Pearse Doherty
Donegal · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“I move amendment No. 1 to Seanad recommendation No. 2: To delete from the row dated "1 September 2026" down to and including the row dated "1 May 2030" and substitute the following: " 15 July 2026 €502.88 €502.88 €371.85 €371.85 €371.85 €0.00 €210.45 €172.14 €167.25 €79.17 €11.48 14 October 2026 €502.88 €502.88 €371.85 €371.85 €371.85 €0.…”
“Next week, this House will rise, the doors of Leinster House will be locked and Ministers will head off on their summer holidays. Their parting gift to ordinary Irish people across the State will be to have locked in fuel price increases that will hit them in their pockets.”
“That is not acceptable and it is why we in Sinn Féin have tabled this amendment to say that these price increases should not be going ahead and that prices should be properly monitored at the appropriate time.”
“This is tied to the latter amendment and I will speak further at length on that. Recommendation No. 1 deals with the diesel rebate scheme, which operates within a window that closes on 1 October.”
“Hope is what we rely on when we have no control. It is not a substitute for prudent economic planning. There is zero certainty here. There are no guarantees that the Strait of Hormuz will remain open or that global supply lines will not be choked tomorrow morning.”
“As if that were not good enough, the Government is not just hitting people with increases on petrol and diesel. On top of that, it is going to hit them with an increase in the cost of home heating oil, natural gas and a basic bag of coal.”
The complete record
Every one of 1,554 lines we hold for Pearse Doherty, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 30 of 32.
“As a result, we had thousands of mortgage holders with loans held by vulture funds who simply could not make a complaint or, if they made the complaint, it could not be heard by the FSPO because the conduct was prior to 2019 or, in some cases, during 2019. I welcome the fact that these changes have been brought forward and that the Government has listened to the concerns I have raised but, without doubt, it damages the credibility of what Government parties argued in the past, that is, that everything was kosher and there would be no difference. The amendment, while positive in that it closes the loophole, is an admission that the public were misled. Let us be clear about it. They were misled, whether by mistake or design, on the protections they would have.”
“The Consumer Protection (Regulation of Credit Servicing Firms) Act 2015 came into effect on 8 July 2015 and that was followed by the consumer protection Act in 2018, which came into effect in January 2019. Before July 2015, the vulture funds owning the loans or the firms servicing them were not required to be regulated. That meant that the FSPO could not investigate conduct prior to the date with respect to either the fund or the credit servicing firm. The vulture funds owning the loans were only required to be regulated after the 2018 Act and many of these funds did not even ask for authorisation until months later.”
“As we know now, they did not have access to the FSPO, one of the core issues that you have in terms of a financial product. Not only that, we know that those whose loans are with a vulture fund are likely to have experienced significant interest rate increases in recent years. That was the cornerstone of the argument that was put forward, not only by Fine Gael but also by Fianna Fáil, when they supported the sales to the vulture funds. The previous Minister for Finance repeatedly made those assurances to the public. In 2019, in a bid to convince the public, he stated that he would be happy for his own mortgage to be sold to a vulture fund. Little did he know he would not have access to the FSPO or, indeed, that the vulture fund would have jacked up the interest rate probably nine times over the past year and a half.”
“This stemmed from the fact that tens of thousands of mortgages were sold to unregulated vulture funds - something that should never have happened. Approximately 80,000 mortgage loans are held by vulture funds. I and Sinn Féin strongly oppose these sales. I strongly believe that retail banks should be those who hold our mortgages and long-term loans. These should never be in the hands of vulture funds and I warned against the negative consequences for consumers. We have seen those consequences in higher interest rates and also in the context of what we are trying to fix in this legislation, that is, the fact that they did not have access to the FSPO. At the time, Fine Gael told us that all these homeowners would have the same protections as anybody else. That is complete and utter nonsense.”
“The legal loophole has resulted in people whose mortgages are with a vulture fund having no access to the State's financial services ombudsman. That was a scandal. It was a disgrace. We need to recognise that many people went without those protections for many years. I welcome the inclusion of the amendment by the Minister in this legislation. I raised this on numerous occasions with his two predecessors. Indeed, there were attempts to proceed with this legislation in committee. I thank all my colleagues on the committee for agreeing to my proposal that the Bill would not go to Committee Stage until we had dealt with this loophole, and this is the legislation to deal with it. I welcome the fact that there is consensus on this issue.”
“I am proud that the legislation I got through the Houses of the Oireachtas and enacted has allowed for many customers, particularly those in the tracker mortgage scandal, to have their complaints heard and adjudicated on. The role of the FSPO is to investigate to resolve consumer complaints regarding financial services. It is essential that the FSPO works as it is intended and that everybody has access to it and its services. That is crucial. That has to include people who have had their mortgages sold off, usually without their permission and against their will. As I said, the first three amendments before us all have the same intention. The aim is to close a loophole that existed in the legislation since the FSPO was established in 2018.”
“I merely made the point that I appreciate the amendment the Minister of State has brought before the House and I referred to the amendment I have tabled on behalf of Sinn Féin. Without speaking for Deputy Nash, who will speak for himself, his is a similar amendment. All three amendments are trying to achieve the same thing. There was a serious problem with the original legislation which prevented legitimate claims being heard by the FSPO regarding conduct that occurred before the authorisation of a credit servicing firm. The role of the Financial Services and Pensions Ombudsman is vitally important. It is a piece of legislation that I have amended successfully in terms of the time limit that was there to investigate pieces of legislation.”
“Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire Stáit as an leasú seo a chur i láthair na Dála inniu. Is leasú tábhachtach é seo atá tugtha isteach ag an Aire Stáit. Tá an leasú mar a gcéanna leis an leasú atá agam féin ar son Shinn Féin agus leis an leasú atá ag an Teachta Nash ar son Pháirtí an Lucht Oibre. Tá an trí leasú ag iarraidh an rud céanna a dhéanamh agus a bhaint amach.”
“Tá sé seo le feiceáil go soiléir. I mo cheantar féin, tá réabadh ar na píopaí uisce chóir a bheith achan seachtain agus níl scéim séarachais Ghaoth Dobhair ag dul chun tosaigh mar a bhí geallta agus beartaithe. Caithfidh muid i bhfad níos mó a dhéanamh ó thaobh na Gaeilge, na Gaeltachta agus na teanga náisiúnta de. Mar shampla amháin, chuir Sinn Féin seacht n-uaire níos mó airgid ar fáil don earnáil ná mar atá á chur ar fáil faoi láthair. Sin an rud atá ag teastáil.”
“Is rud é seo go bhféadfadh an Rialtas gníomhú air láithreach agus tá sé ráite is ardaithe agam arís is arís eile sa Dáil seo. Mar atá cúrsaí, caithfidh daoine an ceantar a fhágáil mar nach bhfuil siad ábalta an cead pleanála a fháil. Cuireann sé slánú ár dteanga dúchais i mbaol. Is í fírinne an scéil ná go bhfuil titim ar líon na gcainteoirí a luaigh go bhfuil Gaeilge acu sna ceantair Ghaeltachta le dhá dhaonáireamh as a chéile. Níl ach teaghlach amháin as gach cúigear ag tógáil clainne le Gaeilge anois. Níl na treoirlínte pleanála Gaeltachta - atá geallta dúinn ón iarAire tithíochta, atá ina Aire Iompair reatha anois, an Teachta O’Brien, - feicthe againn go fóill. Gheall sé iad in 2021. Ní dhearnadh go leor infheistíochta ach an oiread i mbonneagar Gaeltachta ó thaobh leictreachais, uisce agus séarachais de.”
“Is é polasaí tithíochta an Rialtais is cúis leis seo. Is é ceann de na constaicí is mó atá ag muintir na háite ná cead pleanála a fháil. Cé go bhfuil sé ráite ag an Rialtas go bhfuil sé i bhfabhar cead pleanála, tá a fhios againn go bhfuil fadhb mhór ó thaobh cead pleanála a fháil, go háirithe ar an phríomhbhóthar náisiúnta. Is é an príomhbhóthar náisiúnta ná an N56 a théann trí mhórchuid cheantar agus Ghaeltacht Dhún na nGall. Is é an N56 cnámh droma Dhún na nGall. Tá sé seo ag cruthú faidhbe millteanaí móire do dhaoine, go háirithe do lánúin óga atá ag iarraidh a gcuid teaghlach a thógáil le Gaeilge sa Ghaeltacht mar nach bhfuil siad ábalta fanacht inti. Caithfidh an Rialtas comhréiteach a dhéanamh agus glacadh leis go bhfuil an polasaí seo ag déanamh dochar dochreidte do Ghaeltacht Dhún na nGall.”
“Mar dhuine ón Ghaeltacht agus mar dhuine a chónaíonn sa Ghaeltacht, is mian liom Seachtain na Gaeilge a úsáid mar dheis chun cuid de na hábhair atá ag cur imní ar mo phobal maidir le tithíocht a chur os comhair na Dála agus a léiriú. Ar feadh na mblianta, diúltaíodh cead pleanála do go leor daoine is muintir na Gaeltachta, cé go raibh easpa tithíochta le ligin ar cíos sa cheantar seo. Mar is eol dúinn, tá na tithe atá ar fáil ar cíos róchostasach. Tá na cinn atá le ceannach róchostasach fosta. I nDún na nGall, tá sé seo níos measa mar gheall ar an ghéarchéim ó thaobh na mbloc coincréite lochtaí. Bhí triúir i dteagmháil le m’oifig ar na mallaibh ón Ghaeltacht agus iad i mbaol go mbeadh siad fágtha gan dídean. Is rud é seo nach raibh againn riamh i gceantar Dhún na nGall san am a chuaigh thart.”
“What will he do to bring an end to this and hold banks to account? Will he make sure banks pass on the benefit to customers instead of announcing bumper profits at their expense?”
“Today AIB announced a staggering profit of €2.8 billion. That comes a week after Bank of Ireland boasted €1.9 billion in profits. This is not the result of more productivity or innovation. It is the result of banks squeezing homeowners and short-changing savers. Financial institutions on the Government’s watch have lumped workers and families with extortionate interest rates in the middle of a cost-of-living crisis. Ireland, if the Taoiseach does not know, has among the highest interest rates in the European Union. This has been going on for years. Just like with insurance companies and energy companies, the Government is standing idly by while banks are taking advantage of workers and families. I will ask the Taoiseach three questions. Does he agree these profits have been made off the backs of ordinary workers and families?”
“Seo rud iontach fóirsteanach a chuideodh go mór le tuismitheoirí, le páistí agus leis an earnáil Gaeilge dá mbeadh an t-iompar ar fáil.”
“Caithfear tacaíocht a thabhairt don scoil sin, le córas iompair a thabhairt do theaghlaigh lena gcuid páistí a thabhairt go dtí an scoil sin má tá siad ag iarraidh a gcuid páistí a thógáil le Gaeilge. Tá teaghlaigh eile ansin ag dul tríd an gcóras oideachais i nGaeilge sa bhunscoil, ach nuair a théann siad go dtí an mheánscoil, níl siad ábalta dul go dtí meánscoil atá ag feidhmiú trí Ghaeilge mar tá an mheánscoil is cóngaraí dóibh ag feidhmiú trí Bhéarla. Tá cuid de na scoileanna sin taobh istigh den Ghaeltacht. Tá cuid eile taobh amuigh den Ghaeltacht. Arís, téann sé ar ais go dtí an pointe seo gur cheart go mbeidh ceart bunreachtúil ag achan pháiste a chuid oideachais a dhéanamh i nGaeilge agus go gcaithfimid na hacmhainní a chur ar fáil.”
“Níl achan scoil sa Ghaeltacht ag teagasc trí Ghaeilge agus má tá teaghlaigh ag iarraidh a gcuid páistí a thógáil le Gaeilge, níl an deis acu dul go dtí scoil eile mar níl an córas taistil nó córas iompair ansin. Caithfidh sé a bheith ina cheart, mar atá sa rún seo, go mbeidh córas iompair ansin do pháiste ar bith atá ag iarraidh a chuid scolaíochta agus oideachais i nGaeilge sa bhunscoil nó sa mheánscoil. Tá ceisteanna ansin. Tá a fhios agam faoi scoil amháin. Scoil bheag atá ann. Níl mórán páistí aici agus tá seans ann go mbeidh ar an scoil druideadh, ach is í ceann de na scoileanna amháin sa cheantar atá ag feidhmiú go huile is go hiomlán i nGaeilge.”
“Gabhaim buíochas le mo chomhghleacaí, an Teachta Aengus Ó Snodaigh, a chuir an rún seo os comhair na Dála inniu. Tapaím an deis seo agus muid i lár Sheachtain na Gaeilge, plé a dhéanamh fosta ar chúrsaí Gaeltachta. Tá sé náireach agus scannalach go bhfuilimid bliain ar aghaidh agus bord úr ag Údarás na Gaeltachta gan toghchán a bheith ann. Le díriú isteach ar an rún cuimsitheach atá os comhair na Dála anocht, ba mhaith liom plé agus díriú isteach ar ábhar faoi leith, an scolaíocht sa Ghaeltacht agus an chaoi nach bhfuil deis ag páistí freastal ar scoil inar féidir leo a gcuid oideachais a fháil go huile agus go hiomlán i nGaeilge. Chualamar cuid de mo chomhghleacaithe ag caint fá dtaobh meánscoileanna atá taobh amuigh den Ghaeltacht, ach táimid ag caint ar an taobh istigh den Ghaeltacht.”
“It is disrespectful to the rank-and-file gardaí who turn out every day to do their job to leave them without a superintendent for so long and I am asking the Minister to make a direct intervention in this. I invite him to the county to look at the challenges we have, especially concerning this new model and the Gaeltacht communities it will serve.”
“Many of the Garda stations across Donegal have two or three gardaí in them, so when we have Garda stations without gardaí it is because of the dwindling of resources. We have one third fewer gardaí policing our roads than we had three years ago. The new plan does not taken into account the challenges that exist due to the size of the area, the geography and all that. I ask the Minister to recognise this. The last point is it is an insult to rank-and-file gardaí on that ground that since February of last year there has been no superintendent in Letterkenny. Letterkenny covers a huge division, a huge area, but has no superintendent. We cannot have it that all resources are going to Dublin. We are aware there is a challenge in Dublin but there are challenges elsewhere.”
“I invite the Minister up to Donegal to experience that and ask him to make it a point of priority to reach out to the gardaí and go on a visit. He should look at the vastness of the county, the Gaeltacht community, the offshore islands, the Border that has to be policed, the airport that carries international flights and the coastal community that has to be policed along with Killybegs and try to figure out how two Garda districts or two Garda community policing areas will suffice. They simply will not. We have seen the chipping away of Garda resources in Donegal for many years. The brutal fact of it is there are significantly fewer gardaí in Donegal than when Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael went into government in 2020. There are 18 fewer gardaí in the county. What does that mean?”
“They are turning up for their duty but, given the scenes that sometimes unfold in front of them, their professionalism, along with that of the other emergency responders there, has to be commended and I do that. They work in some of the most difficult situations imaginable and deserve our gratitude and respect and they deserve our support and the resources as well. The Minister will know that in Donegal there is significant anxiety among rank-and-file gardaí and in our local communities about what the new Garda policing model means for the county. Donegal is one of the last counties where the new model is yet to be rolled out and there are concerns it will harm the links to local communities. Gardaí on the ground clearly have no confidence in the planned changes and they continue to struggle with a shortage of personnel and equipment.”
“Tá mé buíoch go bhfuil deis againn an plé seo a bheith againn inniu sa Dáil. We have been talking about gardaí. I was talking to some over the last couple of days and I begin by remembering the victims of the tragic accident last Friday in my constituency and my part of the county, namely, west Donegal. There was a terrible road accident and my thoughts and prayers are with the families of Jamie Diver and Shaun Martin McClafferty as well as the two young men who are fighting in hospital at the moment, and all their loved ones and friends. It is a devastating sadness that was visited on our community across Donegal. Unfortunately, it is an experience we have witnessed too many times, but I take the opportunity to commend the gardaí. I was on the road that night and saw three Garda cars rushing to the scene of the accident.”
“Little Angels School is a school in Donegal that caters for children with moderate, severe and profound learning disabilities. It has a new school that has not even been opened yet. There is a new school because the old one was not fit for purpose, but amazingly the new school is too small for the existing pupils. There are not enough classes in the new school and that is without even talking about the additional needs that are there in the county. On Sunday, my colleagues and I met a number of the families. Nine families have been in direct contact with me. These families have been told by the SENO that their child has to be at this school, but there is no space in the school. This is absolutely appalling. It is devastating for these parents and families who are battling every day. Will the Taoiseach take a personal interest in this?”
“Will the Taoiseach do what the combined Opposition leaders have asked of him? They have written to him and asked him to sit down to let us find a solution to this that is sensible, practical and common sense. The Government needs to show a bit of common sense on this issue.”
“At the end of January the Government gave its word on the floor of the Dáil that it would work with the Opposition to find a resolution to the impasse relating to the status of the Michael Lowry group of Independent TDs that would be acceptable to both Government and Opposition. It has gone back on its word now and has proposed to put a motion before the Dáil that puts Michael Lowry and his group in the centre of Opposition, giving them Opposition rights such as Leaders' Questions and others. It does that at a time when Taoiseach himself will reduce Taoiseach's Questions by half to only one day per week instead of two days per week. We need to find a resolution to this. Everybody knows - the dogs in the street know - that Michael Lowry is a Government TD. It is as simple as that, and they need to deal with that fact.”
“The Taoiseach should be honest with the Irish people. He should be clear about what this is all about and he should do the honourable thing. If he genuinely believes that he is acting in the interests of the Irish people, he should let the Irish people have their say. Let us have a referendum on Irish neutrality. Let us have the debate and let the people decide whether they cherish neutrality or whether they trust Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael with these decisions.”
“At least Fine Gael is honest about its intentions. It has been for over 20 years. When it produced its document, Beyond Neutrality, in its effort to dismantle neutrality, the Taoiseach described it as an out-of-touch ideological obsession. Fine Gael, in that policy document, described the Taoiseach and Fianna Fáil's approach as the nod-and-wink approach of signing up to initiatives and telling the Irish people that it is something else. The Taoiseach has adopted the Fine Gael approach and it has adopted his. It is a nod-and-wink approach of trying to dupe the Irish people that this is not about neutrality, it is about vetoes, while at the same time pursuing the Taoiseach's obsession of getting rid of neutrality. That is the reality of it. This is the first step, and let us be clear about it.”
“There is absolutely no public appetite for a change in policy, yet the Government proposes to dismantle the triple lock, which is a key protection for neutrality. It cannot upend decades of successful Irish foreign policy without consulting the Irish people. If the Taoiseach is so confident in his position of dismantling the triple lock and Irish neutrality, why not put it to the people? Let us ask the people in a referendum whether they cherish neutrality. Let the people decide.”
“It is a standing achieved not through military might or military alliance, but by way of a respected tradition of military neutrality and on the insistence of international law. Neutrality is the foundation upon which Ireland champions engagement, diplomacy, the primacy of human rights and the prevention and resolution of conflict through dialogue. Generations of Irish peacekeepers have built a proud reputation for their contribution to peacekeeping missions while wearing the blue helmet of the UN. The Irish people see the importance of our neutrality. They value it, they cherish it, and rightly so. It has stood us in good stead. If we needed confirmation, polls this weekend confirmed that neutrality commands the overwhelming support of the Irish people.”
“It is against this backdrop that the Taoiseach moves to unravel the triple lock. He has attempted to frame this move as a response to today's changing world but this has been on the cards for a very long time. Dismantling Ireland's neutrality has been the aim of the Taoiseach's partners in government for nearly 25 years. In 2003, Enda Kenny stated, "Like it or not, Ireland is no longer neutral and this is crunch time." That was when Fine Gael was launching its document, Beyond Neutrality. It called for a move away from neutrality. Today, Fine Gael calls the tune and now Fianna Fáil dances along. Irish neutrality is based on a clear-sighted analysis of what role Ireland can best serve in the world. Removing the triple lock undermines the strong diplomatic influence Ireland has established over many generations.”
“It opens the door for future governments having absolute discretion to deploy Irish troops to all kinds of missions, whether major international conflicts, legally questionable peacekeeping missions or dangerous misadventures. It comes on the same day that the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, announced a dramatic ramping-up in the militarisation of Europe to spend a colossal €800 billion on re-arming the European Union. The powers that be in the EU are cynically using the suffering and plight of the Ukrainian people to advance this dangerous agenda. It completely smashes the EU fiscal rules. These rules cannot be broken for spending for the social good, housing, healthcare or responding to our climate crisis, but they can be completely thrown out the window when it comes to spending on weapons. That says it all.”
“Tá sé iontach contúirteach agus gearr-radharcach deireadh a chur leis an nglas triarach, an triple lock. Is é seo an chéad chéim ag Fianna Fáil agus ag Fine Gael chun deireadh a chur le neodracht mhíleata na tíre seo. Beartas fadbhunaithe agus rathúil le blianta fada don tír seo é agus ní hé seo an t-am le dul leis an slua agus leis an slua a leanúint. Is é seo an t-am le fanacht lenár bprionsabail. This morning, the Government took the first dangerous steps in dismantling the triple lock. The proposal brought to Cabinet by the Tánaiste, Simon Harris, paves the way for the deployment of Irish troops overseas without the mandate of the United Nations. This move represents a thin edge of the wedge in abandoning Ireland's long-standing policy of neutrality.”
“Did the Taoiseach ask him if he went to a rural farm in August 2002, as claimed by one of those present, to burn original documents pertaining to the deals that are at the heart of the Moriarty Tribunal investigations? Has Deputy Lowry explained to the Taoiseach how his accountant made two separate payments that originated in Gibraltar to the person who was arranging the Doncaster deal - payments that were never disclosed to the tribunal? I am going to continue to ask these questions and others until we have answers. The Deputy is one of yours. He is a Government-supporting TD. Has the Taoiseach asked him any of these questions in the past four weeks?”
“Go raibh maith ag an gCeann Comhairle. It is now over four weeks since I put to the Taoiseach serious claims about Deputy Michael Lowry's evidence to the Moriarty tribunal. So much for the Deputy's huffing and puffing about coming before the Dáil and making a statement. We have not heard a peep from him since. He is one of yours, Taoiseach. He is a Government-supporting TD and one the Taoiseach is going to great lengths to accommodate. Did the Taoiseach ask Deputy Lowry if he had 57 meetings on the Doncaster deal, including here in Leinster House and at Doncaster Rovers Football Club, a deal that he swore to the tribunal he had no involvement in?”
“She went to her grave at the weekend without the answers that she and all the other families deserve. On the day that the families of the victims have been retraumatised with this decision and how it was communicated, can the Minister give them some comfort? Will she commit, as the former Minister for Justice who was to look into this issue, to the need for a public inquiry?”
“I spent the morning speaking to many of the families of the Creeslough tragedy. They are distraught and retraumatised. They learnt through the media last night that permission has been granted to redevelop the site where their loved ones were injured and lost their lives. It will be three years in October since their lives were torn apart. Some of the families met with the Minister in October and asked for a public inquiry. They tell me they have not heard from her since. Following that meeting, the Garda Commissioner publicly stated that a public inquiry could run alongside a Garda investigation. This morning, I am thinking of Margaret O'Donnell, the mother of Catherine and the grandmother of James, both of whom were victims in the Creeslough tragedy.”
“When did the penny drop on this issue that we have a serious problem with knife crime in this city and elsewhere? On the third question, does the Minister accept that we simply do not have enough gardaí and that over her tenure as the Minister for Justice she did not reach the targets that were set year after year? These are three simple questions. Let us do it for the second time. Does the Minister agree with the Minister for Justice that parts of Dublin are not safe? Does she agree that we need new legislation on knife crime and why did she not do anything about it during her term in government? Is it not the root of the problem that we do not have enough gardaí on the streets?”
“Does the Minister have a problem answering the question? Let us try again. I asked three questions. As Minister for Justice she stated that Dublin city was safe. She was surrounded by gardaí as she did her walkabout through the city centre. The current Minister for Justice, Deputy O'Callaghan, has told us that parts of Dublin city are not safe. He has not told us where and he has not told us what he is going to do about it. As the former Minister for Justice, I am asking the Minister, Deputy McEntee, if she agrees with him. That is the first question. Please answer it. The second question concerns the Minister for Justice now telling us we need more laws on knife crime. Does the Minister, Deputy McEntee, agree with that? Why did she not do anything about this when she was the Minister for Justice?”
“Yet, the Minister for Justice has now indicated that new laws would be introduced to give gardaí greater powers to stop and search people who they suspect of carrying knives. My question to the Minister, Deputy McEntee, is straightforward. As a former Minister for Justice who made the declaration that Dublin city was safe, does she now agree with the current Minister for Justice when he says that parts of Dublin are not safe? Does the Minister agree with the current Minister for Justice that current laws are not adequate to deal with the issues of knife crime and people carrying knives? If that is the case, why did the Minister, Deputy McEntee, not do anything about it? Is it not the case that we simply do not have enough gardaí on the beat to police existing laws?”
“The most serious of those were the stabbings in Stoneybatter and the fatal stabbing on South Anne Street. These horrific attacks and their devastating consequences have only added to people's fears and sense of danger. In the absence of serious Government action, the situation has gone from bad to worse. Is it not clear that knife crime and the carrying of knives is a real threat to people's safety? Until two days ago there was no indication that there were any gaps in terms of the powers needed by An Garda Síochána to police knife crime, not from the Minister, Deputy McEntee, not from the current Taoiseach, not from the Minister for Justice, Deputy O'Callaghan, and certainly not when Deputy Mary Lou McDonald raised the issue with the Taoiseach here on Tuesday.”
“You can walk through the main parts of the city without ever seeing a Garda. That is not the fault of front-line gardaí. They go out of their way every morning and every evening to do incredible work to keep our communities safe. The fault lies with the Government and successive Ministers for Justice who have failed time and again to give An Garda Síochána the manpower and resources to turn the tide and get the job done. Despite the Minister, Deputy McEntee's, declaration that the city was safe, which she made while surrounded by a dozen gardaí as she walked through O'Connell Street, her successor as the Minister for Justice has told us that parts of Dublin are not safe. He has just not told us which parts and what he is going to do about. Over recent weeks we have had a number of very serious criminal incidents in the city.”
“There is a particular problem here in our capital city of Dublin. The root of the problem is the failure of successive Fianna Fáil- and Fine Gael-led governments to recruit the number of gardaí that are needed. The collapse in the public's sense of safety here in Dublin and in many other places too is very real. It is because we simply do not have enough gardaí on the ground and on the beat visibly policing the streets and in our communities and keeping people safe. That is the reality no matter how much the Government wishes to stick its head in the sand. When the Minister, Deputy Helen McEntee, was the Minister for Justice, she told us all that Dublin was safe. This was despite that anyone who regularly walks through the city centre could tell her that the city was not safe.”
“Nuair a bhí an tAire ina Aire Dlí agus Cirt, dúirt sí go raibh Baile Átha Cliath sábháilte. Bhí sé seo in ainneoin go bhféadfadh duine ar bith a shúil na sráide tríd lár na cathrach a rá léi nach raibh an chathair sábháilte agus go bhféadfaí siúl tríd na príomhshráideanna gan garda a fheiceáil ar chor ar bith. Anois, díreach cúpla mí i ndiaidh í sin a rá, feicimid go bhfuil an tAire úr á rá go bhfuil ceantair de Bhaile Átha Cliath nach bhfuil sábháilte. Níor inis sé dúinn cén ceantair nach bhfuil sábháilte agus céard a bhfuil sé chun a dhéanamh fúthu, ach ba mhaith liom tuairimí an Aire air seo. Everyone has a right to feel safe. Everyone has a right to walk the street of their city or town without feeling the need to look over their shoulders. The sad reality is that this sense of safety has been robbed from so many.”
“What we need is a serious rethink and restep in relation to a change of direction on housing. That we see the number of people in homelessness increase month after month is absolutely scandalous. Do not, like the bluffer who sat where the Minister for housing should sit now, pretend there is nothing you can do. Of course there is: ban rent increases, ban no-fault evictions, scrap the sweetheart deals for the vulture funds, end the bulk purchasing of homes and build houses that ordinary people can afford to live in.”
“In excess of 1,000 homes were bulk-purchased by investment funds over the past two years – 1,000 homes snapped up under the noses of first-time buyers since this Government said it would end that practice. Again, it misled the public every step of the way because it is in the pockets of those developers and vulture funds and that is why we have a housing crisis. Now that the Government is through the election, it is time to be honest and come clean. Does it want rents to come down? It obviously does not because it is removing the protection. Does it want house prices to come down? It obviously does not. If he were here, I would ask the Minister for housing to state that he wants rents and house prices to come down. I believe he will not because all the Government’s policies show it will push them in the other direction.”
“It is reaching deeper into the bag of old tricks and pulling out from that bag section 23 tax reliefs from the architects of the crash. Section 23 drove the reckless speculation that broke this economy, saw two thirds of construction workers unemployed and gave us 3,000 ghost estates, shuttered businesses and destroyed lives. That is Fianna Fáil’s solution to the housing crisis. That is its solution to the Government’s failures. Resurrecting section 23 will be a disaster on the same level as when Fine Gael invited in the vulture funds, a strategy which has now been embraced by Fianna Fáil as if it was something new. Some €30 billion worth of homes are held by investment funds. Institutional landlords are extracting rents that are sky high and making a healthy return. They get a free pass on paying no tax whatever on their rental income.”
“If we look at the targets, they are far too low, but it is the private sector that outperforms targets every year. It is the Government that misses its public housing targets every single year. It is the State and this Government that is not pulling its weight. There is a half a billion euro hole in the housing budget this year. This is a Government that failed to build enough houses last year and now plans to spend half a billion euro less this year than last year. Far from a fresh approach, the Government is doubling down on the failed policies of the past. The Taoiseach is going around threatening renters with stripping away the little protection they have, but Fianna Fáil does not stop there. That is not far enough for it.”
“We know now that the Government came up 10,000 homes short, home building is declining and the housing crisis is deepening. All that is left in the public is an air of desperation as the Government tries to distract from the failures of the past. The Government has an army of media advisers spinning all types of nonsense, such as the idea that pandering to investment funds is some kind of new idea, that the only way to reduce rents is actually to increase rents and that we are doing renters a favour, if anyone wants to believe the Taoiseach, or that cowboy Celtic tiger policies are the answer. The Government is trying to blame the private sector in all of this. The Taoiseach keeps telling us the State cannot do everything. This is pure and utter spin. Who is claiming the State should do everything?”
“Ar an gcéad dul síos, gabhaim buíochas leis na Daonlathaithe Sóisialta as ucht an rún seo a ardú ar maidin. Tabharfaimid tacaíocht don rún agus táimid in éadan leasú an Rialtais. I can just add to what Deputy Ó Broin has said and Deputy Hearne about the failure of the senior Minister to come to the House. It now seems he is hiding and that he is scared to actually talk about housing. It is ridiculous. There is no doubt the public was sold a pup in the last election. People were promised 40,000 new homes. The CSO made it clear for quite a while that the Government was not going to get close to 40,000 but it promised it again and again. People desperately wanted to believe it was true but it was all politics at its most cynical. However, the truth is out now.”