Pearse Doherty
Donegal · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“I move amendment No. 1 to Seanad recommendation No. 2: To delete from the row dated "1 September 2026" down to and including the row dated "1 May 2030" and substitute the following: " 15 July 2026 €502.88 €502.88 €371.85 €371.85 €371.85 €0.00 €210.45 €172.14 €167.25 €79.17 €11.48 14 October 2026 €502.88 €502.88 €371.85 €371.85 €371.85 €0.…”
“Next week, this House will rise, the doors of Leinster House will be locked and Ministers will head off on their summer holidays. Their parting gift to ordinary Irish people across the State will be to have locked in fuel price increases that will hit them in their pockets.”
“That is not acceptable and it is why we in Sinn Féin have tabled this amendment to say that these price increases should not be going ahead and that prices should be properly monitored at the appropriate time.”
“This is tied to the latter amendment and I will speak further at length on that. Recommendation No. 1 deals with the diesel rebate scheme, which operates within a window that closes on 1 October.”
“Hope is what we rely on when we have no control. It is not a substitute for prudent economic planning. There is zero certainty here. There are no guarantees that the Strait of Hormuz will remain open or that global supply lines will not be choked tomorrow morning.”
“As if that were not good enough, the Government is not just hitting people with increases on petrol and diesel. On top of that, it is going to hit them with an increase in the cost of home heating oil, natural gas and a basic bag of coal.”
The complete record
Every one of 1,554 lines we hold for Pearse Doherty, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 18 of 32.
“When thousands of homes in Donegal have to be demolished, there is a serious accommodation crisis in the first instance. This amendment does not try to displace anybody in the rental market. That would be wrong. It would not be appropriate. It would pit affected homeowners against those seeking rental accommodation who are also under pressure in my county and others. What this is focused on is trying to release into the market homes that may be holiday homes or vacant properties that are not let out. I was dealing with one case. This is what we do. Families come to us in desperation. They tell us they cannot find anywhere to live and their house has to be demolished at a certain time.”
“People have had to open up their hearts and homes and talk about the personal strain and their mental health challenges to try to convince Government to do the right thing and still the Government will not provide 100% redress. I was speaking to somebody recently who is in the process of rebuilding their home. They told me they do not have the final figure but between €80,000 and €100,000 is the amount they will have to get themselves. The stress and pressure this is putting on people are unimaginable. This has happened because there was no regulation at the time, which allowed products on to the market that built homes that are like Weetabix crumbling in your hands. This amendment deals with one small part of this. As homes are being demolished, people have to find other accommodation.”
“This deals with the issue of defective blocks and the crisis and nightmare people are facing across this State in many counties, including most dominantly in my own County Donegal. When I say it is a nightmare, there probably are no words to describe what families are going through when they are living with the impact of defective blocks and their house crumbling before them, the scars their young children will have to bear, the challenges in terms of relationships and mental health and the financial pressure bearing down on these families as a result of a scheme that does not meet the cost of rebuilding a home. Those personal stories have been told over and over again.”
“I move amendment No. 4: In page 8, between lines 13 and 14, to insert the following: “Report on supportive measures for rental property activation in areas impacted by defective concrete blocks 4. The Minister shall, within 3 months of the passing of this Act, prepare and lay before Dáil Éireann a report on supportive tax measures for rental property activation in areas impacted by defective concrete blocks.”. Amendment Nos. 4 and 11 are related. Amendment No. 4 is looking for the report, which is an additional way to ensure that if amendment No. 11 was ruled out of order we would be able to discuss this matter. I will focus my remarks on amendment No. 11 because amendment No. 11 is the substantive one.”
“That is what he should do and with this amendment the Minister can live up to the promise he made - one of many promises he broke to the public - and do the right thing. He should do as he said before the election and reduce taxes on workers. He should be honest. As the Minister said, if you do not adjust income taxes, it is the same as saying there will be tax rises. That is what he is delivering to people today who cannot even afford to pay their electricity and gas bills. Shame on the Minister.”
“What does the Minister say about the promise he made to workers when he begged them for their vote? He promised he would cut their taxes. In his manifesto, he campaigned on that and he broke that promise over and over again. With this vote, he now has the opportunity to do something that is positive, that is progressive and that is about reducing the burden on people here and now. The Minister says he wants to do this, that, and the other. Fine Gael has been in government for 14 years. It is the party that has created the housing crisis. The solutions they come up with, over and over again, dig deep into the pockets of workers and provide these benefits to developers and institutional investors. It has failed in the past and it will fail in the future. What the Minister should be doing is building public houses on public land.”
“We see reports from Britain which talk about how developers are land hoarding, deciding where and when to build and using their market dominance to squeeze new measures out of governments, and that is what has happened. The Minister is the person who campaigned to abolish the USC. He is the person who gave a commitment that he would reduce people's tax every single year over the next five years in the election. He lied to the public. That is what happened because this Finance Bill does not provide that commitment. What he should be doing is making sure people have relief during a cost-of-living crisis but he has decided to prioritise developers, investors and the profits of big companies over ordinary people. That is wrong, and I am calling him out on it.”
“Let me finish. Please, stop interrupting. I did not interrupt the Minister once. He says this is about ownership of apartments. Some 96% of apartments built in this city do not actually come on the market. They are rented out at astronomical prices. The Minister makes a virtue of the fact that he forgot about the fact there is forward funding arrangements for apartments. The Government rushed through an amendment last night as if this was what it was all about. This was all about developers. Does the Minister know what operational profits were generated by the two biggest developers in this State last year? If he does, I will give way to him. Their operational profits were 20% and 21%. That is the type of profits that were generated.”
“No, it is not. Jesus Christ, that is not the same thing. This is about making sure there is a profit margin for developers so that they build them. The Minister's predecessor - maybe he should pick up the phone to him - was not even suggesting this would reduce the cost. It was not an affordability measure. So, this idea that Simon Harris somehow thinks this €2.5 billion of a tax cut is about reducing the cost. He would want to get real. It is not. That is not what it is about.”
“For example, I do not believe that we should be providing in this budget the €2.5 billion in tax cuts that have been handed out to landlords, developers, investors and others. Those are the priorities of the Government. My priority is looking after ordinary working people. My priority is putting it to the Government that it has again broken its promise and commitment to the Irish people and to Irish workers. As there is no upcoming election, however, Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil do not care. Unfortunately, that is the evidence before us, evidence in black and white in this Finance Bill.”
“Today is about giving the new Minister for Finance, Simon Harris, an opportunity to live up to his words, for him to be honest and say that actually not adjusting income tax bands is, in his own words, the same as saying there will be tax rises. I do not believe that is the case. I do not believe we should be seeing tax rises. What we need to see is relief for people at this point in time. That is why we need the first €40,000 that people earn to be exempt from USC, providing targeted support for individuals during this cost-of-living crisis. There are many measures, which the Minister will be well familiar with, through which revenue can be generated to fund this proposal.”
“The Government itself has made matters worse through increasing costs on individuals: the increase in student fees, another broken promise; increases in petrol and diesel; increases in home heating oil; and increases in local property tax. Increases after increases have been placed on the shoulders of ordinary working families. That is why so many people - over 300,000 people as we know today - cannot pay their electricity bills. It is why one in four households in the State cannot pay their gas bills. Regardless of what the Government says it has done and I am sure the Minister will trot it out again, the reality is as we stand here never in the history of the State have there been more people who cannot afford to keep the lights on and the heating on because they cannot pay their electricity and gas bills.”
“Before the most recent election they promised to index tax relief, something that was not done in this budget. The Tánaiste, himself, made it very clear in the run-up to the election when he said with regard to not adjusting income tax: "That's the equivalent, we just need to be honest, of saying there will be tax rises". That is exactly in his own words the effect of what he is delivering here to workers who are toiling to build this economy. These workers are struggling as a result of this Government that has sat by and allowed a rip-off to take place in many areas. We see it in insurance, banking, energy and other areas.”
“It would benefit people by up to €746 which would make a real difference, particularly in a cost-of-living crisis as people see prices continue to increase as the Government sits by and does nothing. Indeed, it does worse than that because in this budget €9.4 billion is being expended and yet workers are being left worse off. I am sure the Minister does not need reminding of this. He has probably got pictures on his phone or pictures at home of himself and his colleagues holding banners promising to abolish the USC. Does the Minister remember that one? Then again, he will recall that that was before an election and he and his colleagues have a bit of a habit here; they make commitments before an election and break them after an election. Now the abolish-the-USC banners have been put to one side.”
“Is é sin a méid a bhí le rá ag an Tánaiste roimh an toghchán. Molaim an leasú seo don Teach. Thabharfadh sé faoiseamh do dhaoine, go háirithe agus muid ag déileáil le cruachás na gcostas maireachtála, mar atá a fhios ag pobal na tíre seo. Amendment No. 1 is about providing real substantial tax relief to workers right across the State, something that the Government chose not to do in this budget. With a budget of €9.4 billion, only Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael could manage to actually leave workers worse off. This measure is about ensuring that the first €40,000 that anybody earns would be exempt from USC, a measure which is targeted. Although everybody who earns up to that amount would benefit, it cuts off at €40,000, which is appropriate in my view.”
“Bhí praghas de €9.4 billiún ar an cháinaisnéis. Is é an rud a rinne an Rialtas, na páirtithe seo, ná gur fhág sé oibrithe níos measa i mbliana ná mar a bhí siad anuraidh. Is iad sin fíricí an scéil seo. Faoin leasú atá á chur chun tosaigh ag Sinn Féin, beidh tuairisc ag amharc ar an chéad €40,000 d'ioncam a shaothraíonn duine ar bith sa tír seo a bheith saor ón USC. Cuirim i gcuimhne don Tánaiste agus Aire Airgeadais na laethanta a chaith sé ag iompar na gcomharthaí ag rá go raibh Fine Gael chun deireadh a chur leis an cháin seo. Tharla sé seo roimh thoghchán difriúil. Tá a fhios againn cad a tharla leis an ghealltanas sin fosta. Gan athrú suntasach a dhéanamh ar chúrsaí cánach, cuirfear níos mó brú ar phobal na tíre seo agus níos mó cánach orthu. Ní m'fhocail féin amháin iad seo.”
“Tairgim leasú Uimh. 1: In page 8, between lines 6 and 7, to insert the following: “Report on universal social charge 3. The Minister shall, within 3 months of the passing of this Act, prepare and lay before Dáil Éireann a report on removing the universal social charge from the first €40,000 a person earns.”. Tá an rún seo ag iarraidh faoiseamh cánach a chur ar fáil do dhaoine fud fad na tíre seo, rud a dhiúltaigh an Rialtas seo a dhéanamh cé go bhfuil muid i gcruachás maidir le costais mhaireachtála, mar atá a fhios againn, agus praghsanna ag dul suas agus suas. Cé gur thug páirtithe an Rialtais, Fianna Fáil agus Fine Gael, gealltanais go mbeidh gearrthacha ó thaobh cánach de, níl an rud seo déanta acu mar tá an toghchán thart agus na gealltanais a rinne na páirtithe sin caite i leataobh. Tá pobal na tíre caite i leataobh fosta.”
“On a point of order, three Members have asked what the total running cost of the tribunal is now. The Minister of State is here to take Estimates. It is not just about the money that is there; it is also about the actions and the objectives that are met. Can she please tell us, what is the total cost of the Moriarty tribunal now to date, given the Estimates she is asking the House to agree? That is a fair question, and I imagine she would accept that.”
“It is not appropriate, regardless of any precedent going back 15 years, for a Chief Whip to step in for the Taoiseach. The Taoiseach should present himself before the committee. Ministers should present themselves before the committee. Junior Ministers who have no responsibility for the Estimates that are before a committee should not be standing in for the Taoiseach or, indeed, any other Minister. I have had the privilege in the past of dealing with Estimates with the former taoisigh, Enda Kenny and Leo Varadkar, and others. The Taoiseach should have been here to deal with these issues, despite the fact that he might be a wee bit red in the face given that core issue here, in terms of the millions of euro extra that is required, is a result of the actions of the person who put him on the Taoiseach's seat in the first instance.”
“How much has Deputy Lowry saddled the State with? The Irish Times reported, maybe earlier this year, that the cost was €83 million. Now we are looking at Estimates here of an extra €3.4 million. There is some - €3 million - already budgeted. Are we now up at €90 million? Are we in the ballpark of the original figure, speculated 15 years ago, that this could even run as far as €100 million? These are the questions the Taoiseach should be answering, if he was not running scared of these issues. He should be before the finance committee tomorrow, the next day or the day after that. We have offered flexibility in relation to him presenting. I am a passionate advocate for the committee system and I believe the committees should flex their muscles more.”
“We understand from media reports that Denis O'Brien has also received his costs of €5.8 million. I am not sure if there are further costs or if there is anything in dispute. The Taoiseach has gone into hiding on this matter. It is little wonder that even his own backbenchers are biting at his heels due to his non-attendance at meetings when he is neglecting one of the key functions of his duties, that is, to present Estimates. Here, he is seeking millions of euro extra from the Houses of the Oireachtas to continue to pay out for a tribunal that had to investigate the king-maker of his own Government. He is in dereliction of his duties in this regard. In his absence, I ask what the running bill is because this is probably not even the final bill at this stage. Where are we now in relation to the costs of the Moriarty tribunal?”
“When we boil it all down, it is as a result of the actions of Deputy Lowry, who is now the glue that keeps the Government in place. He is the person who ensured that the Taoiseach was appointed to the position he is in. I am sure the Taoiseach did not want to sit across from members of the finance committee having to answer questions, which he has now evaded and avoided by not coming before the committee to tease out the ongoing issues in relation to the Moriarty tribunal and its ongoing costs, and to find out where this ends. We know from some public discourse, for example, that the legal case has been settled in relation to Deputy Lowry and his costs, who claimed in the region of €2.8 million. I do not know if that is the final line under the amount.”
“This is one of the functions of the Taoiseach in relation to his Department. It is understandable, given what the Minister of State has outlined, because these Estimates only contain one significant change, and it relates to the gift that keeps on giving - the Moriarty tribunal. Since the last time we dealt with the Estimates, we now have, pulling the strings of Government, the star of the show of the Moriarty tribunal, the one and only Deputy Lowry, who, as we know, has been found by that same tribunal to be involved in corrupt practices in relation to his time as a Minister. The Estimates do not relate to a small amount of money but to millions of euro in additional costs that have to be paid out as a result of that tribunal.”
“It is unique that we are here in the Dáil dealing with Estimates for the Department of the Taoiseach when the Taoiseach is a missing person in this debate. These Estimates always come before the committee that oversees and holds the Department of An Taoiseach accountable, which is the committee on finance, public expenditure and the Taoiseach. The Taoiseach only presents himself before the committee on rare occasions. It has to be noted that the Taoiseach has refused on a number of occasions to come before the committee. The Minister of State said she offered to attend in his stead, but the committee made it clear that it wanted the Taoiseach in to discuss the Estimates of his Department, for which he is accountable. On numerous occasions, the committee offered to be flexible in relation to the Taoiseach's diary.”
“We believe in using public money to build homes that workers can actually afford, not concocting another round of tax breaks that disappear into the margin of the largest players in the market. This VAT measure is not the solution. It is, plainly and simply, a massive handout. It is an abomination of public spending and a reflection of a Government that has completely lost touch with the reality that ordinary people are facing. Sinn Féin will not support this measure that pours money into the pockets of developers while workers are left behind to fend for themselves. What people need is affordability. What people do not need is more tax breaks for those who already make fortunes as a result of this Government's housing crisis.”
“Workers are being hammered by a cost-of-living crisis. There are skyrocketing rents, soaring childcare costs, record grocery bills and mortgage rates that have gone through the roof under this Government. People are struggling just to get by. The message from the Government today is very clear, namely, it has no tax cuts for anyone but developers because Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil have reduced housing policy to permanent, recurring and escalating transfers of public money to private developers. Even the financial resolution before us today is simply cleaning up Government errors. It is policymaking on the hoof, as it always has been, and is designed to benefit those who do not need help. Sinn Féin believes in supporting supply, including affordable supply, not subsidising developers' profits.”
“The Minister for Finance brought forward a measure that will cost €250 million next year. Every single penny of that is deadweight. Every single apartment that it will go to is already under construction. There will be €250 million of deadweight and it does not end there. The following year, the measure will cost €390 million. Everybody in the House, including the Minister, knows that an apartment cannot be built in a year. It takes nearly two years to build apartments. Therefore, that money will also be deadweight. We are talking about nearly €640 million, the vast majority of which will be complete deadweight over the next two years. Money will go directly to pad the already fat profit margins of developers. While the Government bends over backwards to deliver for developers, what is it doing for workers? It is doing absolutely nothing.”
“From the croí cónaithe initiative to the first home scheme, help to buy, tax breaks for rental investors and now a reduced VAT rate for developers, every single time the Government reaches into the pockets to help the people who need it least. Let us be clear. The measure is not even about reducing prices. The Government does not even claim that. It is not about making apartments more affordable. In a market dominated by a handful of large players and developers where housing is priced according to what the market will bear rather than the cost of construction, the VAT rate will be absorbed entirely into their profits. Developers and the Government know that. In my time as finance spokesperson, which is well over a decade, I have never seen so much deadweight in a measure.”
“Now the Government wants to give them even more. It wants to cut their VAT rates from 13.5% to 9%, a move designed to use the second reduced rate permitted under EU rules for housing as part of a so-called social policy. Who exactly is the social policy for? It is certainly not for the families who cannot get a mortgage. It is not for workers who cannot rent a place 50 km from their job. It is definitely not for young people forced to emigrate because the Government has made building a home in Ireland impossible. The Government is taking a reduced VAT rate that should be used to support genuine social housing and affordability and handing it to developers, many of whom have already benefited from every conceivable initiative, incentive, break and exemption the Government has thrown at them over the over the past number of years.”
“This is not a targeted measure or a strategic intervention, and it is definitely not social policy. This is a tax cut worth hundreds of millions of euro, which will flow directly into the pockets of large developers and investment funds, the same players who already enjoy huge profit margins even in the middle of a housing emergency. Some housing developers are registering over 20% gross profits and the Government's answer is to give them more money. Developers in this State are not struggling, as we can see from some of their published accounts. They are not operating on tight margins and they are not pleading for survival. They are seeing record profits because the Government has created a market where supply is controlled by a small number of dominant players who build where and what they want and who name their price.”
“Nothing could be further from the truth because when we cut through the technical language and look at what is actually happening, this is a massive giveaway to developers. It is a handout dressed up as housing policy. It will do absolutely nothing for ordinary workers and families, who are being crushed by a cost-of-living crisis. The Government is proposing a temporary 9% VAT rate for the supply and construction of apartments. We are told this is to stimulate development and that it is being done on social policy grounds. We are told this is necessary because the budget night financial resolution did not actually cover large parts of the market, such as dual contracts, construction services and apartments built for rent. Here we are again fixing a mistake of the Government's making. Let us be honest.”
“This is to fix the fact that the Government's budget night resolution did not actually cover large parts of the apartment market, such as dual contracts, construction services or apartments built for rent. The second resolution is no better because the Government failed to anticipate the knock-on effects of its VAT rate changes. We now need an emergency fix to the help-to-buy scheme just to ensure that apartments taxed at 9% still qualify for a scheme that has been proven to increase property prices. Sinn Féin will be voting against these resolutions and oppose this policy. What we have before us is nothing short of shambolic in terms of public policy. The Government's latest idea to fiddle around with the VAT rates on apartments is being sold to us as some kind of bold intervention to stimulate supply.”
“I move amendment No. 1: To insert the following new paragraph after paragraph (3): "(4) The Minister shall, within one month of the passing of this Act, prepare and lay before Dáil Éireann, a report on the very high level of deadweight associated with reducing the VAT rate to 9 per cent for apartments, making specific reference to the amount of public money that will be directed towards property developers profit margins for apartments, that would have been built had the VAT level remained at 13.5 per cent.". Today, the Government is asking us, as we heard, to sign up to two financial resolutions, both of which highlight the chaotic and ineffective way this Government handles housing policy. The first resolution relates to the 9% VAT rate on apartments.”
“Will the Government urgently look at the inadequate capitation our schools are getting? This school applied through all the channels for emergency funding and was refused. This principal did not want to have to send out this email but this is exactly the situation the Government has put this school in and, unfortunately, other schools like it.”
“I put to the Tánaiste a truly disgraceful situation that exposes the consequences of the Government's failure to properly fund our schools. Parents at Darver National School in County Louth were contacted this week and told that the school could no longer afford basic hygiene supplies because Government grants had fallen so far behind rising costs. The principal was forced to ask every child to come in with their own hand towel and roll of toilet paper. This is the Ireland the Government has created. It is an Ireland where primary schools cannot afford toilet paper, where principals are left pleading with parents for essentials that no school should ever have to ration and where families are picking up the tab for the Government's neglect. It is an absolute disgrace.”
“People have had to make the decision not to pay their gas and electricity bills because of the decisions of the Tánaiste's Government. I put it to him the Government has consciously made it impossible for people to stay warm this winter and I ask him to bring forward energy credits-----”
“He is telling them not to go cold this winter but people are cold today. People are making these real-life decisions today not to turn on the heat in their house.”
“Do not be cold this winter. Does the Tánaiste listen to the facts? Does he not listen to what is being said by the CRU and the hard, unvarnished facts? Seventy thousand more households, more families, more individuals - real people - could not pay their electricity bill in the first six months of this year. The record number we are seeing is from the middle of July, the warmest month of the year. There are not just more people than ever before who are in electricity and gas arrears, but the amount by which they are in arrears has also increased. This has happened even with the energy credits supplied last year. The Government's response has been to withdraw those energy credits. How in the name of God does the Tánaiste think these families are going to survive? How does he think they are going to meet their needs this winter?”
“How can he justify taking away those energy credits people were dependent on when 300,000 households are behind on their electricity bills, over one in four households cannot pay their gas bills and arrears are rising faster than records have ever shown? Does the Tánaiste acknowledge that the number of families in energy arrears is increasing under his watch and that unless the Government intervenes, we will see a serious winter of discontent for so many families?”
“This Government cannot plead ignorance. It refuses to take on the energy companies; it refuses to empower the regulator; it refuses to reform hedging prices; it refuses to deal with a pricing system, the PSO and the network charges; and it refuses to stop more and more data centres driving up costs. It will not act. It will not intervene for customers so here we are with the worst period of energy arrears since records began in this State. I will ask the Tánaiste plainly because he cannot deny the fact that we have never seen so many people who cannot meet their basic bills of electricity and gas. How can he justify cutting energy credits when bills are higher now than they were this time last year and are rising even more?”
“It pulled the energy credits that helped people survive last winter. Instead of relief, households are hit once again with Energia, SSE Airtricity, Pinergy, Bord Gáis Energy and Flogas all imposing fresh price hikes pushing 1 million homes into an even more impossible situation than the one they are currently in. What makes this even more galling is that energy companies are refusing to pass on the full reductions in wholesale costs. Families are being squeezed from every direction - by suppliers, by inflation and by the Government's decisions. Let us be clear. These arrears figures only go up to July. That was before we had the cold weather we now have, before the last round of price hikes and before people even turned on their heating so God only knows what the numbers are going to look like this Christmas if this crisis continues.”
“They tell us that over 300,000 households are behind on their electricity bills and gas bills tell the same bleak story. A total of 180,000 households are now in arrears with their gas. This means that over one in four households in this State cannot pay their gas bills. This does not even include all the households that are just managing to keep up. These are not just numbers. They are cold living rooms where families sit wrapped in coats because they cannot risk switching on the heat. They are older people rationing warmth terrified of opening their next bill. They are parents hiding final notices hoping their next pay packet will stretch far enough to keep the lights on. All of this is happening because the Government has done nothing to tackle the rip off and get prices under control. What has been its response to rising bills?”
“Cuirfeadh na figiúirí ar fhoilsigh an rialálaí inné maidir le riaráistí fuinnimh imní an domhain ar dhuine ar bith. Tá rabhadh mór dearg ag splancáil do theaghlaigh atá ag streachailt cheana féin leis an mhéid atá in ann dóibh don gheimhreadh. Tá sé seo go léir ag tarlú toisc nach bhfuil faic déanta ag an Rialtas le dul i ngleic leis an sáinn nó chun smacht a chur ar phraghasanna. Tar éis dó gan rud ar bith a dhéanamh fad is a bhí na billí ag dul in airde i gcónaí, bhain sé an creidmheas fuinnimh a thacaigh le daoine teacht slán tríd an gheimhreadh seo caite. The energy arrears figures published yesterday by the regulator are nothing short of alarming - a flashing red light for what households are already enduring and what lies ahead this winter.”
“Children and families have been left with no option. A public inquiry is their only hope. It has to deliver the answers. It has to deliver accountability and real change. That is why the process needs to be fully independent of CHI and the HSE. I commend every parent and family, every loved one of those children who have been failed by this State. We on this side of the House commit on behalf of Sinn Féin never to give up and to continue their fight.”
“When it was put to him that he and his Government had actively, consistently and comprehensively failed children with scoliosis and spina bifida, that children's spines twisted and curved, leaving them in agony as little rib cages pressed against lungs making it more and more difficult to breathe, and that children were left waiting so long that they became inoperable, he said, "It was said to me by the then director general of the HSE that the executive would have put a plan in place to ensure that no child waited longer than four months." The Taoiseach of the day, a former health Minister, said he was only the messenger. Someone told him that they would make a plan and it was nothing to do with him. That is why we are here today. That is why we need a public inquiry. It is because of gross political failure, a failure of leadership.”
“However, it created a buffer between the Department of Health and the Government on the one hand and the health service and the people within it on the other. At the time, Dr. Liam Twomey, a TD representing Fine Gael said: "One can only imagine the scapegoating that will be due to the CEO of the HSE when the Government fails." Last year, the then Taoiseach of this State, Deputy Simon Harris, fulfilled that bleak prediction.”
“When all else fails, people expect the Government they elect to be on their side, not to turn a blind eye to their suffering; a Government that takes responsibility, not leaders that default to spin and deflection when people are crying out for help. Eight years ago, Deputy Simon Harris, when Minister for Health, promised that no child would be waiting longer than four months for scoliosis surgery. That promise has never been delivered. It is a shameful chapter in this State and it is not over. How could this ever have happened? How could failure get stacked on failure without any accountability or action? The HSE was set up in 2005. It was billed as some type of innovation at the time.”
“The removal of Harvey from surgical waiting lists to be treated as a palliative care patient without any discussion with his family is the most recent, shocking piece of information to come to light. What else remains hidden? What other cover-up is there in the hope it never sees the light of day? Let us be clear: a public inquiry is no one's first choice. People want public services to work for the State to function properly. When things go wrong, people want a system that can respond. Instead we have a system that is threatened by transparency and allergic to accountability and that looks to protect itself at all costs.”
“I thank the Ceann Comhairle and Members for facilitating me. We are here today because of the heroic efforts of the parents of children with scoliosis and spina bifida, because of their determination and because their love of their children. We are also here because they never stopped fighting tooth and nail. In particular, we are here because of the parents of Harvey Morrison Sherratt, Stephen Morrison and Gillian Sherratt. They found the will, even when grieving the loss of their son, to take on the Government. I cannot imagine the suffering they have been through or even fathom as a parent myself how to find the strength to keep fighting. They want to know how their son and many others could have been failed so badly by the State and why children continue to be failed in the most horrifying ways.”
“I would seriously consider it. If the Department looks at these individual applications in silos, it is missing the wood for the trees.”