for a child which is language we use for escaped criminals, not for vulnerable children who have gone missing from State care. There has to be a full and thorough investigation of that incident. This and other recent cases I have mentioned must serve as a wake-up call for us as Oireachtas Members. Tusla is failing in its purpose. As elected representatives, the people we interact with are telling us of negative experiences, by and large. People generally do not approach us to say they have had a good experience with State services but I have never met anybody who said their experience with Tusla has been positive. There are serious and fundamental issues there that we need to address as a matter of urgency.”
“There is the case of Kyran Durnin who is missing and presumed dead. There is the case of Daniel Aruebose whose skeletal remains were found in Donabate in September and the case of Vladym Davydenko who was killed at a Tusla care facility in Dublin last month. Then, of course, there was the horrific incident of the ten-year-old girl who went missing and was sexually assaulted at Citywest. I want to repeat the very serious concerns about how such a young girl, who was obviously a vulnerable child, could end up going missing and remain missing overnight while the public were not been informed. The language used in the statement issued by Tusla in the aftermath of that incident was deeply concerning to many people. It verged on victim blaming.”
“I ask the Minister to look again at this issue with a view to implementing and funding the proposal put forward by Rape Crisis Ireland. The legislation makes some technical amendments related to the Child Care Act 1991 and the Child and Family Agency. I want to take this opportunity to make a number of brief comments on Tusla. We have seen a litany of issues occurring over Tusla's remit in recent months and years. Frankly, they are alarming. There have been too many incidents involving children in State care. Over the past year alone too many children were failed and too many children have gone missing. An inspection of Tusla's separated children seeking international protection service discovered that in January and February of this year, approximately 30 children were missing. Too many children have died.”
“How difficult the process is for many of those has been highlighted multiple times. Rape Crisis Ireland has been running the national accompaniment programme which has been funded by the Minister's Department for over 15 years. The Department started funding some centres to deliver a professional model of delivery but did not roll this out beyond Dublin which resulted in a two-tier system for survivors. Rape Crisis Ireland is looking for the model to be moved from a volunteer-based one to a fully professionalised delivery that has equal access across the State to help minimise the impact of secondary traumatisation and to empower and encourage survivors to stay with the case as it progresses through the judicial process.”
“Ms Fay reported that when she told her employer she was going to be a witness in a trial and that it could take three weeks, she was told she was only entitled to use her annual leave or seek unpaid leave. The fact such an entitlement exists in other states shows it is widely recognised as important. It is something I ask the Minister to examine with a view to introducing such an entitlement here. Having spoken to many victims who have been through the judicial process, there have been a range of experiences. Some have been very complimentary of the supports they have received but all, by the nature of their experiences, find the process traumatic. A number pointed out the supports they felt should be in place were simply were not, and we need to address that. Victims of sexual violence need specific support.”
“I ask again that the Minister look at this issue to bring forward proposals to address the cost incurred by those who undertake their civic duty by serving on juries. There is also clearly a need for greater support for victims and survivors for whom the court process is naturally very traumatic. I acknowledge that supports have improved but we must also acknowledge that much more needs to be done. The specific issue of the lack of court-leave was raised by a number of those who have gone through the judicial system as victims and witnesses. I was struck when this was raised over the summer by the sisters, Paula Fay and Catherine Wrightstone, following the conviction of their brother for sexually abusing them.”
“The absence of such a payment impacts on people who are, in many cases, already struggling with cost of living, as well as those with caring responsibilities and the self-employed. I have raised this previously with the Minister. He has pointed out that the self-employed and full-time carers can be excused from jury service but it is not good enough that those groups are then under-represented on our juries. Those who wish to serve should have that option and those on low incomes should not be out of pocket for carrying out their civic duties. It is 12 years since the Law Reform Commission called for the introduction of what would be a modest, flat rate daily payment to cover the cost of transport and other incidentals involved in attending jury service. That has also been very strongly supported by the Law Society.”
“We need to look at the physical infrastructure of the courts that has also been identified as inadequate in many instances to meet the challenge and needs of the justice system. Issues have been highlighted by the Law Society and others in terms of privacy, for example, around family law cases and how the physical infrastructure in the courts, in many cases, restricts their ability to operate effectively. In addition to increasing the number of judges, the other factors increasing court delays need to be addressed as a matter of urgency. As we look at how the court system operates, we also need to look at the wider experience of those who have reason to be in the courts such as the jurors, witnesses and victims. I raised with the Minister the need to introduce a payment to compensate for the costs of those who serve on our juries.”
“The Law Society of Ireland has highlighted the fact that cases in this State currently take 1.5 times longer than the European average. It pointed out that too few judges and court staff are tasked with managing a disproportionately high caseload, further exacerbating delays and undermining the system's effectiveness. By numerous bodies, Ireland has been criticised for the low number of judges that we have. The EU justice scoreboard, for example, this year shows that for the past decade Ireland had the lowest number of judges per capita across all EU states. Therefore, we welcome the increase in the numbers of judges as provided for in this legislation. I make the point strongly to the Minister that there needs to be a corresponding increase in Courts Service staff to ensure delays are reduced.”