Alex Attwood
West Belfast · Social Democratic and Labour Party · Northern Ireland
“I certainly do not take away from the contribution being made by the judiciary in Northern Ireland to framing a society that upholds the right principles and applies human rights standards across the board without fear or favour. <BR /> <BR />There are two issues with bail. One is police bail, which nobody has commented on so far.”
“Whatever it is, it is a flip-flop. It is trying to cover your tracks. It is having said to people that everything was all right when things were not all right. People saw through it.”
“I thank the Minister for giving way. When I was housing Minister in 2010-11, I conducted a fundamental review of the Housing Executive. It was based upon a number of principles, including protecting the institution of the Housing Executive, its legacy and name.”
“What world have you been living in for the last two or three months? <BR /> <BR />That is why Mr Agnew is right to say that there will be anger. There will be anger at the DUP on the day that a public inquiry is established into RHI, belatedly endorsed by Sinn Féin because it had no place else to turn.”
“He accepted a point from me and then said, "Well, actually, since that time the then deputy First Minister has been looking at the matter." Is it not curious that 18 months ago, despite NAMA, despite Red Sky, despite ransom strips — and, for all we know, people might have even known about RHI then — Sinn Féin, despite all that evidence, s…”
“Sorry, apologies. <BR /> <BR />I agree completely with Mr Agnew who said, in his opening remarks, that there was a need for an independent open process to investigate ministerial conduct, not least given recent events, and that there will be public anger if the motion is not passed.”
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“I accept that the relentless validation by republicans of IRA terror is deeply alienating to unionism, as it is to us, which is the point that I was making at the end of my speech. My comment, as you will see if you check Hansard, was that it would be disproportionate to withdraw funding. It was not that the sense of offence was disproportionate; it was that to withdraw funding from the Ardoyne Fleadh would be disproportionate.”
“— was legitimate and valid. Those who cheered that night are being led down a false narrative of our history. That is what we should defeat.”
“It was that young people and generations were again being taught that somehow the violence of the few, which was endorsed by 2% of the people and inflicted against the wishes of the people of this island for 40 years, destroyed lives and the ambition of the people of this island, divided the people of this island one from the other and put back unity by many a generation —”
“That is because the violence of the IRA was anti-national and anti-democratic, it was used when there was a constitutional alternative, it divided the people of Ireland more than they ever had been before, and it carried an enormous personal and human cost. <BR /> <BR />What we need to do in this society is not just walk away from the politics of demonisation and selective condemnation but move away from the politics of revisionism that glorifies the violence of anybody in any uniform who inflicted violence against the wishes of the people of this island. My offence at the event of that night was much less about the man from the Druids and what he said.”
“Yes, I will accept that equality, but if you read the Hansard report, especially Mr McCausland's contribution and especially, unfortunately, that of Mr Wells, you will see demonisation, selective commentary and an incomplete analysis of what the problem was on that night. <BR /> <BR />What was the problem on that night? One thing that Mr McCausland said, which I partially agreed with, was that it romanticised violence. I accept and agree with that point. That is because, unfortunately, what was said that night and the way that some people responded may be their view of politics and history on this island, but it is not the view of history of the vast majority of people on this island.”
“I will let you in in a second. <BR /> <BR />That is what Mr Nelson McCausland said. He talked about the recent Troubles inflicted on the country by the IRA — not by the loyalists or by the state; just by the IRA. He talked about the culture of songs and that sort of event, referring to the Druids, without talking about the culture of songs, other events, murals and the sectarianism of other parts of this society. You cannot have the politics of demonisation on one hand and be selective on the other. I will give way.”
“What is also wrong with this debate is that it says to nationalism and republicanism that, when unionism takes offence, its response is disproportionate, calling for withdrawal of funding. It also says that its response is selective, because it does not apply the same standards to other expressions of cultural identity, and it draws the conclusion that all your cultural expression is right and proper and that that of others is somehow in error.”
“That is what is wrong, Mr Wells, and that is why the SDLP is right. You do not take the comments of that individual and the response of that audience and then demonise those in the fleadh who are well intentioned, or the people in the GAA, the schools estate and the CCMS. That is why we are taking the position that we are taking. You do not demonise the good because of the actions of the bad. That is what is wrong with this debate.”
“I want to answer that question by, first, acknowledging that I have no doubt that unionism's hurt and upset at what happened are genuine, because the hurt and upset in nationalism at what happened are genuine. I want to put on the record that I accept that Mr Wells is upset, as I was upset and as everybody should be upset. However, the answer to Mr Wells's question is in his speech: he takes this incident and goes down the traditional route of the politics of demonisation. He named the fleadh, the GAA and the CCMS, which is responsible for the school, and demonised each and all of them on the basis of what was not just a reckless remark — I think that it was a deliberate remark by the man in that band — made in response to the people in that hall.”
“Does the Minister agree that the DUP should be honest with its own members and acknowledge that there is a sham fight and that, for many of them, the real game is John Lewis in Titanic and not in Sprucefield, which would also be bad for Belfast city centre?”
“I welcome the statement and acknowledge the exhaustive efforts made by the Minister and his ministerial colleagues in relation to this matter. He indicated that there was one big bone of contention. Could I tempt him to agree with me that, whatever about the concerns of people in Lisburn, including representatives and including the DUP, about the decision that has been made in respect of Sprucefield and the fight that they have made of that issue, a sham fight is being fought? The sham fight is that while some in the DUP in Lisburn fight to get John Lewis to Sprucefield, there are others in the DUP in Belfast who fight to get John Lewis to the Titanic Quarter.”
“It might be useful, deputy First Minister, if you could confirm what you have just said, that, given the unfortunate comment that was made by the Member opposite in respect of Kathryn Stone, it was a decision taken by both you and the First Minister that she should play a role in the appointment process. At the same time, will you confirm, given that, this time last year, Kathryn Stone formally alerted you and the First Minister in respect of concerns by the VSS, that both you and the First Minister are personally monitoring the implementation of the very wide-ranging recommendations that arose from the report that was commissioned after she formally alerted you and the First Minister about her concerns?”