Matt Carthy
Cavan-Monaghan · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“I move amendment No. 1: To insert after "on 2nd July, 2026": "and: further calls on the Government to provide that the Accommodation Recognition Payment (ARP) scheme shall apply only to: — existing recipients with respect to the beneficiaries of temporary protection currently benefitting from the scheme where those beneficiaries of tempor…”
“10 reads, "In page 5, line 31, after “section 2” to insert “or section 3”." Section 3 criminalises recording, sharing or publishing an intimate image without consent where it seriously interferes with a person's privacy or causes alarm, distress or harm to them.”
“In terms of the legislation, as well as the breadth of the issues covered in the Bill, the other problem is the number of amendments the Minister has introduced on every Stage on new and unrelated matters that just have not been discussed in this House at all and will not get discussed here because of guillotines being applied and the Min…”
“It is not an additional punishment to be included on the register. As has been said, this is just about having a mechanism whereby the constitutional diktat that justice should be done in public is actually made available. This is not an additional punishment. It is actually a protection for others.”
“We must bear in mind that the vast majority of domestic violence offences and abuses never make their way to court. Most of them never result in a complaint. When complaints are made, most of them never see a file being sent to the DPP. Even when that happens, most of them never actually make it to court.”
“She made the point that when a woman, in the majority cases we are talking about women, goes to a Garda station to make a complaint about domestic violence you can virtually bet your life that it is not the first instance of domestic violence that she has encountered.”
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“The change I am proposing is to legislate for consecutive sentences in cases where there is a loss of life in order to avoid sentences that are manifestly wrong. I hope the Minister will support that proposal. We have an issue in our communities and there are many areas we need to address but, crucially and fundamentally, we need more gardaí on our streets and in our communities.”
“Our objective must be to keep as many people as possible out of the criminal justice system by tackling the causes of crime. I will briefly talk about sentencing, an issue I have already raised with the Minister. Sentencing must reflect the gravity of the offence. If, as in a recent case, we see a judgment where there is no punishment for the loss of life due to the imposition of a concurrent sentence, it undermines not only the important principle of deterrence but also public confidence in our justice system. There are already requirements to impose consecutive sentences in certain circumstances, such as for crimes committed when somebody is on bail or serving a prison sentence. That should also be the case where there is a loss of life.”
“While it is crucial that we increase the number of gardaí on the beat, we also need greater focus on tackling the causes of crime and preventing young people from getting into crime. Ensuring that those who become involved are rehabilitated rather than dragged further into a life of crime is crucial. I want from this Government a proper commitment to investment in youth diversion programmes, youth facilities, children and family services, rehabilitation and innovative approaches to probation that focus on ensuring that young people, in particular, can go on to build productive lives and careers away from crime and criminality. It is also vital that we put in place supports and services to address other factors that can contribute to crime and antisocial behaviour, including drug and alcohol addiction, gambling and mental health issues.”
“I expect to be speaking to the Minister regularly in the coming months about the Shane O'Farrell case. I keep feeling that, had any Government since 2011 established a public inquiry into that case, many of the lessons we need to learn in respect of bail law would be evident. I hope the Minister will move to establish such a public inquiry. An issue has arisen whereby joint policing committees, JPCs, have not been re-established and local community safety partnerships, LCSPs, have not been set up. The delay in the establishment of the LCSPs and the lack of JPCs is leaving a dangerous vacuum in our communities and denying communities the ability to address ongoing concerns regarding crime and community safety. The LCSPs should be established as quickly as possible. In the meantime, the JPCs should be reconvened.”
“Sinn Féin believes that we must aim for 16,000 active gardaí. There have been a number of very serious criminal incidents recently, particularly in Dublin, including a fatal stabbing in the city centre. There is a real concern about the growing issue of knife crime, the growing incidence of people carrying knives and the devastating consequences. It is crucial that these issues are tackled and there is no tolerance for knife crime, which is endemic in other countries. We want to prevent that here. The issue of the number of crimes being committed by those on bail, to which the Minister referred, must be examined to ensure our bail laws are being appropriately applied where there is a clear risk of someone committing further crimes while on bail. If our bail laws are not adequate, that must be addressed.”
“I ask the Minister to consider introducing an annual victims survey, along the lines of the Crime Survey for England and Wales, which records all types of crimes experienced by people, including those crimes that may not have been reported to the Garda. There is also a serious lack of community gardaí, who are crucial for policing with the community and building local trust and confidence in An Garda Síochána. These are the gardaí who will know what is going on in their communities and who will be able to identify when young people are becoming involved in crime. Increasing the number of community gardaí is an issue that I particularly want the Minister to address. The intake capacity for Garda training must be increased. It is clear that additional training places must be put in place to deliver the numbers required.”
“At the end of December 2024, the Garda strength was 14,191, a drop of 3.5% over that period. In the same period, the population of the State rose from 4.95 million to 5.38 million, an increase of 9%. The lack of gardaí and the lack of visibility of the Garda has serious consequences. It impacts people's sense of safety, deterrence and crime prevention. Yesterday, we saw figures from the Central Statistics Office, CSO, which showed an increase in a range of crimes, particularly burglaries, including violent burglaries, and theft. While the CSO figures are useful, although worrying, I think most people would accept there is a need for a more complete picture of the level of crime being experienced, given all instances of crime are not reported.”
“Tá áthas orm go bhfuil deis agam labhairt sa Dáil inniu faoi shábháilteacht phobail agus ár gcóras ceartais. Ní mór dúinn dul i ngleic go práinneach leis an easpa gardaí ar ár sráideanna. Communities deserve to feel safe and protected. Our cities, towns and rural communities should be safe, day and night. When crimes are committed, victims of crime must be supported to get justice in a timely manner. There must be equal access to justice for all. Every community has an equal right to proper policing. There are many issues which the Minister for Justice must deal with as a matter of urgency and I want to address some of them. There is a clear and ongoing issue regarding Garda numbers and Garda visibility. When Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael took office in June 2020, Garda numbers stood at 14,700.”
“The Tánaiste and Taoiseach gave their word in this Chamber that a solution agreeable to both the Government and Opposition would be found. Last night, they broke their word and they have moved forward with yet another stroke. This is not going to fly. The combined Opposition will fight this every step of the way. This needs to be resolved in a way that upholds the democratic integrity of the Dáil, defends the rights of the real Opposition to hold the Government to account and, more important, allows us to get on with the work of the Dáil. The leaders of the combined Opposition have written to the Tánaiste seeking an urgent meeting with him and the Taoiseach to work out a solution. Will he agree now to that meeting?”
“The Tánaiste and the Taoiseach, Deputy Micheál Martin, have made Michael Lowry the kingmaker in their Government and now provide him with cover. It seems they will stop at nothing to protect Deputy Lowry and their grubby deal. They intend to throw the Oireachtas into chaos. They are manipulating Standing Orders and blocking the formation of committees. While they focus on protecting their deal, there are big issues affecting Ireland and people's lives. We face potential trade barriers that could have huge consequences. Rents are through the roof. The prices of fuel and groceries are growing up again. Hundreds of people are lying on hospital trolleys every single day. Parents of children with special needs still have to fight and fight for services.”
“Indeed, questions were raised on the floor of the Dáil four weeks ago and we have not heard a peep from Deputy Lowry since – no statement, no answers. Has the Tánaiste asked Michael Lowry whether he had 57 meetings regarding the Doncaster deal, including here in Leinster House, because he told the tribunal he had no involvement in that deal? Has he asked Michael Lowry whether, in August 2002, he went to a rural farmhouse to burn original documents relating to deals at the heart of the Moriarty investigations? Has he asked Michael Lowry how his accountant made two separate payments, which originated in Gibraltar, to the person arranging the Doncaster deal, because these payments were never disclosed to the tribunal?”
“It is critical to the democratic integrity of the Dáil that this be upheld. Michael Lowry and his group are not Opposition TDs. They are not unaligned and they are not others; they are Government TDs – plain and simple. They designated themselves as such when they negotiated, drafted and agreed the programme for Government and then publicly announced they would support the Government in good days and bad. To allow them to be part of Leaders' Questions makes a mockery of the Dáil. The Government is so determined to protect its grubby deal with Michael Lowry that it would shred the core democratic functions of this Parliament. Michael Lowry is a politician who still has serious questions to answer regarding his evidence to the Moriarty tribunal.”
“What transpired at the meeting of the Dáil reform committee last evening confirms that the Tánaiste's Government is hell-bent on plunging the Dáil into chaos. The Government's proposal seeks to turn the democratic rules and functioning of the Parliament inside out and upside down. It is seriously pushing to allow Michael Lowry and his group of TDs to be part of Leaders' Questions. It is also trying to extend this right to backbench TDs from its own parties, who already have multiple opportunities to speak in the Dáil. Bizarrely, the Government then wants to cut Taoiseach's questions, the current opportunity for all TDs, including backbench Government TDs, to put questions. This makes it crystal clear that this is all about Michael Lowry. Leaders' Questions is the main facility for the Opposition to hold the Government to account.”
“When we fail to acknowledge these facts consistently or call out others who fail to do so, we diminish the international institutions left to us by a generation that did not want to see the horrors of the past repeated. When we exclude a sovereign people from discussions on their own future, we diminish our own history and the aspirations and legacies of those generations. We diminish our credibility in contributing constructively to peace, humanitarianism and conflict resolution across the world. These are not legacies that we should wantonly cast aside. Ireland must always be a champion for international law, international humanitarian law and the UN Charter.”
“At a time when we see so many world leaders, especially in Europe and the United States, undermining the international institutions built up over the past 80 years, Ireland must be a consistent voice in advocating. If Russia is to be sanctioned for its crimes, then so too should Israel. If Vladimir Putin cannot set foot within the European Union for fear of arrest and trial before the International Criminal Court, nor should Benjamin Netanyahu be able to. If we reject Russia's irredentist aspirations, then we must also reject Israel's. The future of Ukraine belongs to the Ukrainian people, and the future of Palestine belongs to the Palestinian people, yesterday, today, tomorrow and forever.”
“For there to be any chance that a peace is sustaining and lasting, a starting point must be that the Ukrainian people themselves are party to negotiations. As a neutral country with an independent foreign policy, Ireland should utilise every diplomatic lever at our disposal to insist upon exactly that. The Ukrainian people can no more be expected to have another's concept of peace foisted upon them than they can be expected to endure occupation. Ireland should be a champion of peace, conflict resolution, multilateralism, the UN Charter and international law. The European Union, which should have been a strong advocate and negotiator for peace, has instead been drawn into militarism. We should not forget that in the past when war fever and arms races swept Europe, it has only ever led to more war.”
“Three years ago this week, Vladimir Putin unleashed a brutal and criminal invasion of Ukraine. The Ukrainian people deserve great praise for their defence of their country and its sovereignty but the price they paid has been costly. Some 12,000 Ukrainian civilians have been killed since the invasion of February 2022. The number of children abducted runs certainly to the tens of thousands at a minimum. The reality of the destruction of human life, of the maimed and the wounded across civilian and military personnel arising from Putin's war may well result in closer to 1 million. An end to the bloodshed is required. The war must end and we need the full withdrawal of Russian forces from sovereign Ukrainian territory. We need the return of every abducted child.”
“I will be proposing that the incoming justice committee when it is established actually meets with survivors who have contacted us in advance of today's debate because there are clearly a number of areas where legislative changes are required, including dealing with the retraumatising impact of victims' counselling notes being disclosed in rape and sexual assault cases, the blocking of parental and inheritance rights for those who kill their spouses, and the need to create a domestic violence register. It is also clear from the survivors that the disclosure of counselling notes shown at trial severely compounds their trauma. The commitment in the programme for Government to deal with this has to be fast-tracked. If the Government is intent on fast-tracking it, this side of the House will accommodate it.”
“In dealing with the issues of domestic and gender-based violence, it is also important that we listen to the survivors of rape, sexual abuse and domestic violence. We need to listen to them particularly regarding their experience of the justice system. Survivors of rape, sexual assault and domestic violence and their families have raised a number of very important issues which need to be dealt with by the Oireachtas as a matter of urgency.”
“Oftentimes, they are left with the conclusion themselves, having dealt with all the statutory agencies, that the option provided to them is either to make themselves homeless or to return back. The lack of availability of affordable housing is one of the greatest barriers and challenges for women and children who are victims or survivors of domestic abuse. It also means that women and children are often forced to remain in refuges for longer than is needed, and in some cases the option of returning to the abuser is actively considered. In previous, very tragic cases, this is what happened. Supporting the long-term housing needs, therefore, of survivors of domestic violence must be given the priority that it deserves.”
“The figures for domestic violence for the Cavan, Monaghan and Louth region also revealed to me by the Minister last week reinforced the demand for urgency with regard to opening domestic violence refuges in both Cavan and Monaghan. These figures show that this region has the highest number of calls outside of the Dublin region. The reason that is important is because when women present, sometimes they feel they have nowhere to present to other than to their local TDs office, which in itself is a scandal because we have to deal with people giving their most intimate, private details in a setting that is not appropriate. They ask directly what their options are.”
“It is crucial that Cuan, the new statutory Government agency that is dedicated to tackling and reducing domestic, sexual and gender-based violence, is provided with the resources needed to do its job, particularly in the area of prevention. The Government also needs to ensure that An Garda Síochána and the justice system have the resources and the training to better deal with these issues and violent attacks. We know the long delays in our courts prevent survivors from rebuilding their lives. I hear what our previous speakers have said, but domestic violence refuge centres often represent the only place where those experiencing domestic violence can find safety. There are still far too many places, including counties Cavan and Monaghan, with no refuge at all.”
“Many were killed in their own homes. Most were killed by a man known to them. Some 274 women have died violently in this State since 1996. As we look at these figures, women will rightly wonder how much has really been achieved in the years since the Government's so-called zero tolerance strategy was announced because women do not feel safe and often they are not safe. We have to do better in preventing domestic and gender-based violence. We have to do better in terms of supporting victims of such violence towards getting them to safety and rebuilding their lives. We have to do better in ensuring that victims of gender-based violence get the justice they deserve in a timely manner that does not compound their trauma.”
“Gabhaim buíochas leis an Teachta Coppinger as díospóireacht a thabhairt chun cinn ar an gceist thábhachtach seo mar caithfimid deireadh a chur le foréigean in aghaidh mná agus cailíní. I thank the movers of this motion, particularly Deputy Coppinger, who has an unimpeachable record on this issue. I also welcome the guests to the Public Gallery. Tackling violence against women and girls must be a priority across our society. Every day, women and girls face violence in the form of domestic and sexual abuse, stalking, harassment and intimidation. Figures that were revealed by the Minister for Justice to me last week showed that the number of emergency calls made to An Garda Síochána reporting domestic abuse rose from over 44,000 in 2020 to over 65,000 last year. Hundreds of women have died violently in Ireland.”
“The Mercosur trade deal needs an active approach by Government. It is insane that we would ask our farmers to do all the things we are asking them to do in terms of animal welfare, biodiversity and climate action while at the same time supporting a trade deal that would involve the absolute destruction of hundreds of thousands of hectares of rainforest and the importation of large quantities of beef.”
“As Ireland is now a net contributor to that budget, we are in a strong position to argue that the policy area most important to us, the Common Agricultural Policy, should see an increase in funding, considering that we are asking farmers to do much more. The second area where farmers need strong intervention is that they need fair prices. Everybody knows how much a farmer receives at the marts or the factories. In fact, it is published virtually every week. Everybody knows how much consumers pay in their supermarket or butcher for meat, for example. Nobody knows, however, who is making all the profit in between. We do not have enough transparency and we need fair play. I welcome that the Minister has indicated probably more firmly than we have heard in this House by a Minister that the Government will oppose the Mercosur trade deal.”
“They are integral to so much more than the top-quality food they put on our tables and export, making Ireland renowned as a producer of the best food in the world, as I would see it. They need support, however, and they have told us they need support. They need support in a number of different facets. They need support with a fair CAP. The last CAP deal, which was negotiated and supported by the outgoing Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael Government, essentially meant farmers received less support at a time when they were being asked to do much more. Therefore it is important for the incoming Government to set out very clearly, as Sinn Féin committed to do in our manifesto, that it will be a priority of the multi-annual financial framework of the next EU budget to have an increase in the CAP budget.”
“I welcome the opportunity to talk about the importance of agrifood to the Irish economy. Sometimes agrifood is presented as an established industry, as of course it is, but it is much more than that. Many of us will have been struck that, on the day of Storm Éowyn, when the winds first subsided in communities like mine, the first people we saw engaging in the clear up were not those from the local authority, ESB Networks or any other statutory body but our local farmers who were out clearing the roads and getting involved with the most vulnerable in our communities. That is what our family farmers do. They are integral to our communities and our rural way of life.”
“Gabhaim mo chomhghairdeas leat, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, agus le do chlann as do phost nua, agus do na hAirí freisin. One of the reasons for your successful election, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, was the recognition of all Members of this House that you can be very flexible when it comes to accommodating Members, in contrast to the time restrictions that others might be rigorous with. I will see if I can try not to break your patience on this occasion.”
“Will the Government now accept that no amount of new laws will cover up for the fact that we simply do not have enough gardaí on the streets of our cities and towns?”
“Yesterday, the Taoiseach told Deputy McDonald there was a robust legal framework to deal with knife crime, suggesting there were no gaps in the powers that gardaí have to address this serious crime. Nor did the Minister for Justice, Deputy O’Callaghan, suggest there were any gaps in the legislation until last night, when he indicated new laws would need to be introduced to give gardaí greater powers to stop and search people they suspect of carrying knives. Can the Taoiseach or the Minister tell the Dáil when the Government became aware that existing knife crime powers were not adequate to deal with the issue? Was the issue raised with them by members of the Garda or was the Government aware of this deficiency when it championed its previous legislation that it told us addressed this issue?”
“Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have been able to say the reason local roads have been in such a bad state and that key national infrastructural roads have been stalled was Eamon Ryan and the Green Party. Eamon Ryan and the Green Party got their answer from the electorate but now Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have nowhere else to hide. I hope, therefore, that in his closing remarks the Minister of State will indicate that there will be a substantial increase in funding for local road networks and for major projects such as the N2 and that the money will be made available quickly so we can do something meaningful to address road safety.”
“Despite the fact the Government has committed, quite rightly, to financially supporting the A5 project, it has essentially cost taxpayers substantial amounts of money by stalling the N2 road project, which is comprised of the Clontibret to the Border road scheme and the Ardee to Castleblayney road scheme. Both are pivotal to improving road safety and that point is acknowledged by the Government. However, the Government, as I said, stalled it. We know that because TII told us the reason the scheme was stalled was due to limited funding being available. In one freedom of information response I received TII referred to the project as suspended due to funding constraints. The problem the Government has is that for the past five years, it had Eamon Ryan as a mudguard.”
“Unfortunately, the previous Government, due to a lack of any type of vision or ambition, was unwilling to do anything in respect of either enforcement or road conditions, so it came up with this arbitrary change to speed limits across the board. That points to a particular problem the Government has. Right across counties Monaghan and Cavan, for example, many local roads are in an atrocious condition, but there are also major road projects that are included in development plans and in key strategic policies of the Government that were essentially put on hold for the past five years. I am referring especially to the N2 road that goes through County Monaghan to link with the A5 in the North to improve connectivity to the north west.”
“I was taken aback for a moment when the Minister for Transport indicated that the new speed limits were broadly welcomed. It reinforced for me the fact that he is a Minister from Dublin and is not really in touch with many people from rural communities. In my constituency the overwhelming response has been one of bewilderment. It is not that people are opposed to the reduction in the speed limits per se , but many people have pointed to roads that are in an absolutely atrocious state due to potholes. Despite this, the local authority is not out fixing the roads and improving road conditions but putting up new signage. Everybody knows the two key areas to improve road safety are enforcement and road conditions.”
“Schemes like the one we are discussing will not always affect us directly. In fact, one of the ambitions of an Irish interaction with the EU-UK youth experience scheme is that it does not have implications for this State but we absolutely agree that it is important that Irish voices are at the table to ensure that is the case. We absolutely agree that we need to move forward, beyond Brexit and beyond the narrow-mindedness of those campaigners who brought about that decision, particularly those who did so using very dubious arguments. We are in a position to be a constructive and positive voice at the table. Only time will tell whether others will approach this so constructively and positively.”
“This issue is growing in many parts of rural constituencies in particular, and is creating a tension that we, quite frankly, could do without. Sinn Féin has called for the ending of the accommodation recognition payment because of the severe problems it is creating. I look forward to an early pronouncement from the Minister and the Government on how they intend to move forward as the scheme is due to lapse in a number of weeks. Given the common travel area and the plans by the British Government to cut payments under the comparable homes for Ukrainians scheme from £500 to £350, it is urgent that we deal with this matter. I urge the Minister to address this issue without delay and to set out the preparations he is undertaking for the ending of the temporary protection directive next year. Brexit has had a particular impact on Ireland.”
“One specific and urgent issue that we must address is that relating to the accommodation recognition payment for Ukrainians who are in Ireland under the temporary protection directive, particularly in the context of plans by the British Government to make changes shortly to its analogous homes for Ukrainians scheme. The accommodation recognition payment scheme for Ukrainians has created serious problems of unfairness in the private rented sector here. In many areas, including my own, where rents have been traditionally lower than in large urban centres, it is placing families and those seeking to rent private accommodation at a severe disadvantage because landlords are able to get €800 tax free through the accommodation recognition payment. The end result of this is that people cannot find places to rent in their own home towns.”
“Those challenges, along with the need to protect Irish sovereignty, were the key reasons Sinn Féin opposed opting in to the EU asylum and migration pact entirely. Sinn Féin has argued, and it is worth repeating, that in order to deal with the challenges of managing migration as an EU state that is also part of the common travel area with Britain, the one-size-fits-all approach of the EU pact is not appropriate for Ireland. We need to have flexibility to operate a migration system that recognises our particular realities. For example, there is a need for bilateral arrangements with Britain, with parallel legislation, to provide more objective and clearly delineated criteria for determining responsibility for the processing of international protection applicants between both states and for immigration management at ports and airports.”
“The departure of Britain from the EU brought the debate on Irish unity to the fore, North and South. Importantly, during the Brexit negotiations European leaders unanimously approved the commitment guaranteeing that the North could rejoin the European Union as part of a united Ireland. What we are missing now is an Irish Government that will proactively work to make Irish unity a reality, to plan, prepare and ensure that successful referenda take place by the end of the decade. The situation where Ireland is both a member of the European Union and part of a common travel area with Britain, which is outside the EU, presents very unique challenges, particularly in the area of migration.”
“As a result, the prospect of this proposal moving forward is unclear, in particular given the initial response of the main British parties to the Commission's announcement. The proposal was rejected entirely by the then Conservative government and by the Labour Party, who were still in opposition at that point. They described the youth mobility scheme as synonymous with freedom of movement. In Ireland, we are also dealing with the challenges created by Brexit, nowhere more so than in the North, which was dragged out of the EU against the wishes of the majority of voters in the Six Counties. We cannot say that often enough. This has had many consequences, some of which were mitigated in the course of the withdrawal agreement, but others still have to be ironed out and some will only be addressed once we achieve a united Ireland.”
“While this is largely going to be a matter between the EU and Britain, it is right that Ireland would opt into any negotiation that could have an impact on this State, even if it has been stated explicitly at this point that any agreement would be without prejudice to the common travel area. Because of the Border and the unique position of the North and the common travel area, the priority in these instances must always be to protect Irish interests, the special position of the North, and Irish sovereignty in any negotiations taking place between the EU and the British Government. Britain and its political parties and its body politic are still dealing with the fallout and political implications of the decision to leave the European Union.”
“This is my first opportunity to engage with the Minister in the House, so I congratulate him on his appointment. I welcome the opportunity to speak on the proposal to opt in to the negotiating mandate of the EU-UK youth experience scheme, one proposed by the European Commission in April of last year to facilitate youth mobility and make it easier for young people from the EU and Britain, respectively, to study, work and live in Britain and the EU as the case may be. I support the proposal to opt in to the negotiation process at this stage, essentially so that Ireland can play a role as an EU member state in shaping the Commission's negotiating mandate.”
“The long-standing promise of a domestic violence refuge in every county must be delivered, including those which are desperately needed in and long-promised for counties Monaghan and Cavan, for example. Crime prevention is also about being tough on the causes of crime, as well as in tackling recidivism. Following the economic crash, cuts stripped out many communities of services, support for youth projects and facilities. How we build strong communities, how we design estate and town centres, what we do about dereliction and neglect, what facilities we put in place, what opportunities people have and how wealth is distributed in society all matters in the wider view of how we prevent young people being drawn into crime and how we make communities safe. It is my intention to hold the Minister to account on all these matters.”
“We need to ensure that crime is prevented and we need to ensure that where crimes are committed, justice is served. There needs to be delivery from this Government in terms of Garda recruitment. I have heard the Minister encouraging people to join the Garda but the issue is not the number of applicants, it is the lack of intake and a Government failure to deliver trained gardaí to our streets. Our justice system must be supportive of the victims of crime. Delays within the justice system means that victims cannot get on with their lives. Families impacted by homicide and the victims of rape and sexual assault are retraumatised by these delays. I want to see delivery from the Government in terms of the time it takes for victims of crime to get justice.”
“The immigration Act gives powers to the Minister to deport those from other states who are involved in serious crime. Are these powers utilised, and if not, why not, considering such moves would be in the common good and would be welcomed, including by the vast majority of those who have made Ireland their home and contribute positively to our country and communities? Public confidence in our system of justice is undermined by the inappropriate imposition of concurrent sentencing, by a lack of consistency in sentencing for serious crimes and by too many incidents of crime committed by those on bail. While the independence of the Judiciary must be respected, we cannot turn a blind eye to these issues and allow them to undermine public confidence in our judicial system.”
“There is a particular problem, of course, in our capital city that is very evident. Under Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, the situation in Dublin has seriously deteriorated over recent years. Anyone who has walked down O'Connell Street or from O'Connell Street to Busáras or Connolly Station will quickly testify to this. People just do not feel safe walking around parts of this city, particularly after dark. Just this past weekend, we have had a number of very serious incidents across Dublin city. I would like to take this opportunity to commend the fast response of the Garda Síochána in these instances, a reminder of why response times are so important. However, obvious questions have arisen. Are bail laws adequate and are they enforced? Why does it seem that so many serious crimes are committed by people who have been released on bail?”
“The Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, does not get to wipe the slate clean and pretend that his party, that have been either in government or supporting Government for the last nine years, has no responsibility for the situation we now find ourselves in. A sense of safety for people in our communities, our cities, our towns and rural communities is crucial for people's quality of life. For many, this is what is actually missing. They do not feel safe walking through the streets in their own community. They do not feel safe, particularly at night, and they do not feel safe on public transport. Garda numbers have declined at a time when the population of the State has increased. The closure of rural Garda stations has undermined the sense of security in many rural communities and has also made the gardaí feel more distant from those they serve.”
“Go raibh maith agat, Ceann Comhairle. I find it laudable, despite the fact they did not use up all their allotted time, that Government representatives could find so much to say about a programme for Government that actually says so little. However, I want to specifically address issues of community safety, policing and justice. As Sinn Féin spokesperson on justice, home affairs and migration, it is my intention to hold this Government to account to ensure that people across this State have safe communities, a fair and efficient justice system they can have confidence in, and that the chaos in our migration system is ended so we can have a fair system that works for everyone. We live with the legacy of serious Government failures and neglect in all of these areas. These are failures of both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael.”
“In particular, will it introduce legislation to ensure that concurrent sentences do not apply for separate instances where in one of those instances loss of life has resulted?”