Matt Carthy
Cavan-Monaghan · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“I move amendment No. 1: To insert after "on 2nd July, 2026": "and: further calls on the Government to provide that the Accommodation Recognition Payment (ARP) scheme shall apply only to: — existing recipients with respect to the beneficiaries of temporary protection currently benefitting from the scheme where those beneficiaries of tempor…”
“10 reads, "In page 5, line 31, after “section 2” to insert “or section 3”." Section 3 criminalises recording, sharing or publishing an intimate image without consent where it seriously interferes with a person's privacy or causes alarm, distress or harm to them.”
“In terms of the legislation, as well as the breadth of the issues covered in the Bill, the other problem is the number of amendments the Minister has introduced on every Stage on new and unrelated matters that just have not been discussed in this House at all and will not get discussed here because of guillotines being applied and the Min…”
“It is not an additional punishment to be included on the register. As has been said, this is just about having a mechanism whereby the constitutional diktat that justice should be done in public is actually made available. This is not an additional punishment. It is actually a protection for others.”
“We must bear in mind that the vast majority of domestic violence offences and abuses never make their way to court. Most of them never result in a complaint. When complaints are made, most of them never see a file being sent to the DPP. Even when that happens, most of them never actually make it to court.”
“She made the point that when a woman, in the majority cases we are talking about women, goes to a Garda station to make a complaint about domestic violence you can virtually bet your life that it is not the first instance of domestic violence that she has encountered.”
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“Cuirim fáilte roimh an deis labhairt ar an Bhille seo. One of the key problems within the justice system is the length of time that it takes for court cases to be heard and that often means that victims and their families are forced to wait far too long to get justice. There are particularly lengthy delays in respect of sexual violence cases, which of course increases the trauma for victims. It impacts on the abilities of victims, survivors and their families to get about rebuilding their lives. Court delays contribute to other problems, including a matter that we have discussed on a number on occasions, which is the huge number of crimes that are being committed by those who are on bail. That is due to the larger number of people who are on bail awaiting court cases and then the high number on remand.”
“While there have been a number of high-profile deportation flights, there is no evidence of whether the wider enforcement in the system has improved. Across the international protection system, we know changes need to be made in ensuring decisions are made quickly and enforced, including deportation orders, and in bringing the obscene profiteering to an end. Sinn Féin has set them out time and time again. Instead of Simon Harris, Micheál Martin or even the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, speaking as if they were passing commentators, we need the Government to make the changes we have outlined once and for all.”
“An equally valid question is how someone enters the international protection system, remains in it for six years, receives a deportation order and yet remains in this State to be charged with such a heinous crime. Above all, the question people want answered is whether the Government can give an assurance this will not happen again. The problem with deportation orders is that the Government is not enforcing them. More than anything, that has led to the undermining of people's confidence in the IPAS system. Yes, more deportation orders have been signed but today, the Minister does not know whether the vast majority of those subject to deportations have left or remain in the State. In 2024, for example, there were 2,403 deportation orders but only 156 confirmed deportations. That is a ratio of 6.5%.”
“Those who engaged in the violent disorder afterwards, trapped people in their homes and attacked gardaí must be condemned, but that should not allow us to disregard the genuine fury over what happened. What happened was a result of catastrophic failures by the State, in terms of both keeping a vulnerable child safe and ensuring somebody not entitled to be here had left the State. The questions hanging over Tusla remain unanswered. How does a ten-year-old girl go missing without the public being informed? How the hell does Tusla get away with issuing a statement that essentially blamed the child for Tusla's failure and talked about absconding as if describing a violent criminal? How is this the latest of a series of Tusla failures and yet the Government will not acknowledge that there is a systemic problem in that body?”
“It is in everyone's interest that the State manages immigration properly. That means managing international protection, work permits and economic migration and those entering the State as tourists and as students and it means ensuring the very small minority who abuse an Irish welcome by becoming involved in criminality are quickly deported. All of that is a basic necessity of proper governance. Instead, we have had a litany of Government failures. Those failures were crystalised for many by the horrendous recent events at Citywest. It would be a huge mistake for this House to ignore the widespread public anger about what happened to the young girl in this instance.”
“The system is also working for those companies that gain access to often low-paid, non-unionised and vulnerable workers. These are companies that would not be eligible to get work permits. The system fails the applicants, the communities and the taxpayer but it is benefiting a brand new golden circle. How very Fianna Fáil. Sinn Féin is clear. We have to have a managed immigration policy, one that recognises the value of those who come here but also recognises the challenges in capacity, housing and public services and the ability to integrate. On international protection, it is clear we need a rules-based system, where applications are processed in a timely manner, where those found to have a genuine need for international protection are supported to integrate and where those who are not entitled to be here leave or are deported.”
“The international protection system is also not working for the taxpayer, which is picking up the tab for an ever-increasing bill for accommodation while those providing the accommodation make fortunes. IPAS alone is projected to cost €1.2 billion this year, with virtually no transparency and zero accountability. How and why has it been allowed to get to this point? Is it just part of the wider failures we have come to expect from Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael governments? Is it just Government incompetence? The system is working for some people. It is working for those who have become millionaires on the back of the provision of IPAS accommodation. This is a scandal of which we have only barely scratched the surface. For months, I have been calling for a full review of all IPAS contracts granted. The Minister has refused.”
“For those who appeal, the mean processing time is over 2.5 years. That is failure and inefficiency writ large. Even for the so-called accelerated procedure, the overall processing time, including appeals, is 15 months. That is not good enough. While there has been an increase in staff in the international protection system, there is still a vacancy rate of more than 10%. All this means that those awaiting decisions are left in limbo for far longer than they should be. It also means some who will ultimately be adjudicated not to have an entitlement to be in Ireland are holding up accommodation while others who are fleeing war and persecution are rendered homeless.”
“It is long past time to end the planning exemption for IPAS and Ukrainian accommodation and ensure a proper system of community engagement in order that communities are part of the decisions that affect them. We also need to be clear that this dysfunctional system is not working for those fleeing war or persecution. Housing people in communities that are already under pressure does not serve them well. Placing people in accommodation that is often substandard, without fire certificates and without access to the services they need does not serve them well. Forcing people to wait years for applications to be processed does not serve them well. Alongside the pressures this clearly puts on the system, it feeds into the overall sense that the system is broken. It is still taking far too long for decisions to be made.”
“I have been clear and unapologetic in stating that it has failed local communities and raised divisions and tensions. It has not worked for those communities that have lost local amenities such as hotels and have been given no additional supports by way of investment in health services, educational services or gardaí. The approach of locating IPAS centres in areas based on the single criterion of there being a building owned by someone prepared to provide it for that purpose is the wrong one. It has stripped many communities - working-class communities, in particular - of any sense of agency or being part of the decisions that shape their own areas.”
“Equally, the decision by the Government to sign up to the EU migration and asylum pact in its entirety is a mistake. It undermines Irish sovereignty and binds us to EU rules that will not take into account our unique circumstances, including that we are part of a common travel area with a state outside the EU. In a week when the Government is citing EU law as an obstacle to implementing contributions to accommodation costs for international protection applicants in asylum and trying to blame EU law for housing delays, it is bizarre that it has yet to realise that tying us into an EU framework that will not only tie the Minister's hands but also the hands of future Ministers is the wrong approach. There has been a lot of focus on the international protection system, and rightly so. It is a broken system.”
“Decisions on international protection applications are taking too long, as are appeals, and deportations are not enforced. All the while, there is massive profiteering from the provision of often inappropriate IPAS accommodation. On migration, the Government makes decisions without any consideration of the consequences and with no plan to deal with those consequences. For example, the Government signed up earlier this year to an extension of the temporary protection directive in respect of Ukrainians. There was no consideration of numbers, costs, capacity or other implications in terms of Ukrainians coming to Ireland. The Minister did not even bring the matter to the Dáil for debate, let alone approval, and now he scampers along, making decisions on the hoof and playing catch-up with the Government's lack of forethought.”
“I hope those who carried out this and similar attacks are brought before the courts and held to account for their crimes. I also want to be clear in stating there is no contradiction in condemning such racist attacks and also raising concerns about Government mismanagement of immigration generally or the international protection system specifically. The former is abhorrent and unacceptable; the latter is entirely legitimate. In fact, criticisms of Government handling of these matters are not just acceptable but well founded because the international protection system, in particular, is dysfunctional. That is not the fault of those applying for asylum; it is the fault of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, which have made a mess of a system that continues to operate in crisis mode.”
“I welcome this debate on international protection but I am very conscious that it could be taking place in very different circumstances. The backdrop to these statements could, but for the grace of God, have been multiple fatalities as a result of the arson attack in Drogheda. I want to be unequivocal in stating that there can be absolutely no tolerance for racism or racist attacks. Nobody should be in fear for their safety or their children's safety. The message must go out loud and clear that racist attacks on any community or on those living in IPAS accommodation will not be tolerated. The attack in Drogheda was clearly a traumatic ordeal for those impacted, especially the small children involved. I commend the members of the emergency services who saved lives.”
“This House has a responsibility, first, to endorse this Sinn Féin motion and second, to work together and not let anyone block the march of this country any longer - not those who want to revert us to the past, not those who want to blinker themselves and certainly not a Taoiseach who seems to want at all odds to block the potential of the Irish nation. Better men than Micheál Martin have tried in the past. All have failed.”
“That destiny is to be the best nation we can possibly be. To reach our maximum potential we need to undo one of the big barriers to doing so, the partition of our country, which has been a drain on so much of our potential for so long. We now need a Government with backbone, but, more importantly, one that reflects the ambition of our young people. That ambition is seen in our cultural, sports and music spaces, where young people are loudly and proudly declaring they want to see a united Ireland in their lifetimes.”
“It is an opportunity to create a brand-new, better, fairer country and to end a historic injustice, namely the partition that has divided our country and communities. All that hope and optimism stands in stark contrast with a Taoiseach, a Fianna Fáil leader, who has decided to put himself between the hopes and aspirations of the Irish people to make it a reality. Thirty years on from the Good Friday Agreement and well over a century on from partition, Micheál Martin says it is too soon to talk about Irish unity. That is not acceptable. It is out of kilter with the wishes of the Irish people. This will not be accepted by Sinn Féin. It should not be accepted by the Members of this House, but I know for sure that it will not be accepted by the people of Ireland who know we have a destiny.”
“Cuirim fáilte roimh an deis labhairt i bhfabhar Éire aontaithe. I believe passionately in Irish unity. It is the reason I got involved in politics. The partition of our country was a historic injustice and we have an obligation to undo that injustice. What gives me hope is the huge excitement I see all over the island at the prospect of unity. That excitement is particularly shared by younger people because they know they have the opportunity in this generation to make a united Ireland a reality. Therefore, this is a time of hope, optimism, opportunity and possibility. It is a huge transformational opportunity that very few generations in very few countries in the world have an opportunity to seize.”
“I can say it is better this year compared with the worst year ever on record. I absolutely welcome that things are not further deteriorating but we are basically back to where we were in 2020 in terms of afforestation rates. My question and my appeal to the Minister of State is to be ambitious and not just set a target which should be set, but meet it and work with members of the Opposition. Let the Minister of State not fall for the old trap of his predecessors and think that he knows everything just because he is on that side of the House. Work with us and let us deliver the forestry they have worked-----”
“The Minister of State can be absolutely assured he will have my support if he implements a policy and a strategy that actually deliver on the ambition that is required. The previous Government set a target for 8,000 ha per annum over the lifetime of the Government. It did not come close. It did not even reach half that in any single year, despite the fact that we had a Green Party Minister telling us it was a priority. The Minister of State and I were on this side of the Chamber lambasting the target of 8,000 ha and the failure to reach it. Now, the Minister of State is asking me to cheer him on when he tells me he has a target this year of 3,000 ha. Perhaps he can outline-----”
“In respect of afforestation rates and the amount of land that has been afforested in the years 2020 to 2024 and to date in 2025, what is the target for this year and how does the Minister of State intend to increase substantially the level of afforestation in line with Government commitments?”
“Some wine regions may see some benefit in it but the truth of the matter is the economic rationale for supporting Mercosur is not based on support for farmers. In fact, it is counterintuitive from an environmental perspective and also in the context of a situation where the CAP budget itself is under threat. This could be existential for the family farm model as we know it.”
“I would love to hear an argument being put forward by an agriculture Minister anywhere that would suggest that the Mercosur trade agreement would benefit farmers in any part of Europe. This is more about auto parts and the car industry rather than anything else. In terms of what it means for Ireland, this allows Mercosur states, which do not adhere to anywhere near the same level of regulations and restrictions with which our farmers must comply, to import 100,000 tonnes of additional beef into our market. We know the impact that would have on the Irish beef sector, which is trying to diversify and find new markets post Brexit. It also allows for 180,000 tonnes of poultry. That will have a big impact on my constituency, which has a vibrant poultry sector. I am not sure where there would be a net export from any particular region.”
“Is the Minister using any other leverage? There are other things countries that might not be as concerned about Mercosur might want and need Ireland to vote with them on other issues. Is the Minister using those levers to ensure that we kill this deal dead?”
“The difficulty is that a predecessor of the Minister's agreed at European Council level to opening the negotiating mandate. It was at that point that the original sin in respect of Mercosur was committed because, since then, we have been on the back foot. Even now, as the Minister rightly outlines, he has to work with others across the European Union. There is a very real threat his voice will be a minority one and, because of the qualified majority voting rules, he will not be in a position to block this. There has been a Commission proposal for a regulation to strengthen protections for farmers. I do not believe it does what it says on the tin because it requires that there be a threat of serious injury to the sector before an investigation is even launched. This is after the Mercosur agreement comes in.”
“The Minister knows there has been huge concern for many years about the potential impact the Mercosur trade agreement would have, in particular for Irish farmers. I would appreciate if he could outline to the House the engagements he has had at an EU level in respect of the Mercosur trade agreement.”
“It means they spend every spare penny they have trying to source private treatment. The Government continually kicks them in the teeth and forces families to source the treatment, often involving long distances of travel, and then refuses to reimburse them the costs involved. Like many of his contemporaries on the Government benches, the Minister talks the talk about respecting and caring for our citizens with disabilities but he does not walk the walk by providing them with the supports they need.”
“It is unfair and nonsensical that someone who is entitled to a disability payment until they reach retirement age is then moved onto an old age pension with no recognition of the additional financial burden their disability brings. Families with children who have profound disabilities often face the greatest burden of all. That is especially true in counties such as Cavan and Monaghan where children are denied the services and treatments they deserve by the HSE. Waiting lists for occupational therapy, speech and language therapy and physiotherapy treatments are so long, especially in Cavan, that it is probably simpler to say they do not exist at all. Of the 225 children awaiting an assessment for disciplinary support in Cavan, 208 have been waiting for over a year. What does that mean for parents?”
“Among those who felt let down by last week's budget were people with disabilities and their families. Those families are used to the parties in government failing them but once again, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael did not even try to prove them wrong. Disabled people feel the brunt of the cost-of-living crisis. They suffer as much as, and arguably more than, all the others who were last week abandoned by a horrible and cruel budget. Disabled people also face costs that most of us do not. There is a recognised cost of disability. It is recognised, it seems, by everyone expect the members of the Government. There must be a permanent cost-of-disability payment. The payment should not just stop at pension age because the cost of disability does not stop.”
“Will the Tánaiste support such a historical inquiries unit that would allow for effective and independent police investigations into unresolved deaths and incidents of torture or ill-treatment?”
“The Tánaiste recently launched a joint framework on the legacy of the Troubles with the British Secretary of State. We hope that will provide a route to bring about truth and justice for the many people affected by conflict-related tragedies. Would the Tánaiste be willing to work with Members of this House to establish an independent, time-bound, historical inquiries unit in this State to deal with legacy issues? I refer to issues relating to the heavy gang within the Garda Síochána, other conflict-related cases in this State and instances where there were clear cases of investigative failures, many of which continue to cast a shadow over communities.”
“We need to get the balance right here and we need to be cognisant, particularly of the student accommodation crisis, and the educational value we receive by having international students in our society.”
“Absolutely, that point is not in dispute. That is why these visa allocations should be based on educational and societal benefits. I fear that in many cases the international students are being used to make up for the funding shortfall in third level institutions. They are seen as a mechanism by which money can be made - money which the universities are starved of. Second, there is this new private sector, namely English language schools with very high proportions of students coming from countries outside of the EEA. Anecdotally at least, some of those visas are being used to allow people to work in sectors that would not otherwise be able to get people on employment permits. Has the Department carried out any analysis of that and is that part of what it plans to examine?”
“The question is: does Government take cognisance of the student accommodation crisis when allocating these visas as to whether or not it will impact on that crisis?”
“Of course international students are an important part of the dynamic within out third level sector. However, as with all areas there needs to be management of it and it seems to me there is none at the moment. The number of these stamp 2 residency permissions more than doubled between 2021 and 2024, with more than 60,000 of them granted. Then there are anomalies in the system. According to the Economic and Social Research Institute's, ESRI's, most recent report on migration and asylum, 45% of first residency permits issued in 2023 were for education. It is the most common reason for issuing permits to non-EEA nationals while employment accounts for only 27%. When we consider Ireland has 1.25% of the EU's population but allocates 7.15% of all permits for education purposes in the EU, we can be seen how there are anomalies there.”
“A number of weeks ago I raised with the Minister the Government's approach to stamp 2 residency permits in respect of student visas as they are known and whether or not there are any plans for the Government to examine these types of residency permits as part of the overall management of migration. In particular, given the pressures on housing and on student accommodation, is it the Government's intention to introduce measures to reduce the number of stamp 2 visas granted annually?”
“How do we have circumstances in which somebody named by CAB as potentially involved in gangland crime can get an IPAS contract? How do we allow a system that sees a company move from having a café making a profit of €2,000 to paying the directors almost €5 million in wages? We need to ask these questions. If experience tells us anything, it is that if we do not tackle the misuse of public funds at source, with full transparency, mistakes will be repeated time and again.”
“None of that is good enough. Every single week, we hear about another scandal in respect of an IPAS contract. Huge sums of money were paid to people with no track record and there is no explanation as to why this was the case. We do not get these revelations from the Minister of State’s Department, by the way; it is usually journalists who give us information that is in the public interest and that we as a House should have control over. Take, for example, the most recent issue, that of Ryevale House in County Kildare. We found out through the media that the company in question, which has secured a substantial IPAS contract, cannot even provide water. In fact, according to newspaper reports it is alleged the company is actually robbing public water from a fire hydrant. How does that happen?”
“This is about a substantial amount of public money, taxpayers’ money. It has enriched a very small number of individuals and companies to the tune of millions of euro and in the process caused tension and anger across communities. As a result of the damning findings in the Comptroller and Auditor General’s report, is anybody going to be held accountable? The only way somebody can be held accountable is if every single contract is examined for flaws. Without that, the public can have no confidence that there will be any transparency.”
“That was a long way of saying the Government does not plan to carry out a full review of every single contract. A full review is required. As the Minister of State rightly said, the Comptroller and Auditor General’s report deals only with a sample of contracts. From this, it has found that pre-contract due diligence records were significantly incomplete. In more than a third of the cases examined, invoice rates were not clear and could not be verified as signed contracts were not available. There was clear evidence of substantial overcharging in some instances, and the pre-payment checklist used by IPAS did not include a check to verify the correct capacity or occupancy. The Minister of State cannot simply argue we will be doing what is required in the future and that we were under pressure in the past.”
“The Comptroller and Auditor General's annual report contains a chapter on asylum accommodation that details a litany of issues in respect of the management of contracts for IPAS accommodation. As the Minister of State will know, the State is due to spent approximately €1.2 billion on such accommodation this year. The report is what I would call a damning indictment in terms of due diligence and cost controls. Will the Government now initiate a thorough review of how public money has been spent on IPAS accommodation?”
“If it is day one in rebuilding their lives but a clock is ticking in the victim's mind counting down to the perpetrator being released, creating genuine fear, the success that might have been is undone. Is the Minister amenable to at least allowing the Bill to pass First Stage and Second Stage so that we can deliberate on the nuances in committee?”
“The Minister is on the record as acknowledging the trauma often involved for victims and survivors going through the judicial process in the first place. The system essentially makes it necessary for them to go through it again to seek a protection order on the release of the perpetrator. This is why this legislation allows the victim and the State to put in place the protections at a much earlier stage. We have had many discussions on this. The committee was dealing with a miscellaneous provisions Bill last week and we heard victims again speak directly about the issue of counselling notes. This is something we need to deal with. What should happen for a survivor is that conviction is day one of rebuilding their lives.”
“Does the Minister agree we need to empower victims and survivors of sexual violence and help them as much as possible to have a sense of safety and security to rebuild their lives? At the moment of the court case there is an opportunity to put in place a protection that will last beyond release.”
“While I welcome the statement by the Minister that he will at least consider the legislation, I can tell him, from speaking to victims and survivors with real-life experience, that there is a legislative gap in place. What this means in reality is that for many survivors of sexual violence their fear intensifies the longer the sentence of the person convicted of the offence goes on. They fear that on the release of the perpetrator they could end up having an encounter. They have told me about the impact this has on their lives and how they feel they are on a countdown to the release. In some cases these are people who have exerted control over them for many years as part of the abuse. In some cases there is genuine fear that a perpetrator would seek retribution.”
“The Minister may know that I introduced a Bill to the House in June, entitled the Victims of Sexual Violence Civil Protection Orders Bill. It was drafted by my office in response to discussions we held with a number of victims and survivors of sexual violence, who made it clear to me that having a provision to protect them after the release of the perpetrator of their attack would have a profound positive impact. Is the Minister inclined to support the Bill when it comes before the House?”
“The Irish people are facing heavy financial implications because of Government failures and decisions, the high costs associated with the delays in processing, the chaos in the system, the failure to end or even tackle profiteering and the Government's decision to sign up to the EU asylum and migration pact. There is, of course, also the decision to support the extension of the temporary protection directive. There is clearly a long way to go to sort out the mess, crack down on profiteering and bring costs under control, but apparently there is no recognition of that among Government Ministers. The difficulty, if we are going to tackle this, is that the budget announced yesterday is not even a good start.”
“Rather than action to tackle the recruitment and retention crisis, in this budget there is actually a 13% increase in the Garda overtime allocation, despite serious concerns already about the existing dependence on overtime to deliver routine policing services. A number of things clearly need to be done. The training allowance must be increased to the level of the minimum wage, as Sinn Féin outlined in our alternative budget. The capacity of the Garda training college has to be increased. There has to be an improvement in pay progression and long service incentives have to be looked at. On asylum policy, the Government is again set to spend obscene amounts of taxpayers' money on a dysfunctional system, enriching a new crony class.”
“Once again, there is a commitment to hiring an extra 1,000 gardaí, just as there was in previous budgets, but, as previously, that target is set to be missed. There were 750 recruits from Templemore in 2023, with just 631 last year and the numbers are unlikely to be much higher this year. The Minister says the most important thing is getting people to apply to join the gardaí, but the reality is that high-profile recruitment campaigns have made virtually no difference to the overall numbers of gardaí. Large numbers of people do apply to join but this is not translating into increases in the overall number of gardaí.”
“Is cúis díomá dom nach bhfuil mórán ama agam freagra a thabhairt do na hAirí. The budget was, to put it mildly, a huge disappointment. In fact, for many people who I have been speaking to, "stunned" is the only word I could use. In a budget of billions in extra spending, Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Independent TDs have not just managed to deliver nothing for workers and families; they have actually managed to make them worse off. Ordinary households have been kicked in the teeth in the Government's hope that they will forget about it in the next election. My hope is that that game is over for such cynical politics. On justice and migration, the areas that I cover, the budget suggests the well-versed failures will continue.”