S. Dhanabalan
Singapore
“Mr Speaker, Sir, on a point of clarification. I said in my intervention on Tuesday that the general election is the right forum to determine the electorate's support because it puts the issue in a total and correct context.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, with hindsight, of course, we can be very wise. But since one of the three islands was excluded, it was a substantial reduction in the scope of works. The assessment then, which I agreed with, was that if you called for a re-tender, you would get a substantially reduced tender.”
“To the extent that we can, we should work with countries that have a common interest, to come together and form economic groupings targeted at trade liberalisation. We have started this process within ASEAN under the AFTA Scheme. Economic linkages in groupings like APEC are also growing in significance.”
“Mr Speaker, all these questions make a lot of sense when the events are finished, and you look back. But the officer looking at the case at that time had to deal with the facts as they were at that time.”
“ASEAN countries agreed to publish all the Inclusions and Exclusions lists, as well as the full list of actual tariff reductions. The ASEAN Secretariat had since followed up and released, as scheduled, on 1st November 1993, the publications showing these lists.”
“Kallang Theatre was closed for five months in 1992 for cyclical maintenance and upgrading costing $3 million. This included a major upgrading of the toilets, recarpeting the auditorium, rewiring and repainting.”
The complete record
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“Mr Speaker, Sir, the principle of the Coalition Government, the purpose and the fundamental framework, was agreed by the ASEAN Foreign Ministers although the details that we spelt out in Bangkok of course were not details that were drawn up by the ASEAN Foreign Ministers. The manner in which the discussions proceeded in Bangkok during the first visit of the Second Deputy Prime Minister (Foreign Affairs) and myself, was such that there was no time to consult fully with the other Foreign Ministers. But since they were well within the framework laid out by the Foreign Ministers, we made the proposals and subsequently informed them. There were, of course, press reports about the unhappiness of the Indonesian Foreign Minister but these were cleared up in our subsequent informal meeting in Bangkok. As it stands now, this proposal that has been made is an ASEAN proposal because the other Foreign Ministers have endorsed and supported this proposal. LENGKOK BAHRU ESTATE (Construction of HDB flats and completion date) 16. Dr Ow Chin Hock asked the Minister for National Development, in the redevelopment scheme for Lengkok Bahru estate in Leng Kee Constituency, what types of Housing and Development Board flats and how many units of each type will be built, and when they will be completed.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I am aware of reports that the initial finding of the Khmer Rouge's attempt to ascertain the views of their followers is that they are not in favour of the Coalition Government. But we have not had any official reply and we still have almost another month for them to give us this reply. So we are still hopeful, I would not as yet say that our efforts have been futile, and we have to keep trying. As to alternatives and other options, I think it is too early to talk about alternatives. It is only proper that having given them two months, they should give us a formal and final reply before we discuss alternatives. Otherwise alternatives would be construed as threats.”
“As the Khmer Rouge have already announced their full support for the Resolution and Declaration of the International Conference on Kampuchea, and as they have also agreed to the various UN Resolutions on this subject, we assume that they should respond positively to our proposals because these proposals are within the principles already expressed in the UN and in the International Conference on Kampuchea. The Khmer Rouge leaders have at various times assured the ASEAN Governments that they have no intention of seizing power by force when the Vietnamese withdraw from Cambodia and that their sole objective is to join together with other patriotic forces to struggle against Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia. As I said just now, since our proposals are consistent with the stand that they have taken so far and consistent with the objectives that they have stated, we think that logically they should accept the proposal that we have made. Ultimately, it is, of course, for the various Cambodian factions to decide how far they want to proceed in the Coalition Government and how much they are prepared to sacrifice their immediate individual interests in order to join together and cooperate in their effort to free Cambodia from Vietnamese occupation.”
“Under this arrangement, each faction would retain its identity and be free to propagate its own distinctive political programme and philosophy for the future of Cambodia. The three factions would only be united in their struggle against Vietnam. The three key officers of this Coalition Government, i.e. the President, the Prime Minister and the Deputy Prime Minister, would all seek to mobilize international support for their struggle against the Vietnamese. These points are contained in the statement that was released by the Second Deputy Prime Minister (Foreign Affairs) on 24th November, 1981. Son Sann readily agreed to these proposals although he said that he would have to consult his followers. In Tam, representing Prince Sihanouk, also agreed in principle and, subsequent to that meeting, both Son Sann and Prince Sihanouk have confirmed their formal approval of these proposals. In the case of Khieu Samphan and Ieng Sary representing the Khmer Rouge, they did not reject these proposals but asked for time to consider these proposals and we agreed to give them two months. We are awaiting their reply and we hope that their response will be favourable. More recently, on the 10th of this month, ASEAN Foreign Ministers met informally in Bangkok and expressed their full support for these proposals which we had earlier put up in our visit to Bangkok. The ASEAN Foreign Ministers urged the Khmer Rouge and other interested parties to respond positively to these proposals. They also agreed at this meeting that these proposals should be explained to friendly countries who have been supporting ASEAN on this question. It is still a little too early to say whether the Khmer Rouge will respond positively to these proposals.”
“From these meetings, it became obvious to us that the Ad Hoc Committee had meandered into difficulties and that, instead of discussing the details of how to pursue the sole objective of increasing the military, political and diplomatic pressure on the Vietnamese, they have got embroiled in discussions on the formation of a Coalition Government along the lines of a Coalition Government in peace time. One of the principles that the Khmer Rouge insisted upon was the principle that the institutions of the existing Democratic Kampuchea government should be retained in any Coalition Government. This was quite unacceptable to the other factions, especially when these institutions are associated with the notorious inhuman record of the Pol Pot Government in the years 1975 to 1978. As the deliberations of the Ad Hoc Committee had quite obviously reached an impasse, and as Son Sann had categorically stated that he would not participate, and so had Prince Sihanouk, we obviously had to look for some other solution. Arising from the discussions that we had in Bangkok with these groups, we proposed that the Coalition Government which they should form should at this stage be concerned only with one single objective, that is, the pursuit of the struggle against Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia. After the Vietnamese withdrawal, the Coalition Government should automatically be dissolved. In fact, this was suggested by the Khieu Samphan group, and that after the Coalition Government had been dissolved then there would be free elections to choose the government of Cambodia, the elections to be organized and supervised by the United Nations.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the Second Deputy Prime Minister (Foreign Affairs) and I visited Bangkok from 21st to 24th November, 1981. The primary purposes of this visit were, firstly, to exchange views with the Thai Foreign Minister on the Kampuchean problem and, secondly, to ascertain the progress made by the three Cambodian factions in their efforts to form a Coalition Government. Members of the House will remember that the leaders of the three Cambodian factions, Prince Sihanouk, Son Sann and Khieu Samphan, met in Singapore in September this year, and they agreed in principle to form a Coalition Government. Since their meeting in Singapore, representatives of these three factions have been holding meetings in Bangkok to try and work out the details on the formation of such a Coalition Government. At the time that we visited Bangkok, there had already been nine meetings of the Ad Hoc Committee studying the details on the formation of this Coalition Government. Just before we left for Bangkok, the leader of the KPNLF, Son Sann, announced that he would not participate in the proposed Coalition Government but that his followers were free to discuss the matter. Even as we arrived in Bangkok, we heard news that Prince Sihanouk had also announced that he would not be participating in the Coalition Government. So it is in this context that we arrived in Bangkok to have discussions with Son Sann, Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary and In Tam (in Tam being the representative of Prince Sihanouk). We had meetings with them, individually as well as jointly.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I beg to move the amendment* as set out in the Order Paper Supplement. * The amendment, standing in the name of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, reads as follows: In page 3, line 10: to leave out from "person" to the end of line 26 and insert - "- (a) shall carry on any business, whether or not the business is carried on for profit, of importing, making, distributing or exhibiting films unless he is in possession of a valid licence; or (b) being the owner or occupier of any place shall allow the place to be used by, or let the place or otherwise make the place available to, any person who is not the holder of a valid licence for the purpose of carrying on the business of importing, making,distributing or exhibiting films. (2) Any person who contravenes subsection (1) shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable on conviction to a fine of not less than five thousand dollars but not exceeding twenty thousand dollars or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months or to both such fine and imprisonment.". This amendment does not alter the substance of the Bill. It is merely a drafting correction which removes any ambiguity and makes the purpose clearer. Amendment agreed to. Clause 6, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clauses 7 to 38 inclusive ordered to stand part of the Bill. Bill reported with an amendment; read a Third time and passed. ADJOURNMENT Resolved, "That Parliament do now adjourn to a date to be fixed." - [Mr E.W. Barker]. Adjourned accordingly at Sixteen minutes past Five o'clock p.m. to a date to be fixed. statement - FINANCIAL STATEMENT FOR SEWERAGE PROGRAMME FY 70-FY 82 (Cols. 219 - 220)”
“Sir, I would just like to answer the two points raised by the hon. Member. First, the point relating to deposits. As the Bill is now drafted, it is not intended that the deposit be used to pay off subscribers in the event that the licensee's business is closed. But, as I mentioned earlier, licences will be issued with conditions. In the course of imposing these conditions or drafting these conditions, we will certainly take into account the interests of the subscribers, and I can well envisage a situation where a condition may be imposed requiring a further deposit or some other measure which can lend some protection of the kind that the hon. Member has in mind. But this is something that will have to be studied further. The second point relates to the time taken for censorship, I am glad to report that we have recruited additional staff and censorship is now done much more quickly. We will also be introducing administrative procedures whereby training films brought by reputable firms or other institutions may be exempted from censorship or some other procedure may be established which will enable them to take out their films without any delay. These measures will be taken to expedite the censoring of films. Question put, and agreed to. Bill accordingly read a Second time and committed to a Committee of the whole House. The House immediately resolved itself into a Committee on the Bill. - [Mr Dhanabalan]. Bill considered in Committee. [Mr Deputy Speaker in the Chair] Clauses 1 to 5 inclusive ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clause 6 -”
“The penalties for exhibition and distribution of pornographic tapes are higher, being a fine of not less than $1,000 per copy but not exceeding the aggregate of $40,000 or an imprisonment term not exceeding two years or both fine and imprisonment. The Bill also provides for the tapes and equipment involved in the commission of offences relating to uncensored or pornographic tapes to be confiscated and destroyed. This should prove to be an effective deterrent. To further tighten the control of the trade in video tapes, clause 14 provides that every tape in the possession of any person shall be submitted without any alteration or excision for censorship. This compulsory censorship, however, will not apply to any recordings of local television programmes that are not intended for distribution or public exhibition. It will also not apply to other recordings made by individuals which are not intended for distribution or public exhibition, but such recordings must not be of any feature, commercial, documentary or overseas television film. Under clause 35 (2) the Minister retains the power to exempt any person or film from any provision of this Bill, subject to such conditions as he thinks fit. The exemption can be withdrawn at any time if it is abused. Sir, I beg to move. Question proposed. 5.04 p.m.”
“To achieve this, we must weed out criminal and irresponsible elements from the trade. Thus the requirement for licensing. Anyone who carries on the business of importing, making, distributing or exhibiting video tapes without a licence or anyone who allows his place to be used by an unlicensed operator will be guilty of an offence and is liable on conviction to a fine not less than $5,000 but not exceeding $20,000 or to an imprisonment term not exceeding six months or to both fine and imprisonment. All applicants will be screened and conditions will, where necessary, be imposed on the licences issued, and the licensee will be required to furnish a deposit or bank guarantee. If he breaches any of the conditions, his deposit will be forfeited and his licence revoked. The person aggrieved by the forfeiture of his deposit can appeal to the Minister. The Bill also enhances the penalties for the exhibition, distribution and possession of uncensored and pornographic tapes. The penalties are on per copy basis. Under clause 21, the penalty for possession, exhibition and distribution of uncensored tapes is a fine of not less than $100 per copy but not exceeding the aggregate of $20,000. For exhibition and distribution, there is also provision for an additional penalty of an imprisonment term not exceeding six months. The penalties are heavier for the possession, exhibition and distribution of pornographic tapes. Under clause 29, the penalties for possession of pornographic tapes are a fine of not less than $500 per copy but not exceeding the aggregate of $20,000 or an imprisonment term not exceeding six months or both fine and imprisonment.”
“The Japanese are far more permissive in their standards than anything we would contemplate. But somehow there is not the same massive erosion of traditional sexual moralities and the family institution in Japan. What gives their society this strength merits more study by us, which we will do. Hence, I would not want to suggest that with the passage of this Bill we would have found a final solution to the problems of the deleterious and destructive values and life-styles that are prone to be purveyed through films and video tapes. The matter will continue to be studied and legal and administrative measures will have to be revised in the light of experience and technological developments. But we cannot wait until we have a more perfect system to deal with this problem. Something has to be done now, It is with this in mind that we have drafted the Films Bill. This Bill retains, in the main, the provisions of the existing Films Act. The main changes relate to licensing provisions and enhancement of penalties relating to uncensored or pornographic films, tapes and other records. As the provisions are outlined in the Explanatory Statement to the Bill, I shall therefore dwell only on those important provisions which introduce licensing control of the trade and the enhanced penalties. Clause 6 deals with the requirement for licensing. I have stated before in this House that the video tape distribution and lending business has attracted more than its fair share of crooks and charlatans. For successful supervision of this trade, the close cooperation of the trade is essential. We must evolve a system, over time, which combines Government administrative measures and a large measure of voluntary actions on the part of the trade.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time." The problems of censorship in Singapore today are more complex than a decade ago, Mass travel has made it very difficult for a society to filter foreign influences. Just as bad money drives out good money, debased values and bizarre life-styles spread from country to country, undermining and eroding established virtues and values. All these have changed the problems of censorship. Technological advances, for example, have brought about the invention of video tapes and video discs which make it possible for films hitherto viewed only in cinema halls to be available for private viewing. This has also introduced new censorship problems as obviously it is easier to monitor what is shown in cinemas than what is viewed at home. Video tapes are coming into Singapore in large numbers; some of them are objectionable because of violent or nude scenes while others are outright pornographic. Because of their very compactness, they are easily smuggled in, duplicated and distributed in large numbers. Video libraries have mushroomed, exhibiting and distributing tapes, many of which are either uncensored, objectionable or pornographic. We are a highly urbanized society and in a relatively short time few segments of our population will be left untouched by this media. The problem of monitoring and controlling what is communicated through video tapes is a world-wide one. We have no model to emulate in dealing with this problem. The Western countries gave up censorship even before the mass advent of video tapes. So they have not even tried to face up to this problem. In other countries like Japan, censorship is voluntary through the Video Tape Ethics Council.”
“Sir, the hon. Member probably means the prospect in the immediate future. I think this problem must be looked at in a time-frame. We have to be realistic. There will be no solution in the immediate future. But as we see it now, in a three to five-year time-frame - this may change if there are developments in other parts of the world - if pressure continues to be maintained on Vietnam and if Vietnam continues to be isolated and continues to pay the price, both political and economic, for the course of action it is pursuing, I think we will see a real movement towards a solution. At that point, Vietnam will realize that the solution as proposed at the International Conference offers the best way out for Vietnam from this conflict. So the short answer is that in the immediate future there will probably be no concrete movement towards a solution, but I am sticking my neck out that in the three to five-year time-frame there will be some real movement. CIRCULATION OF CHINESE DAILIES BEFORE PUBLICATION DATE 21. Mr Yeo Choo Kok asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Culture if he is aware that certain dailies, in the zeal of competition, have been bringing out their newspapers the evening before and whether such a practice (i) is in the interest of the reading public, and (ii) contravenes the permits issued under the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act.”
“ASEAN was able to arrive at a satisfactory compromise in the language of the Conference Declaration which preserved the important principles that ASEAN put forward. ASEAN would have preferred to see a categorical call for the disarming of all Kampuchean factions. But it agreed to the final formulation as the principle that elections should be held free of armed coercion was agreed by all parties at the Conference. How the principle can be assured will have to be settled when the solution is implemented. ASEAN considers disarming as an effective method which must be considered when the Kampuchean problem comes close to a resolution. I am confident that in the process of negotiations towards a final solution to the Kampuchean question, these elements can be resolved to the satisfaction of all parties by ensuring that the people of Kampuchea are not only accorded the right to freely elect their representatives but without duress or coercion from any quarter. The creation of an inter-sessional committee by the International Conference is also another positive development which we should all welcome. It provides a mechanism for on-going consultations among UN members on the resolution of this problem. It also provides the means to conduct direct or indirect contacts and negotiations with the various parties concerned. The International Conference was never intended to solve the Kampuchean problem in one meeting. Within the limited aims that ASEAN set for the Conference, the Conference was a success.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, on the whole, I am satisfied with the outcome of the recent International Conference on Kampuchea held in New York. First, despite Vietnamese and Soviet predictions of a boycott of the Conference, 93 member states of the UN attended and made clear their position on the Kampuchean question. It was evident that they felt strong enough about the ASEAN position on the Kampuchean question to attend the Conference, disregarding Vietnamese appeals and propaganda dissuading them from attending. Thirty-six of those who attended are members of the Non-Aligned Movement. The participating countries of the Conference were also well-balanced geographically. By attending, these countries identified themselves not only with the Kampuchean question, which has implications for all UN members, but also with the ASEAN view of finding a comprehensive political solution. Secondly, the Conference adopted a Declaration and Resolution which contain all the elements which ASEAN feels are essential parts of a solution to the problem, namely:- (1) An agreement on ceasefire and withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea under supervision of UN peace-keeping forces; (2) Appropriate arrangements to ensure that armed Kampuchean factions will not be able to prevent or disrupt the holding of free elections after Vietnamese withdrawal, or intimidate or coerce the population in the electoral process; (3) Appropriate measures for maintenance of law and order in Kampuchea and the holding of free elections; and (4) The holding of free elections under UN supervision. As with all international conferences, differences did arise between ASEAN and others on a few contentious paragraphs in our proposed draft declaration, but these were overcome in the process of discussions.”
“This requires not only more staff but also greater resources devoted to staff training and professional development. (b) Upgrading and sprucing up of the Museum premises and public galleries. (c) Improvement of the galleries facilities and upgrading of exhibit presentation. (d) Creation of new areas of activities and display. The Ministry plans to set up a History of Singapore Gallery in the Museum. The objective is to make a graphic presentation and explanation of the history of Singapore. The presentation must attract the interest of Singaporeans and inform them of their past. The Museum will need to recruit and appoint specialized personnel such as a qualified multi-media firm and consultant, a professional designer and a Curator of History. A history section within the Curatorial Unit will also have to be set up to direct such a programme and to service the new History of Singapore Gallery. The Museum Development Committee and the Ministry of Culture are at present finalizing this plan and will submit it shortly to the Ministry of Finance to seek funds to implement the projects. Work on sprucing up the Museum and upgrading public galleries has commenced and is expected to be completed in about five to six months' time. The construction of the History of Singapore Gallery and the audio-visual theatrette is expected to take two years from the date of approval of funds.”
“But we must accept the fact that it will not be possible to always match the terms offered by the private sector. Private firms, especially the small employers, can offer terms to a particular employee of SBC which SBC cannot match without upsetting relativities and staff morale. NATIONAL MUSEUM (Upgrading and development) 19. Mr Rohan bin Kamis asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Culture whether there are plans to upgrade the National Museum and to popularize the Museum with Singaporeans in particular, and tourists in general, and when these plans will be implemented. The Minister of State for Culture (Mr Fong Sip Chee) (for the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Culture): Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, a Museum Development Committee was formed in April last year with the following terms of reference to upgrade the National Museum: 1. To advise the Minister on the acquisition of historical, anthropological and an materials for display and for the reference collections. 2. To advise the Minister on the methods of presentation and display techniques, including the use of audio-visual aids in creating a more lively Museum presentation. 3. To advise the Minister on new activities to further the objectives of the Museum and improve the Museum's services to researchers, students of history and the public in general. The Museum Development Committee has met regularly over the past year to draw up a blueprint for the development of the Museum which will meet the artistic and cultural needs of the people. Hon. Members may wish to know that among the Museum's priorities are:- (a) Building up of a strong Curatorial Unit which is at the moment seriously understaffed.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, since 1st February 1980 to the end of July this year, 19 middle rank officers from the Programmes Division and 17 officers from the News and Current Affairs Division resigned. Most of them left for higher pay in the private sector. Some left to join the existing and proposed English language newspapers; others joined SBC for a few months and left, being unable to adapt to the irregular hours and pressures of broadcasting life; and a small number left for personal and domestic reasons. As the recent resignations represent only 2% of the total establishment. they have not adversely affected work efficiency. With the conversion of RTS into SBC, the organization has been strengthened. Prior to the formation of SBC, there were 1,335 members of staff. The present staff strength is 1,764. When SBC was established, priority was given to the creation of more and better promotional avenues for various categories of staff. Other improvements included the creation of new posts, regrading of existing ones, and revision and upgrading of salary structures of the creative staff. Promotional avenues have also been improved in 24 schemes of service and more frequent promotion exercises have been held. Since 1st February 1980, 36 promotion exercises have been held and 205 officers have been promoted. SBC will continue to improve its conditions of service and schemes of service. Officers will be given on-the-job training and overseas training and attachments where necessary. Existing procedures and practices will be periodically reviewed to enable staff to do their work better and get greater job satisfaction. SBC must continue to take every step to ensure that its staff find it attractive and satisfying to work in SBC.”
“When necessary, it will hear the views of people knowledgeable in areas relevant to the censorship question. The Committee expects to complete its work and present its report before the end of this year. NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE (Part-time undergraduate courses) 17. Mr Rohan bin Kamis asked the Minister for Trade and Industry what is the progress of the plan by the National University of Singapore to conduct part-time undergraduate courses.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, members were appointed to the Review Committee on Censorship on 16th March 1981. Members of the Committee are: Professor S. Jayakumar (Chairman) Dr Ang Kok Peng Madam Li Lien Fung Mr Goh Soo Tian Mr Zainul Abidin Rasheed Mrs Marie Bong The terms of reference of the Committee are as follows: (a) To consider the likely effects of advances in electronic communication and audio-visual technology, and mass travel on the sexual morality of Singaporeans. (b) To review the laws on censorship of publications and films, and to recommend changes, where necessary. (c) To review censorship policies on publications and films and to recommend changes that will minimize the adverse effects on traditional morality without holding up such policies to ridicule because they are out of touch with reality. (d) To review present administrative procedures and enforcement facilities in the Ministry of Culture and recommend improvements to carry out the policy effectively. The scope of the Committee's work, as can be seen from its terms of reference, is wide. The Committee has been making satisfactory progress. It has been meeting regularly at least once a week. The Committee does not have any preconception as to whether there should be more or less censorship. It decided that before considering what changes, if any, are to be made to the censorship policy, it must have a thorough understanding of existing censorship policy and implementation procedures. Consequently, the Committee's initial stage of work has involved meetings with officials concerned With censorship of films and publications. The Committee has also been viewing films, excerpts of films and publications, which illustrate application of the existing policy.”
“Bill considered in Committee, reported without amendment; read a Third time and passed. ADJOURNMENT”
“Organizations which have the necessary financial resources to invest in such newspaper companies may have to be allowed to hold more than 3% interest, at least in the initial stages. This amendment that we are proposing does not mean that organizations holding the surplus shares will be able to control the policy of the newspaper or act in a manner prejudicial to the interest of Singapore. The Minister's approval would still be required for the holding of management shares, each of which commands 200 votes in any resolution relating to the appointment or dismissal of directors or any member of the staff of a newspaper company. The approval to hold management shares can also be revoked at any time by the Minister. Thus the main safeguards contained in the present Act will not be diluted in any way by this amendment. This Bill seeks to amend the Act to empower the Minister to approve the holding of more than 3% ordinary shares in any newspaper company irrespective of its paid-up capital. Section 9B of the Act is repealed as there is no need to differentiate between newspaper companies with different paid-up capital. The new section 9A deals with all newspaper companies, as I have said, irrespective of their paid-up capital. No person shall hold directly or indirectly through his nominees more than 3% of the ordinary shares of the company except with the approval of the Minister. In approving the holding of surplus shares, the Minister may impose any conditions that he deems fit. He may also revoke the approval at any time without assigning any reason. Sir, I beg to move. Question put, and agreed to. Bill accordingly read a Second time and committed to a Committee of the whole House. The House immediately resolved itself into a Committee on the Bill. - [Mr S. Dhanabalan].”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time." Section 9A of the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act deals with newspaper companies with a paid-up capital exceeding $4 million, while section 9B deals with smaller newspaper companies with a paid-up capital not exceeding $4 million. Both sections stipulate that no person shall hold either directly or indirectly through his nominees more than 3% of the ordinary shares in a newspaper company. However, while section 9B contains a provision empowering the Minister to exempt the small newspaper company from the 3% restriction on the holding of ordinary shares, there is no similar provision for Ministerial exemption for the bigger newspaper companies under section 9A. The two sections enacted in 1977 did not anticipate the establishment of other major newspaper companies. They also do not provide for the increase of share capital by smaller newspaper companies originally registered with a capital of less than $4 million and exempted from the 3% restriction on ownership of ordinary shares. Situations can arise where it is desirable to waive the 3% restriction. This can happen in respect of both small and large newspaper companies. There may be specialized newspapers which require expertise from certain specific sources. The Minister may consider it desirable to allow the organizations that can provide such expertise to hold more than 3% of the ordinary shares. Then there may be new newspaper companies which, being newcomers, are unable to go public because there is no assurance of good dividends for some time from the new investment.”
“Sir, I thank the Member for the suggestion. In fact, while it is ideal to record on a project-by-project basis, even while we are working on one project, people who have memories of other aspects of Singapore's history may pass away. Therefore, I have asked the Oral History Department, apart from proceeding systematically on the two projects that are in hand, to also identify other people who are already quite old, whose recollection of experiences is waning, to get them to put down their experiences on tape. This is going on simultaneously with the two projects in hand. The problem in these cases, of course, is that we cannot just ask the person concerned to record without some specific guidance from the interviewer. This is where we have problems. But the Member's suggestion will certainly be further looked into.”
“Sir, I must apologize to the Member. Of course, these two aspects are also very closely looked into. Films which are likely to offend the religious sensitivity of Singaporeans or which are likely to promote political ideologies or views which will damage our society are also dealt with under our censorship criteria.”
“These video tapes will probably be confiscated. But all the same, the Board of Film Censors has sought and obtained funds to increase the number of censor posts and when new staff are recruited, we hope that this problem will be minimized and that tapes and films can be censored speedily. Of course, we have to set certain priorities. We give priority to educational and training films and tapes which, I think, will meet the approval of quite a few Members, although as I have mentioned in the past, there is probably an equally strong lobby here for entertainment as against education. Anyway, the present priority is on education but we will do our best to expedite the censoring of all tapes with the recruitment of additional staff and with additional equipment. That is all I have to say on this subject. Perhaps it would be better if Members comment on this point first before I ask the Senior Minister of State to answer the other points raised by the other Members.”
“So portrayals of outright gangsterism, unbridled racketeering, hooliganism or detailed instructions on how to commit certain crimes, which the Member for Radin Mas touched on, and other anti-social acts, acts of violence, are all deemed as undesirable and are usually cut. Of course, if the whole theme of a film is such that they cannot really censor it in the normal sense of cutting the offensive parts, then the whole film is banned. Glorification, exploitation or excessive portrayal of sex, especially some of the fads in the West these days relating to homosexuality, incest or free love, permissiveness and other demoralizing themes, are dealt with fairly strictly. 3.30 p.m. As I have said, these are the present criteria. They are so general that I do not see how we can deviate very much from them. But, of course, when censoring a film or video tape, detailed considerations come into play. We hope that after a review by this committee, we will have a more satisfactory approach to this problem. On censorship, the point was made that perhaps one of the reasons why so many video tape libraries have uncensored tapes is that it takes so long to censor the tapes. This is true to some extent although this does not excuse the distributors or the libraries from trying to pass off uncensored tapes. There is at present sufficient control on the import of films and tapes, but some of the unscrupulous operators smuggle in master tapes, pirate them in Singapore and then distribute or lend them through their libraries. In fact, Members must have read in the newspapers that last week a number of raids were conducted on video tape distributors as well as libraries and thousands of video tapes which were uncensored or which were obscene were seized.”
“The Ministry has just appointed a small committee to help the Ministry to review the present censorship criteria in the light of new technological advances, such as video, and in the light of the present tastes of the population and, hopefully, in the light of the fact that the population is now more discriminating. We hope that in the course of this year we will be able to review the present censorship criteria, but before I raise the hopes of too many here I must say that we will continue to follow a fairly conservative policy. I think that a very conservative policy in this respect, while it may deprive some of the fun, will probably cause less damage to our society than if we over-liberalize and, if at all we err, we ought to err on the side of conservatism. The general guidelines which the Member for Kaki Bukit wanted on the present criteria used for censorship are fairly simple. The guidelines relate mostly to the checking of violence and obscenities in tapes and films and these criteria take into account the fact that whether it is a tape or film that is passed for exhibition it is accessible to all - adults, teenagers and children alike. Children are, of course, not as sophisticated as adults. They are very impressionable and are easily influenced and, therefore, we tend to adopt the lowest standard of sophistication as an important criterion. It is not the sole criterion but an important one. Excessive violence is bound to have an undesirable influence on cinema-goers, in particular, the younger ones.”
“Under the new laws to be passed we hope that after some time we will be able to evolve a system where we need not use the same procedures for all in the trade, i.e. we can be more selective and those who, over a period of time have established their trustworthiness, and deserve the confidence of the Board of Film Censors will be treated slightly differently. But, of course, with sufficient deposits and guarantees so that if they do breach any of the rules there will be adequate penalties. I am not sure whether we can legislate to prohibit the collection of entrance fees by libraries, but these are all matters which can be considered once the amendment Bill is passed. I think the Member for Alexandra also touched on film censorship. So did the Member for Kaki Bukit. I would just like to deal with this point before I ask the Senior Minister of State to answer the other points. The criteria and type of censorship vary not only from time to time and from country to country but also the standards vary from person to person. I think the Member for Alexandra expressed some fear that imposing very high moral standards in our censorship would take the fun out of some of his present viewing pleasure. Perhaps everything that the Member likes is either illegal, immoral or fattening, but this is not an easy subject. We have had certain criteria which we have followed for quite some time now. Over the last 21 years we have had some relaxation of what we think is permissible and what is not permissible.”
“The Ministry is quite aware that there are quite a few libraries now in Singapore charging various exorbitant sums from people who want to join these libraries. While legislation and regulation can protect the public to some extent, ultimately in these cases the public must protect itself, I would like to advise video enthusiasts that the best protection that they can get is to be careful themselves. They should not pay large sums of money as non-refundable deposits on the strength of mere promises. The public should be aware that there are only too many video tape operators who are ready to relieve the gullible of their money. Unfortunately, the video tape distribution and lending trade has more than its fair share of crooks and charlatans and quite a few of the operators have criminal records. It is not all surprising that they use the video tape distribution and lending trade as a cover for other operations. We will also be drafting rules to control the sale and distribution of video tapes. Penalty for breach of rules will be adequately raised to deter unscrupulous operators from flouting the law. All those who try to make money by exploiting human weaknesses will be severely dealt with. The present system of censoring video tapes is to censor all copies and not just the first copy and this, of course, imposes quite a load on the Board of Film Censors. All duplicates have to be censored but this procedure is being reviewed. To have a system where only the master tapes will be censored or only certain distributors and libraries will be subject to close censorship would require a period of experience between the trade and the Board of Film Censors during which some mutual trust and confidence can be built up.”
“Sir, quite a few points have been raised under this Subhead. I propose just to,, comment on or answer a couple of the points raised, after which the Senior Minister of State for Culture will tackle the other points that were raised by Members. First of all, on the question of video tapes. A number of Members have expressed their views on the subject. Some fear that action will be taken which will further restrict the free availability of video tapes, while others think that what is already available has probably gone too far. I share the concern of Members that this has grown to 4e a big problem over a very short period of time, something that the Ministry of Culture did not quite anticipate. The distribution and sale of video tapes have really proliferated and existing legislation is not able to deal with this new trade. I fully endorse the view that stricter control should be imposed to regulate the activities of video tape libraries and distributors. I did mention sometime ago in this House that legislation was being drafted to amend the Cinematograph Films Act to empower the Minister to make rules for the control of possession, renting and exhibition of video tapes. Operators of video tape libraries will be licensed and conditions will be imposed on the issue of the licence under the proposed amendment Bill. One of the provisions of the Bill will be to stipulate that a fairly large sum of guarantee deposit will be required from libraries and these deposits may be forfeited if there is any breach of the rules under which the licence is granted. The rules will also regulate the collection of monies from the public by video tape library operators.”
“My Ministry is studying this matter and we are aware that this is an advantage we have given to the missions but which we should not continue to give. I am sure that some of the foreign missions who believe very strongly in public ownership of property and whose strong sense of moral principles on this issue must be very violated by being forced to own properties in Singapore, will be most happy and welcome any move on the part of Singapore to put things right.”
“I will come to that in a moment. In Tokyo and Wellington, we own the chanceries as well as all staff accommodation. In Jakarta, Manila and Kuala Lumpur we own the chanceries and most of the staff accommodation. In other cities we own either the residence or the chancery, or both. In early FY 81, my Ministry will complete the purchase of staff accommodation in London. This purchase is expected to cost about $2.8 million. 7.15 p.m. Construction of the new chancery in each of the diplomatic enclaves in Canberra, Jakarta and New Delhi will begin in the new financial year. Progress payment for these buildings is estimated to total $4 million. The remaining amount of $6 million out of the $10 million that the Member mentioned is earmarked for purchase of additional properties in Washington and Bangkok. The sum of $10 million is expected to be adequate for the commitments that will have to be paid for in fiscal year 1981. Of course, some of the payments will be carried over to subsequent fiscal years. The second point that the Member made was the question of reciprocity between countries in which we have missions and countries which have missions here. In the purchase of properties for our diplomatic missions, we were guided in the past by land ownership laws existing in each host country where we establish the mission. In most countries we have been allowed to purchase properties for use as a chancery or as residential accommodation. However, in some countries, in particular communist countries, we cannot purchase or own properties. On the other hand, we have not up till now restricted such missions from purchasing properties in Singapore. We have allowed foreign missions to purchase properties in Singapore without insisting on reciprocity.”
“Sir, I could not agree more with the Member that it is cheaper in the long run for Singapore to purchase properties abroad to house our missions. I am told that in the early history of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, we had very great difficulty in convincing the Ministry of Finance that we ought to purchase properties overseas. But since then they have all become more enlightened and we have been given funds from year to year to purchase properties abroad. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs now owns overseas properties amounting to $73.2 million at original prices. Of course, at current prices these properties have a considerably higher value. These properties constitute chanceries, ambassadors' residence and staff accommodation. They are located, for the information of the House, in Bangkok, Bonn, Brussels, Cairo, Medan, Canberra, Jakarta, Hong Kong, Kuala Lumpur, London, Manila, Tokyo, Paris, Washington and Wellington. An hon. Member: What about Moscow?”
“But formal diplomatic ties will have to wait until all the other ASEAN countries have established ties with China.”
“Sir, regarding the question of Singapore recognizing the People's Republic of China, there are good reasons why we have taken the decision that we will not establish - I think the term to be used is not so much "recognize" but establishment of formal diplomatic ties - that we will not establish formal diplomatic ties until all the other ASEAN countries have established ties with China. Members must be aware that the diplomatic relations between Indonesia and the People's Republic of China were suspended after the abortive 1965 coup. Up till today, diplomatic relations between Indonesia and the People's Republic of China have not been re-established. We have taken the stand that we will be the last among the ASEAN countries to establish formal diplomatic ties with China because of our position in this part of the world, because of some traditional attitudes of our neighbours, and because of some lingering suspicion that still remains in some minds as to whether Singapore is truly an independent country pursuing an independent policy, looking after its own interests, or whether it is a Third China, because 75% of our population are Chinese. To make the point quite clear and to establish this fact beyond doubt, we have openly stated that we will wait for every other country in ASEAN to establish diplomatic relations with the People's. Republic of China. This does not, of course, mean that we do not have cultural and trade relations with China. Earlier, the House was informed by my colleague, the Minister for Trade and Industry, that a Trade Office will be established in the People's Republic of China in the course of this year. This will further promote the trade ties that we have with the People's Republic of China.”
“The Moscow group does not wish to see the governments in this region functioning smoothly. This is my own opinion. However, in the Vietnamese region there is a lot of trouble. It should not be allowed to spread to other parts of Asia. The economic, political and social development should not only take place in the South-east Asian nations. Singapore has not recognized a very big nation which is near to us. That is the People's Republic of China. Singapore should recognize it as soon as possible. In the Asian region, China is a big power. She is a stabilising nation. Only China can teach Vietnam not to invade other countries. We also know how the Vietnamese have been acting. Therefore, we should as far as possible have contacts and establish diplomatic relations with China. We are friendly with the majority of the nations in the world. So why have we not established diplomatic relations with China? I suggest that the Minister should try and establish diplomatic relations with China. Could the Minister give some clarification on this matter?”
“I am glad to inform the Member, and I am sure that the Member is also aware, that whilst the Movement really showed a serious danger of drifting well away from its original aims instead of being non-aligned (there was the threat of the Movement being hijacked by the friends and sympathizers of the Communist countries) we were able, in the last meeting in New Delhi, to take some corrective action. I am personally heartened by the fact that the majority of the members of the Movement who truly subscribe to the principles of non-alignment were prepared to take a firm stand and to speak out against the very militant and vociferous group of so-called progressive countries who are members of the non-aligned Movement. I think that it will neither serve Singapore's interest nor will it serve the principles of non-alignment, nor will it serve the interest of friends who think like us and who share our values, our beliefs and our philosophies, for us to leave the Movement. Rather, we should stay in the Movement, mobilize support and ensure that the Movement stays on the right track and that the small number of radicals and so-called progressives do not capture the Movement and use it for their own ends. In short, I am glad to report that the Movement has veered away from becoming aligned and we have to remain in the Movement and continue to work with our friends. Mr M.K.A. Jabbar (Radin Mas)( In Tamil): Sir, the Minister for Foreign Affairs has given some explanations to Members. However, I have not understood some of the explanations because with the present state of affairs the Singapore Government has not followed the principles of ASEAN. Around us there is a tiger, which is under the Moscow Government.”
“I would say these are the two broad areas where ASEAN has been most successful in economic terms. Despite the progress made, I agree with the Member that there is still much more room for progress. But we are only able to progress at the rate at which the member who wants the slowest progress wants progress. In other words, we have got to keep pace with the slowest member. I would like to point out that, by saying that, I do not mean that the other four are always the slowest. Sometimes it is also in Singapore's interest not tO 90 at the pace demanded by others. So there is an understanding not to force the pace, lest any one member feels that its own economic interest will be jeopardized. so within these limitations of trying to evolve a consensus approach to economic development, I think we have made satisfactory progress. Of course, if we compare ourselves with the progress made by the European Community, we are still very far behind. i always tell those with whom I discuss ASEAN economic progress that perhaps we should not look at the European Community as an example because it is the only example of its kind and I doubt it is an example that can serve as a guide and as a practical aim for most other economic cooperation groups. 7.00 p.m. Lastly, the Member asked for my comments on the non-aligned Movement and he asked the question whether it is worthwhile for Singapore to continue to be a member of this Movement when the Movement as a whole seems to be drifting away from the principles on which it was founded.”
“ASEAN Economic Ministers and officials have since met periodically and implemented a number of mutually beneficial regional economic projects in trade, finance, agriculture and other areas. The more significant arrangements, to name some, are the Preferential Trade Arrangements and the ASEAN Industrial Complementation scheme. Private sector cooperation in ASEAN is also developing at a healthy pace. In fact, this has taken place somewhat spontaneously without any government initiative or direction. But I would think the main contribution of ASEAN in economic matters is in two areas. One, it has brought together five countries and created a climate of understanding, cooperation, peace and stability. And this climate has been very conducive for each ASEAN country to promote foreign investment in the country. Foreign investors, whether they are in Europe, the USA or Japan, when they look at this area, they do not see this area as an area of conflict. At least the five ASEAN countries stand in stark contrast with Indochina or other parts of the world. And the fact that the five ASEAN countries have been able to create this umbrella, as it were, of cooperation and peace has been largely instrumental in each of the countries being able to attract foreign investment and help them in their own economic development. Secondly, the five have been far more effective in their relations with other countries, with developed countries and international organizations when they have acted together collectively. And this has enhanced the negotiating strength and has served to protect and promote economic interests of member states. For example, ASEAN has been successful in requesting the European Community to extend the GSP Scheme for ASEAN to the year 1990.”
“The fact that we were able, in the last non-aligned Ministers' meeting in New Delhi, to have a clear resolution calling for the withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampuchea, is a clear indication that we have been able not only to maintain the support that we have had so far but even to increase the support, in the sense that many of our friends are prepared to speak out and take a stand. We are confident that in the coming UN General Assembly meeting in September, we will continue to get support for the ASEAN position. We are quite well aware that it is necessary to keep the issue in the forefront because with the emergence of new international issues, it is quite easy for old issues to be forgotten and for certain situations to become accepted. Therefore, ASEAN will continue to make every effort to keep the attention focussed on the Kampuchean issue. The next point the Member raised was on ASEAN. He pointed out that it is sometimes forgotten that the original reason for the formation of ASEAN was economic and that we have been so active in political matters that sometimes we lose sight of the original intentions. And he wants to know the state of economic cooperation in ASEAN at the present moment and what are the prospects for intensifying such cooperation. While economic cooperation within ASEAN may not appear to have been spectacular, I want to assure the Member that it still remains one of ASEAN's main objectives. ASEAN has made some progress in economic matters since it was established in August 1967. The Bali and Kuala Lumpur Summit Meetings in February 1976 and August 1977 established the machinery and set some directions for ASEAN economic cooperation.”
“Sir, since the passing of the UN Resolution late last year on the Kampuchean problem, the ASEAN countries have been pressing the Secretary-General to take action to implement the Resolution, specifically that part of the Resolution calling for an international conference of all interested parties to seek a political solution to this problem. I am personally not very happy with the enthusiasm and the speed with which the Secretary-General has tried to implement the Resolution of the General Assembly. As a servant of the UN, it is his duty to do his best to carry out the instructions of the General Assembly. Anyway, I am glad to inform the Member that when I was in New Delhi a month ago, I took the opportunity to meet the Secretary-General together with the Foreign Ministers of Malaysia and Indonesia and we impressed upon him the need to take some action. The Member may have read that the Secretary-General has, in fact, appointed a representative, Mr Mohammad Essaafi, who, in fact, has already started his visit and he will be coming to Singapore next week and he will be visiting all the ASEAN countries as well as Vietnam and Laos and, we hope, other countries. I am looking forward to a discussion with him to find out how he intends to progress further on the implementation of this Resolution and I will also be very keen to learn from him the outcome of his discussions in the other capitals. As to the prospects of a continued support for the ASEAN position, I am glad to inform the Member and the House that our consultations and discussions with our friends not only in this part of the world but also in Europe and elsewhere have given us confidence that we will be able to continue to maintain the diplomatic and political pressures on Vietnam.”
“Sir, the Member for Serangoon Gardens has raised a number of points which I will try to comment on or answer, as the case may be, in the order in which he raised them. First of all, on the question of peace and tability in South-east Asia, in particular the problem of Kampuchea or, to be more precise, the Vietnamese occupation of Kampuchea, he asked whether I am satisfied with the pace of progress of the implementation of the UN Resolution on the Kampuchean problem. And he wants to know what are the prospects for the continued support of the ASEAN position. Sir, he quite rightly made the point that, as time goes on, the international community may lose interest in the issue and may not feel exercised enough to keep the issue in the forefront and may not feel compelled to take a principled stand on the issue. It is true that more than two years have passed since Vietnam occupied Kampuchea. But one of the dangers in seeking a solution to the Kampuchean problem is to try and seek a quick solution. We must have the patience and the tenacity to wait out the communists who have long-staying power. And one of the problems has been that some of our friends want a quick solution, and therefore are prepared to compromise on this problem. ASEAN has counselled patience. We have said that it is necessary to wait for the right time. It is necessary to wait to allow the pressures to build up against Vietnam so that the price that they are paying for the violation of accepted international principles will become so heavy that they will begin to think of solutions other than a military solution to the Kampuchean problem.”
“Sir, I do not know this programme but I have taken note and I will look into it. 4.45 p.m.”
“We try to schedule what we think should be normal hours of watching for children and normal hours of watching for adults, and if parents exercise control I think they will find that their children will not be watching what they should not be watching. One feature that the TV can have is a key which will enable the parents to lock up the TV and perhaps the Consumers' Association of Singapore can take this up. I am quite serious. If every TV has got a device to lock it up, parents will be able to exercise more control of what their children watch. 4.43 p.m.”
“We cannot please everybody all the time. We cannot even please some of the people all the time. But if we can please most of the people some of the time, we are quite happy. SBC does try to strike a balance between entertainment and educational programmes. In fact, about 22% of the programmes broadcast in terms of hours are educational and informational programmes. This is as a total, and if you take the local programmes, more than 50% of the programmes produced locally are educational or informational and steps will be taken to increase this content. I am sure that when these steps are taken there will be equally loud howls of protest from other Members of the House because there is not sufficient entertainment on TV. As I said, we cannot please everybody. As far as scheduling is concerned, the Member pointed to the importance of careful scheduling so that films or programmes with adult themes will be shown in the later part of the evening and those for children will be shown in the earlier part of the evening. This is done at the present moment and if children stay up late, of course, we cannot help it. It is the parents' fault. But we do make it a point that themes which are for adult viewers are shown in the later part of the evening. In fact, even the advertisements are scheduled in such a way that liquor advertisements, for example, are shown only after 10 p.m. and, much to my surprise, I was told that advertisements of underwear are only shown after 10 p.m. which, I think, puts our approach sometimes on par with the Victorian view that all legs should be covered, not only human legs but also the legs of pianos, lest chaste eyes be offended, But I think the answer is parental control of what the children watch. We try to cater to the population as a whole.”
“I am afraid the Member's enthusiasm to find a statement that will attract attention has caused him to stray somewhat from the truth because SBC is very aware that its programmes must reflect general Government policy. Members will be aware that every time there is a Government programme or campaign there are programmes on TV as well as Radio which promote these campaigns. And all programmes on TV are very strictly censored and scrutinised to ensure that the values and the ideas that they transmit and purvey are in accordance with what we really want to promote in Singapore and what we want to instil into our citizens. If there are specific examples of programmes or themes that Members feel run counter to what we want to promote in Singapore, I will be more than happy to listen to such specific criticisms. If the Member's ideas differ from mine I will explain, but if he has got validity, certainly we will take some action. The trouble with TV, Mr Speaker, is that it is a very popular medium. Everybody knows how to switch on a TV. Everybody knows how to watch. Everybody knows what he likes and everybody knows what he dislikes. And therefore everybody thinks he knows how to run a TV station. And there are as many views about how a station should be run as there are viewers and it is really not possible to please everybody. An hon. Member: If you cannot, then please some.”
“The Ministry is studying the matter and we hope very soon to take the necessary administrative, if not legislative, measures to have some measure of control over the sale and lending of video-tapes. I think it is still too early for me to give further details on this matter. I want to assure Members who are concerned about this that it has not escaped the attention of the Ministry. The Member for Telok Blangah raised the point about dialect programmes, that is, the older citizens who can only speak and understand dialects will miss one important source of entertainment if dialect programmes are discontinued. At present, SBC screens one very popular dialect programme a week and although the broadcast of Chinese programmes as a whole is constantly under review, especially in the light of the need to promote Mandarin, there are no immediate plans to discontinue this once-a-week dialect programme. The Member for Radin Mas mentioned the bewilderment of seeing a TV programme where what he saw on the screen did not synchronise with what he heard coming out from the speaker. I can assure him that while he may be bewildered, the staff at SBC are much embarrassed by such lapses. Programmes are constantly reviewed for technical lapses and every attempt is made to avoid such lapses. The Member for Mountbatten raised two points. One was his point that SBC programmes run counter to Government policy and that TV being a silent destroyer of values such an approach by SBC completely nullifies Government's attempts and actions in other areas. Secondly, he emphasized the need to schedule programmes properly. On the first point.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, may I first deal with the points raised on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and then go on to the points raised on the Ministry of Culture. The Member for Chong Boon lamented the fact that the Addendum on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not cover the importance of West Asia and the need to cultivate that part of the world and the need to have a presence there. I would like to say that the Addendum just sketches the broad principles that will guide the policy and work of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the next few years. The Addendum did not go into the details of particular geographical areas that require attention. We are quite well aware that not only West Asia but other areas require consideration, and I think the Member would be pleased to learn that we are just now having a team in Jeddah going into the details of establishing a mission there. There are other areas of the world which require further attention, and our missions have to be strengthened. These too will get the proper attention and apart from establishing missions we will also be sending teams, visits by political leaders and others, perhaps Members of this House, to cultivate and establish ties so that these ties will be useful for us as we seek to establish economic and trade relations with these areas. Now coming to the matters raised on the Ministry of Culture, I think the Member for Kaki Bukit raised the question of video-tapes and the dangers that these pose, especially now that they are so freely available and now that video-tape recorders are becoming so popular. I do grant that there is a proliferation of outlets selling video-tapes as well as lending facilities handling video-tapes.”
“No single big power will then be in a position to dominate the region. Singapore has publicly enunciated this and has called on friendly powers to play a role in the region. As the hon. Member knows, we have repeatedly urged the US and the West to play a part in this region as it is so much in their interest as well as ours for them to continue maintaining an active interest and presence in the region. The hon. Member is aware that ASEAN is primarily a socio-economic organization. This is prescribed in the Bangkok Declaration of 1967. However, in the recent past ASEAN has increasingly played a political role, as evidenced by its action to mobilize world support to deny legitimacy to the Vietnamese occupation of Kampuchea. ASEAN has no intention of pursuing a military role unless this is forced upon ASEAN by others. Although ASEAN does not have a military dimension, this has not precluded individual ASEAN countries from instituting bilateral defence cooperation among themselves to enable them to better withstand external threats to their security. REPAIRS TO SCHOOL FIELDS (Delay) 20. Encik Mansor Haji Sukaimi asked the Minister of Education how many school fields were repaired during the last two financial years; and how many of them were completed and commissioned for re-use within eight months after repair work began.”