Michelle McIlveen
Strangford · Democratic Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“Public confidence depends not only on effective enforcement but on enforcement being exercised fairly and consistently. <BR /> <BR />There is widespread concern across Northern Ireland about the condition of many of our lakes and rivers, and there are a vast number of factors that contribute to water quality challenges.”
“Although we support the overall direction of travel, I think that is appropriate to reflect on the concerns that have been raised and ensure that the legislation is proportionate, practical and capable of delivering its intended outcomes.”
“If we are therefore serious about improving our aquatic environment, every source of pollution must be addressed. New legislative powers are meaningful only if the Department has the resources, the expertise and the personnel necessary to implement them effectively.”
“There is, however, a need for accompanying clear guidance and support and for regulatory consistency and prompt decision-making. Delays, uncertainty and excessive bureaucracy will undoubtedly discourage investment and undermine confidence in the sector.”
“Subordinate legislation should not become a substitute for proper democratic accountability. Consultation and engagement must be undertaken before regulations are introduced, and I cannot overstate the need for stakeholder engagement. <BR /> <BR />I will now talk about the Bill's proposed enforcement powers.”
“The DUP broadly welcomes the Bill. As has been said, it provides an opportunity to modernise legislation that, in some areas, has remained largely unchanged for decades. The Bill strengthens the protection of our fisheries, improves the regulatory framework for aquaculture and enhances the management of our water environment.”
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“That would have devastated the agri-food sector and undermined food security. The result would have been offshoring our emissions to countries with much lower welfare and environmental standards. Not only would that not protect the planet but it would damage our economy and hand an advantage to our competitors. <BR /> <BR />A genuine just transition recognises that farmers manage 78% of Northern Ireland's land area, deliver high-quality, sustainable produce and have a vested interest in caring for the land. Where is the investment in advisory services? Far too often, farmers face complex schemes and regulations, with very little one-to-one support. The Department would be better spending money on providing expert guidance to those who actually manage the land rather than creating new climate bodies or consultancy groups.”
“Waiting to see what happens is not an option: the Minister needs to be ahead of that instead of reacting to it. <BR /> <BR />The DUP fully supports the need to protect our environment, reduce emissions and encourage sustainable practices, but climate policy must be realistic, evidence-based and fair. The interim targets that were set last December were not realistic, costed or accompanied by the policies that would be required to deliver them. The net cost of carbon budgets up to 2037 is almost £479 million, and the estimated cost to meet the 2040 target is around £707 million. Those are enormous sums that will, ultimately, fall on businesses, farmers and consumers. <BR /> <BR />As the DUP has pointed out, the Minister's nutrients action programme (NAP) proposals would have resulted in significant reductions in livestock numbers.”
“<BR /> <BR />A further area of growing concern is the new EU deforestation regulation. The new due diligence requirements will impact on about 20% of the raw materials imported by the Northern Ireland Grain Trade Association, but there is no clarity on how Northern Ireland will be affected if Great Britain chooses not to align. It is not a stretch to presume that that could result in shortages that, in turn, would cause costs to rise for feed companies and, ultimately, consumers. Those are real risks for an industry that is already working on tight margins. What, if any, tangible steps has the Minister taken to press the UK Government on that? What mitigations has he sought to minimise the risk of disruption for inputs moving between GB and NI if the rest of the UK does not follow suit?”
“That is not acceptable when animal health, food safety and public confidence are at stake, particularly when it is blindingly obvious how dire the situation will be. We need only consider feed producers who produce medicated feed for the pig sector on advice from vets. Those businesses will need to be informed of what veterinary medicines are available or what alternatives they should use. <BR /> <BR />The absence of action is an abdication of responsibility. Certainty is needed now, and there need to be assurances that Northern Ireland will not be left at the bottom of the priority list for access to essential medicines. We also need the Government to take a genuinely radical approach to resolving the structural problems in the framework rather than tinkering around the edges.”
“Why should taxpayers here keep footing the bill for trader support that would not be needed if we had unfettered access to our own internal market? <BR /> <BR />Most concerning of all is the threat to veterinary medicines. From January 2026, when the grace period expires, anywhere between 10% and 40% of veterinary medicines currently supplied to Northern Ireland could be discontinued because Great Britain suppliers simply cannot justify the cost of meeting EU rules for such a small market. That affects farmers, feed manufacturers, pet owners, vets, processors and, in fact, everyone who depends on the health and welfare of animals. It has been suggested that the Government have decided to simply wait and see how serious the situation becomes before acting.”
“It has helped to secure new markets in Southeast Asia and shows what can be achieved when government and industry work together rather than against each other. <BR /> <BR />However, innovation can take us only so far when our trading relationship within the UK is undermined. The Windsor framework and the continued application of EU law in Northern Ireland create serious obstacles to food security and business confidence. The DUP will always support practical arrangements that genuinely ease trade, but it is clear that the framework has not solved the problems that businesses are living with day-to-day. The UK Government claim that the new sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) agreement with the EU has restored trust. If that is the case, why are "Not for EU" labels still due to be imposed on products moving within the United Kingdom?”
“That is neither sustainable nor fair, and it is certainly not consistent with the Programme for Government's commitment to supporting sustainable growth. The Minister needs to bring forward clear guidance on ammonia controls in planning: not aspirational statements or theoretical models, but clear, practical guidance that will allow investment to proceed, which is better for the environment. That is entirely achievable but long overdue. <BR /> <BR />It is important to acknowledge the strengths that already exist in our agri-food industry. Take, for example, the internationally recognised Food Fortress scheme developed with Queen's University. That scheme increased testing for high-risk contaminants by over 500% at no extra cost to industry.”
“When something is that important, every sinew should be strained to allow it to grow, yet food producers find themselves battling red tape, getting conflicting planning advice and guidance and seeing a lack of joined-up thinking between Departments. Sadly, a lot of that rests at the feet of the Department. <BR /> <BR />We hear time and again from poultry farmers who are stuck in planning limbo. The Northern Ireland Environment Agency (NIEA) gives one assessment and Shared Environmental Services (SES) gives another: nobody seems to be accountable for the delays. Those farmers are ready to invest and to improve their environmental performance, but they are blocked by a system that cannot provide clarity. We have raised issues with that system in the Chamber on several occasions, yet we are no further forward.”
“It depends on the health of our farms, the strength of our supply chains and the ability of our agri-food businesses to compete on a level playing field. At present, all those face very serious challenges. <BR /> <BR />The Ernst and Young (EY) report, 'Food for thought', spells out clearly why the agri-food sector matters. It generates £4·9 billion in gross value added, and it supports 113,000 jobs. The Northern Ireland economy is three times more reliant on food and drink than the UK average, with 77% of everything that we produce being sold outside Northern Ireland. It is the backbone of Northern Ireland's economy: it sustains rural communities, drives exports and supports our ports, logistics sector, manufacturing base and hospitality industry.”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. Food security is not an optional extra for Northern Ireland; it is a fundamental responsibility to ensure that the people who live here and the millions in the rest of the UK who depend on what we produce have access to safe, affordable and high-quality food. However, national food reserves are low, with some suggesting that they could be as low as six days. There is no buffer for shocks, given our reliance on imported food. <BR /> <BR />Northern Ireland feeds around 10 million people, which equates to around 25% of the UK's food production. That is remarkable for a region of its size. While we can be proud of that, it is something that we must protect.”
“I thank the Minister for his statement. The issue is very worrying. I am conscious that it is still considered to be a suspected case, but, given the low temperatures over the past couple of weeks, is it likely that cattle may have been infected for a longer time? If that is the case, and further testing concludes that a number of herds have been infected, what will the next steps be? Will the Department work with industry to determine whether there will be a mass cull, or will there be an alternative plan that will help to build herd resilience?”
“<BR /> <BR />I look forward to hearing the Minister's response now that we have done a canter around Newtownards and to having the opportunity to meet officials to look at those options.”
“We are already seeing problems at Comber Road, Frances Street, North Road, Portaferry Road and Zion Place. There needs to be a focused and coherent plan to address forthcoming issues as well as the current problem. I ask that the following be looked at again: re-establishment of the Newtownards town centre sustainable travel working group; swift progress on the Newtownards and Comber park-and-ride facilities; funding for the Movilla Road scheme; a focused, Department-led scheme to address the particular problems of Comber Road and Messines Road; a feasibility study on having a bridge between Portaferry and Strangford; assessment of the potential impact on North Road of the eastern distributor road and the development associated with that scheme; and, last but not least, a bus lane scheme for Frances Street.”
“I and my brother, who is a councillor for the town, have worked alongside Translink on it for a number of years. I hope that, once the business case is with the Minister, we will see a quick funding decision and the project progress. Progress on the Comber park-and-ride would also greatly help. I appreciate that a site on Belfast Road has been identified, but progress seems to be slow on that. We need to offer alternatives to the car. Investment in public transport, as well as recurrent support for our public transport providers, is key to making it an attractive alternative. <BR /> <BR />There are a number of key issues in Newtownards that need to be addressed. Newtownards and Comber are both expanding towns. That is causing traffic flow problems for Newtownards that will only worsen as more houses are built.”
“The cars parked there obscure the views of drivers as well as impact on traffic flow along the road. I have raised that with the local office and the divisional office. A scheme has been developed to include sight realignment of the road, the installation of parking bays and much-needed resurfacing. That needs to happen, but, given the funding calculations for my constituency, we are falling short of what we need, even for issues such as this, which involve the safety of schoolchildren going to and from school. I ask that that be looked at and that funding be made available for that important scheme. <BR /> <BR />I am pleased that there has been progress on the Newtownards park-and-ride. That is an important piece of the transport jigsaw for the town.”
“That group considered a number of options that may have assisted in alleviating a number of the problems that I have raised, but, sadly, it stopped meeting in June 2022. The Minister has confirmed, in response to questions that I have asked, that there is no intention of reviving the group, as the Department has decided to work on a regional plan. However, the Department did not tell any of the stakeholders that that was its plan. That was a missed opportunity not just for Newtownards but for the Department to learn from a pilot scheme. I ask the Minister to revisit that decision. <BR /> <BR />The final roads issue that I will raise is that of the Movilla Road. There is a recurrent issue with parking around Abbey Primary School. Cars park along both sides of the road and around the residential area.”
“There needs to be an assessment of the potential impact on that road and what can be done to address the consequences of building the distributor road and that additional development. <BR /> <BR />A further pinch point is the roundabout at the Portaferry Road and the stretch of the Portaferry Road that runs from that roundabout to the junction with New Road. Roundabouts appear to be continuing theme as either a symptom or a cause of problems for the town. We need an assessment of traffic flow in the town, with a range of solutions to improve that flow. There was a Newtownards town centre sustainable transport working group, which brought together a range of stakeholders with a view to a pilot scheme being adopted for the town around active travel and modal shift.”
“Returning to the eastern distributor road, it is envisaged that the scheme will link the Bangor Road with the Donaghadee Road, the Movilla Road and, ultimately, the Portaferry Road. That will mean that traffic can avoid Newtownards town centre, however it will result in a significant increase in traffic on the Bangor Road in Newtownards. There will not just be the current level of traffic, because developers will be building in and around 1,200 new homes. If that increased traffic is going to end up on the Bangor Road, where will it go? The North Road in the town is already heavily congested in the mornings. This morning, for example, cars were nose to tail for over three quarters of its length. That is before any traffic has been diverted from the town centre.”
“That would result in the loss of a couple of parking spaces at the top of the road but could free up the movement of traffic at that location. I have raised that matter with DFI Roads, but it is not minded to look at it again, because, previously, it received some objections. The traffic, however, has worsened, and I respectfully ask the Minister to request that her officials look at that suggestion again as a means to improve public transport through the town.”
“The eastern distributor road is being built by developers as part of the expansion of the town at Beverley Garden Village, Rivenwood and Ballyreagh. That scheme, it is hoped, will divert traffic away from the centre of Newtownards, and I will come back to that. <BR /> <BR />The eastern distributor road is a number of years away from completion. In the meantime, traffic grinds to a halt from about 4.00 pm each day at the top of Frances Street, as cars try to exit on to Zion Place. That is a particular problem for buses, and I have spoken to Translink about it. It causes Translink real difficulties in providing reliable services. One solution that has been suggested is to widen the top of Frances Street to allow for a bus lane.”
“That is a factor that should be taken into consideration. <BR /> <BR />Newtownards is the gateway to the Ards peninsula, and many people drive through the town in order to travel to the other side of Strangford lough rather than use the ferry. A bridge could remove that unnecessary traffic from the roads of Newtownards. I ask the Minister to look into the economic feasibility of such a scheme and potential sources of funding for it, which would not only benefit Newtownards but be transformational for the Ards peninsula by massively improving connectivity. <BR /> <BR />There are a number of other pinch points around the town that need to be addressed, and I want to consider those next. The first is the Zion Place roundabouts and, in particular, the junction with Frances Street. Zion Place has been identified as a problem for some time.”
“It is better to act now than wait for the inevitable. <BR /> <BR />The alternative route, which more people are now taking because of the traffic problems, is along the Killynether Road and the Scrabo Road. Those roads are narrow and winding and are totally unsuitable for heavy traffic. The last thing that needs to happen is additional traffic being forced along those roads because nothing was done to address the problems on the Comber Road. <BR /> <BR />We should also be considering where the traffic is coming from and where it is going to, if it is not going into Newtownards. We know that a significant portion of that traffic is going down the Ards peninsula. There are many cogent arguments for a bridge from Portaferry to Strangford, thereby diverting unnecessary traffic going through Newtownards.”
“It may be of assistance for those who are entering and leaving the site, but I do not see how it will improve the existing problems. <BR /> <BR />We need to look at upgrading the roundabout. It is not just about road markings at the roundabout, because that has not solved the problem. There needs to be some real investment at the location. There are considerable problems coming down the road, if you will pardon the pun. The Department has passed planning for 1,000 homes at Enler Village in Comber, and it is not unreasonable to assume that a number of those residents will travel down the road to or through Newtownards to schools or to their jobs. If the former Crepe Weavers site is developed or the other areas along the Comber Road, which are zoned for development, are built out, that will compound the current difficulties.”
“Anyone who is familiar with the area will know that it is not and that it has become a daily problem in the past few years. It appears that the Department is placing its trust in a partial dualling proposal that is attached to planning at the former Crepe Weavers site. Multiple grants of planning permission have been made since 2013, however, with no progress made on upgrading the road. The delay is reminiscent of how the Department was waiting for a developer to upgrade the path on the Portaferry Road. Eventually, the Department had to step in because the work was not happening. It would appear that the sums do not seem to be adding up for the developer in this case. Whether such a dualling would be of any real effect is arguable, anyway.”
“A traffic survey that I requested for traffic lights at the junction with Blenheim Drive was to be carried out, but we are yet to find out whether that has taken place or what the results are. Certainly, West Winds residents have advised that they have seen no evidence of a survey taking place. I have asked the Minister a number of questions about traffic flow at that location, but, disappointingly, I was told that there were no plans. I have asked whether there are plans to widen the Messines Road, but, according to the Minister, there are no such plans. I have asked for traffic lights at the offending roundabout, but there are no plans to consider that either. <BR /> <BR />There seems to be a belief that the traffic flow at that location is normal, but it is not.”
“The impact is not just on waiting times for those commuting to or through Newtownards. Those living off Cambourne Road and Lansdowne Road and in the West Winds estate struggle to get in and out of where they live with the constant stream of traffic. It is a particular problem for parents dropping children off at West Winds Primary School in the morning. Lines of cars waiting to leave West Winds in the morning are commonplace at drop-off time. The requests by the school leadership for an alternative access point have fallen on deaf ears at DFI's southern division. I previously requested a meeting with departmental officials from the southern division, but that was refused because a review had been undertaken in 2021.”
“<BR /> <BR />I take this opportunity to highlight a number of pinch points in the town that are only going to worsen as Newtownards and Comber continue to expand. First and foremost, there is the congestion on the Comber Road and Messines Road as traffic tails back from the Comber Road roundabout in the town. Despite responses coming from the Minister regarding those issues, the traffic is constant at all times of the day, every day of the week. A Sunday afternoon could be as bad as a Monday afternoon. Peak times are even worse, with queues on the Comber Road and traffic at a standstill halfway down the dual carriageway. Queues on Messines Road stretch three quarters of the length of that road. Both roads meet at the Comber Road roundabout at Castlebawn.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. First, I thank the Minister for attending this evening. In debates such as these, I do not like to just come to the Chamber with a list of problems to complain about. Where there are solutions, I want to outline them and hope that they can perhaps be taken forward. I put on record my appreciation to the Minister's predecessor for the action that he took as a result of my previous Adjournment debate on the dangers of the Portaferry Road. Where he could, he directed a number of key projects to be actioned. Those included safety measures and, importantly, the upgrading of the footpath between Teal Rocks and Old Shore Road. That is evidence that Adjournment debates such as these can deliver where there is a solution-based ask and a Minister willing to take the necessary action.”
“Parents, teachers and governors are, naturally, concerned by the judgement and by the contribution from the Alliance Party's Chair of the Education Committee, who seemed to suggest that witchcraft and paganism could be taught in our schools. That was very unhelpful. I ask the Minister for his thoughts on that and to outline the Department's role in the creation of a new curriculum.”
“I thank the Minister for his answer. Will he commit to the gathering of sufficient data on dementia diagnosis rates at a local level to enable comparison of dementia diagnosis across the United Kingdom as a first step towards an action plan to address what has become a postcode lottery for diagnosis in Northern Ireland and in an attempt to improve our estimated diagnosis rate, which is around 55%?”
“While the issue of conditionality will, of course, be downplayed by the Minister and others in the Chamber, we are setting a precedent that I am not comfortable with and will not support.”
“In many cases, barriers such as the impact of ammonia controls on planning, the scourge of TB and slow progress on a just transition fund for agriculture are not being satisfactorily addressed by the Minister. We need all the challenges and opportunities facing primary production to be dealt with in the round. Will progressive capping stifle investment, growth and entrepreneurship? Will some larger businesses limit their sustainability ambitions as a result? Could it encourage smaller farm units? Are the running costs for larger businesses any less demanding or proportionate than those for smaller businesses? Will the proposed timescale for registration and training for the various schemes give businesses enough time, given everything else that they have to grapple with each day? Those are all legitimate questions.”
“That is not to say that we do not support the objective of encouraging more sustainable environmental practices on farms or that we oppose ensuring that payments to larger businesses represent value for money. We absolutely want to encourage entry into excellent schemes, such as the bovine genetics programme, which, ironically — the Alliance Party may not wish to acknowledge this — was an action of the much-maligned Going for Growth strategy. However, does handing down financial penalties on an indefinite basis really incentivise that or encourage those taking part to do so with the right mindset? <BR /> <BR />The rather singular focus of the regulations on conditionalities, capping and penalties cannot be viewed in isolation from an assessment of barriers to profitability and productivity in agriculture.”
“The Democratic Unionist Party has concerns about the proposals for progressive capping and conditionalities in respect of the farm sustainability payment. We voted against laying the rule in Committee for that reason. I am conscious of the comments of Members who have spoken previously. The context today is somewhat different from when those measures were consulted on over four years ago, not least because climate targets have primacy, a fact that has created a variety of additional burdens for farm businesses. <BR /> <BR />There is very much a sense that agriculture is being subjected to death by a thousand cuts. The vote of no confidence in the Department by the Ulster Farmers' Union (UFU) reinforces that point.”
“<BR /> <BR />Mrs Thatcher, once considered a steadfast defender of the Union, had signed an agreement where the will of the people was not just ignored but was not even sought. It was done without our consultation or consent. In later years, she would express regret and admit to underestimating the depth of unionist anger across the UK and the damage that the agreement would do to trust in the Government. Such regrets do not, however, change the past. While the agreement would be superseded, it marked a dark day in Northern Ireland's history when terrorist violence was rewarded.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Anglo-Irish Agreement struck at the heart of what it meant to be a unionist. It was not just a constitutional issue; it was personal. It was a document on how the future of Northern Ireland could be shaped about us, but not with us; a document that allowed a state that housed training camps, safe houses, supply routes and bomb factories for the IRA to have a say in our affairs — a state that was perceived as not doing its part to combat the evils of terrorism that resulted in the deaths of thousands of men, women and children in Northern Ireland, who were betrayed by a Prime Minister who had famously said "Out ... out ... out" to the proposals of the New Ireland Forum and had now let Dublin in.”
“The 40th anniversary of the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement by Margaret Thatcher and Garret FitzGerald was marked on 15 November. That agreement was the beginning of my personal journey into politics as a teenager. It sparked something in me that led me to where I am today. The agreement remains a historic reminder of what happens when political change is imposed upon the people of Northern Ireland without their consent. Delivered over our heads and devoid of democratic legitimacy, it sowed deep mistrust that continues to have ramifications to this day. In recent years, the same disregard for democracy was repeated when the Northern Ireland protocol was imposed by the United Kingdom Government. Again, it was rejected by unionists and forced through without our consent.”
“It is true that the old adage, "Where there's a will, there's a way" applies. Will the Minister apply the same determination and enthusiasm to bringing forward legislation on a wildlife intervention, as requested by the Ulster Farmers' Union (UFU), to deal with bovine TB in this mandate?”
“It was clear from my contribution that that was not the case, and to interrupt in that way and make such an offensive and scurrilous accusation was wholly inappropriate. I ask that Mr Tennyson withdraw his disgraceful and inappropriate comments and offer a full apology for the accusation. I am happy to leave that with you, Mr Speaker, for a ruling. Thank you.”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. During yesterday's debate on an independent environment agency, when I was explaining the risks of independent bodies having complete control over enforcement policy, I used the example of the Equality Commission pursuing Ashers bakery in a case that ultimately cost the public purse over £250,000, which could have been more if Ashers had pursued the Equality Commission for costs. That example was completely relevant to the risks of establishing an unelected quango with independent enforcement powers. However, Mr Tennyson interrupted to make a spurious point of order and accused me of engaging in a "homophobic dog whistle". <BR /> <BR />That is a grossly defamatory comment.”
“When we pause for remembrance, we honour not only those who fell in the Great War, but all who have served since, through the Second World War, in Korea, in Afghanistan, and those who defended democracy and law and order in our Province during the dark days of terrorism. When we wear our poppy with pride, it is not a political emblem. It is a symbol of remembrance and respect. It is a symbol that unites generations in quiet reflection to cherish peace, while never forgetting the price that was paid to secure it. Remembrance is not about glorifying war; it is about honouring those who serve and remembering those who made the ultimate sacrifice for our freedoms. <BR /> <BR />As the clock struck 11.00 am today, we stood together in silence, and we recalled the words of John Maxwell Edmonds:”
“We have just marked the eleventh hour of the eleventh day of the eleventh month. We pause to remember those who gave their all for the freedoms that are all too easily taken for granted. Armistice Day is not merely a date in the calendar for the people of Northern Ireland; the importance of remembrance runs deep. Throughout our cities, towns and villages, memorials are etched with the names of those who answered the call when tyranny threatened the world. They were men from every trade and background who stood shoulder to shoulder on the fields of France and Flanders, and who never returned home. Their sacrifice helped to shape the liberty that we enjoy. <BR /> <BR />Armistice Day reminds us that our freedom comes at a price. It was bought with sacrifice and bravery, and it must be guarded with gratitude and respect.”
“An independent environment agency is not the panacea for the ills of Lough Neagh. We need accountability and coordination, not duplication and confusion. The buck stops with the Minister, and that is where it needs to stay.”
“In other words, it can decide what is a priority and what is not. Who, then, will direct environmental policy in Northern Ireland? Will it be the Minister or the quango? What we need is better delivery from the structures that we already have. If the Department and the NIEA were made to do their jobs properly, with clear lines of authority and proper resourcing, water quality in Lough Neagh could be improved, biodiversity protected and pollution tackled without creating another costly bureaucracy. That rests at the feet of the Minister. <BR /> <BR />The motion is a recipe for more bureaucracy, less accountability and higher costs. It will do nothing to clean up Lough Neagh or improve air quality. It will, however, create jobs for bureaucrats and headaches for everyone else.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. It is an example of the overreach of unelected quangos. <BR /> <BR />Recommendation 22 of the review states that the agency:”
“Accountability should remain with elected representatives and not be handed to an unaccountable board of appointees. We are meant to be living in a democracy. <BR /> <BR />The independent review of environmental governance in Northern Ireland mentions accountability 34 times, but its recommendations only dilute that. I cannot think of a single occasion when adding another layer of bureaucracy solved a problem. We must also be wary of what happens when so-called independent bodies are created. They grow legs and arms. The Equality Commission's handling of the Ashers case should be a salutary warning. It was an independent body that was established to promote fairness and was never set up to police conscience or dictate belief, but its overreach cost the public dearly.”
“No, I will not. <BR /> <BR />That is not environmental leadership; rather, it is environmental abdication. The creation of another quango is a means by which the Minister avoids responsibility and accountability. It all becomes someone else's fault, and, as we have seen repeatedly, that becomes a safe space for an Alliance Minister. We have already heard the Minister complain that he is vilified for taking difficult decisions, and now he wants to create an agency to take those decisions for him. It is a convenient shield and a way to say, "It is not my fault; the agency decided". If we allow the Minister to hide behind a quango, what message does that send? It is that, when the going gets tough, we delegate. It is that Ministers can wash their hands of environmental enforcement and blame the quango instead.”
“Importantly, it means holding senior officials and Ministers to account for delivery and for their failures. <BR /> <BR />The SDLP motion speaks about governance and accountability, yet it proposes that we remove accountability from the Chamber, Ministers and elected representatives and hand it to an unelected quango.”
“Creating another agency will not clean up Lough Neagh; it will not improve water quality. It will create another costly layer of bureaucracy — another structure with its own staff, offices, reports and headlines, but very little delivery on the ground. We do not need more committees, commissions or quangos; we need results. We need a system that actually works. <BR /> <BR />Rather than token gestures or bureaucratic reshuffles, if the Minister truly wants to lead on the environment, he should start by fixing the system that he already controls. That means ensuring that the NIEA is properly resourced and empowered to act. It means cutting through departmental silos so that agriculture, infrastructure and environment policies work with rather than against each other.”
“I have no doubt that the SDLP motion is well intentioned, but it ignores a fundamental reality. The Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs finds itself incapable of properly funding the environmental structures that it already has. We are being asked, however, to fund yet another expensive quango. We already have the Northern Ireland Environment Agency (NIEA) and the Office for Environmental Protection (OEP), which exist to safeguard our natural environment, enforce regulations and hold Departments to account. Their collective failure to do so rests at the Minister's feet and that is his responsibility. <BR /> <BR />We are not short on oversight, but we are short of results. There is a tendency in the Chamber to tag Lough Neagh into every motion on the environment, and we need some honesty on that issue.”