YouSaid · the spoken record

GROMYKO

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1957-09-24
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1984-09-24
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22
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un-general-debate

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  1. The farce of elections that is enacted at the bidding of United States generals and envoys in South Viet-Nam merely make still plainer the criminal designs of those who unleashed the Viet-Namese war. All this must be condemned, and condemned decisively. 102. The Soviet Union, together with other socialist countries, renders and will go on rendering the fraternal people of Viet-Nam the increasing support and diverse assistance necessary to repel the aggression. The Soviet Union fully supports the position of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the Programme of the National Liberation Front of South Viet-Nam (the only genuine representative of the South Viet-Namese people) which are in conformity with the Geneva Agreements and constitute a just basis for the settlement of the Viet-Namese question.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  2. 100. That is why it is so important that everywhere in the world, including the rostrum of the General Assembly at its twenty-second session, condemnation of the United States aggression in Viet-Nam should ring out loudly and that the peoples, including the people of the United States, should see that a wall of moral and political isolation is rising around the aggressor. 101. Every decent man in the world and, first and foremost, every man in public life, must, if he is honest with himself, admit that the Americans have come with weapons in hand to a distant foreign land and are attempting, by force of arms, to impose an order that suits certain quarters in the United States; that they are trying to drown in blood the unquenchable desire of the Viet-Namese people to be independent and free.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  3. Yesterday the General Assembly once again heard an exposition of the United States position on the Viet-Nam question [1562nd meeting], and once again it became obvious that it contained nothing new: those whose armed forces have invaded Viet-Nam have no intention of leaving, and even an end to the bombing of the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam is, as hitherto, made contingent upon demands which are virtually ultimatums. 99. Every State which really seeks to bring about an end to the war against the Viet-Namese people should be clearly aware of the fact that peace can be brought about in Viet-Nam only if the aggressors withdraw. Attempts to excuse the aggressor, halfhearted censures and whispered exhortations merely increase the temptation to seek a way out of the predicament in ever more reckless and dangerous escapades.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  4. What was the reply of the United States Government to the statement made on 28 January 1967 by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet- Nam that it was ready to begin negotiations on a settlement of the Viet-Namese problem once the United States stopped the bombings of the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and other aggressive acts? The reply was barbarous bombings of residential areas in Viet-Namese cities, the destruction of dams and irrigation systems and air raids on hospitals in the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam, and the build-up of United States forces in South Viet-Nam. 98.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  5. To do so means to tell a falsehood and to close one's eyes to the real danger to which the war in Viet-Nam exposes the entire world. 96. Attempts are made from time to time on the United States side to imply that the United States was not averse from making a "peace initiative" in Viet- Nam. In such cases the press is appropriately tuned up and Washington's emissaries begin touring certain capitals, while backstage meetings and talks are held in the United Nations, although the latter has nothing to do with the solution of the Viet-Nam problem. But each time such an "initiative" turns out to be a soap bubble intended now for domestic, now for foreign consumption. 97.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  6. The half-million strong army of the occupationists is trampling over the soil of South Viet-Nam and hundreds of United States bombers make regular raids on the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam. Taking part in the intervention against the Viet-Namese people are such allies of the United States as Australia, New Zealand, Thailand, South Korea and the Philippines. The aggressors are extending hostilities to Laos and carrying out provocations against Cambodia. 95. The war in Viet-Nam is being fought on the largest scale of any war since 1945. Its danger lies not only in the scope and intensity of hostilities but also in that the fighting can at any moment spread to other areas and draw other States into its orbit, In vain does Washington attempt to delude the public by making soothing statements.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  7. Unless an end is put to acts of aggression, unless each nation is given freedom in the choice of a social system and a form of government, unless there is genuine recognition of the equality of all States and strict observance of international legality, there is and there can be no enduring peace or security for the peoples. 92. The most serious threat to peace today is the United States aggression in Viet-Nam, which has sharply aggravated the entire international situation and is impeding a solution of paramount international problems. 93. Gross violations of international agreements, the flouting of elementary rules of international law, disregard for world public opinion — all these manifestations of the policy of international brigandage are to be found in concentrated form in the actions of the United States in Viet-Nam. 94.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  8. The United Nations, which was established on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems and which reaffirmed those principles in a number of resolutions, must say firmly to all those who have placed their signature under its Charter; You reserve the right to settle independently all the problems of your own country — therefore be good enough to recognize that right for others, too; you are counting on respect for your sovereignty and territorial integrity — therefore respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all other countries and peoples.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  9. Does not experience show that it is possible to improve relations between States with differing social systems if those States are really concerned with removing all obstacles to the improvement of relations and if they seek ways of bringing this about? 90. There is, however, one essential condition without which peaceful coexistence would become a farce, and this is that the principles of peaceful coexistence must be applied in equal measure to all States, large and small, in all regions of the world. Attempts to make arbitrary use of these principles and to restrict their application to the chosen few will go on meeting determined and vigorous opposition on the part of the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries. 91.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  10. Lenin and by our Communist Party — a reply whose perspicacity has been corroborated by the experience of half a century. It was: on the basis of peaceful coexistence. 88. In the face of attempts to misrepresent the premises of communist philosophy we repeat what we have said before: that the more progressive social system asserts its superiority over the system that is on its way out by revealing the opportunities vested in its economic system, by an increasingly full satisfaction of man's material and spiritual needs, by the genuine implementation of human rights and by the nobility and fairness of its ideals. To accomplish this, it needs not wars but the requisite conditions for the peaceful construction of socialism and communism. 89.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  11. But today's absence of secrecy in diplomatic actions and the ever-broadening participation of the masses in the solution of problems of war and peace also have their origins in the October Revolution. The very first foreign policy acts of the Soviet regime contained a new form of address; they were addressed not only to Governments, but also to the peoples. And it is from that time onward that the voice of the peoples has been heard with increasing clarity and has spoken with increasing firmness at the international conference tables. 87. The crucial foreign policy issue that confronted our country immediately after the victory of the Socialist Revolution was how it could and should establish relations with all the other States of the world which had an opposing social and economic system. The reply to this question was provided by V. I.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  12. We read those words from the Decree on Peace today and we feel the breath of an entire era, brimming with profound transformations and bitter clashes with foreign enslavers, from the Nazi aggressors to the present-day colonialists, and we are brought face to face with the ideological origins of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 85. We accept as something that goes without saying that verbatim records are published of the meetings of the General Assembly and that radio and television broadcasts emanate directly from this hall. The same questions that appear on the agenda of the United Nations are debated in parliaments and are discussed at conferences and meetings of political parties, trade unions and public organizations and in the press. 86.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  13. That historic document defined as annexation or seizure of foreign lands "the incorporation into a large and powerful State of a small or feeble nation without the definitely, clearly and voluntarily expressed consent and wish of that nation, irrespective of the time such forcible incorporation took place, irrespective of the degree of development or backwardness of the nation forcibly annexed to, or forcibly retained within the frontiers of the given State and, finally, irrespective of whether the nation inhabits Europe or distant, overseas countries". 84.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  14. If the United Nations Charter speaks of the determination of the peoples of the United Nations to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, if the idea that another world war can be prevented is penetrating the minds of millions of people and prompting them towards action, and if the principles of the equality of all States and of non-interference in their internal affairs are today recognized as rules of international intercourse, the starting-point for these historic gains of the peoples was provided back when, a few hours after the October Revolution, the second All-Russian Congress of Soviets voted in Lenin's Decree on Peace. 83.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  15. For the peoples of the Soviet Union, and for all those who feel sympathy or friendship for our country and who correctly assess its role in the international arena, this session is of special significance in that the fiftieth anniversary of the Soviet State is to be celebrated on 7 November of this year. I mention this here not only because we have a great celebration, but because the event that took place in our country fifty years ago has been exercising a tremendous influence on the entire course of world affairs. 82.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  16. However, they are not of equal importance in the implementation of the purposes and principles of the United Nations. Some have been marked by the adoption of weighty resolutions strengthening international security and protecting the rights of peoples. Others have left no discernible trace. Acts of aggression and of interference in the domestic affairs of States, which have lately become more frequent, and for several outstanding international issues which still await solution, confront the twenty-second session of the General Assembly with tasks that are both formidable and responsible. 81.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  17. 79. First of all, Comrade President, 1 should like to take this opportunity to congratulate you most warmly as the first representative of a socialist country to be elected to the high post of President of the United Nations General Assembly. I should like to express my conviction that your experience and tact, which are valuable assets to any politician, will have a beneficial effect on the work of the twenty-second session of the General Assembly. I should also like to pay a. tribute to the endeavours and skill of the President of the preceding three sessions of the General Assembly, Mr. Pazhwak, the representative of Afghanistan. 80. Sessions of the United Nations General Assembly are always an event in international affairs.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  18. The diversity of international developments brings many different questions before each session of the General Assembly. We must concentrate on those problems which can be solved and the solution of which will truly contribute to the relaxation of tension. 197. We are inspired by the knowledge that the majority of Governments represented here are striving towards this same goal, and it is therefore with considerable confidence In the future that we approach the work before us.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  19. Not only do we proclaim the principles of peaceful and equitable relations among States, but we use all our international authority to defend just causes, and to secure the affirmation of these principles in everyday international relations. In this, too, the nature of our socialist system and the profound humanism of its ideals are apparent. 195. The Soviet Union opposes any situation in which a small country, simply because it is small, is placed in an inequitable position, in a position of subjection and dependence, and in which the principle of peaceful coexistence is taken into account only in relations between certain States, generally large States, and is ignored where relations between a great Power and small countries are concerned. 196.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  20. In the United Nations and in international affairs as a whole, the Soviet Union, like other socialist States, bases its position on peace among nations, respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all States, and support for peoples fighting for their national liberation. These basic principles of our foreign policy are inseparably linked to the socialist social system of our country, in which there is no place for the exploitation of human beings and in which no one has or can have a material interest in maintaining international tension or in a war, but in which there is a natural need for a lasting peace, since the far-reaching plans for the building of communism require peaceful conditions for their execution. 194.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  21. But let no one count on being able to interfere in our affairs or in the affairs of our friends and allies. If all States adopt this position of principle, peace in the world will be truly secured. 192. The Soviet Union's policy of maintaining international peace was made manifest at the time of the well-known Tashkent meeting, which led to the cessation of a dangerous military conflict between two great Asian States, India and Pakistan. The Soviet Union sought nothing for itself at the Tashkent meeting. Neither do we seek any unilateral gains for ourselves when we bring forward a number of pressing problems during this session of the General Assembly in the interests of averting acts of aggression and combating aggressive policies. 193.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  22. States with different social systems are represented in the United Nations. They have different views on the future course of history and on ways of solving the domestic problems of States. We Soviet people have our own convictions and we are sure that they are right. They find their expression in the practical building of communism, in the decisions of the XXIII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union which also defined the aims of our country's foreign policy, and in those great social and economic achievements which are the lifeblood of Soviet society. We do not seek to impose our convictions or our methods on anyone. Not a single Soviet missile, not a single Soviet gun is aimed against the social systems of other countries and peoples. Their domestic affairs are their own concern.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  23. The Soviet Union is also in favour of putting an end at last to the unnatural situation in which the People's Republic of China is deprived of its lawful rights in the United Nations while its place is occupied by the representatives of the Chiang Kai-shek clique, which has been repudiated by the Chinese people and is being kept by a foreign Power. The lawful rights of the People's Republic of China must be restored and the representatives of the Chiang Kai-shek regime must be expelled from all United Nations organs. 190. We would like to take this opportunity to mention the great and constructive role played by Secretary-General U Thant in the activities of the United Nations. If he should express readiness to continue his work as Secretary-General, the USSR Government would be only too pleased. 191.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  24. Any political discrimination against States which declare their readiness to assume the obligations set out in the Charter of the United Nations strikes a blow, in the first instance, at the United Nations itself. 188. An application by the German Democratic Republic for membership in the United Nations [A/6283 and A/6443] has now been submitted for consideration. There is no doubt that the participation in the work of the United Nations of that peace-loving German State, the German Democratic Republic, which is making such a significant contribution to the maintenance of European security, would give our Organization greater scope and effectiveness. It would also be proper to admit simultaneously to membership in the United Nations the other German State — the Federal Republic of Germany. 189.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  25. The delegations of the socialist countries, on the instructions of their Governments, have submitted for consideration by the General Assembly at its twenty-first session an item entitled "Withdrawal of all United States and other foreign forces occupying South Korea under the flag of the United Nations and the dissolution of the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea" [A/6394], We hope that the General Assembly will take a decision on this question that will be in the interests of respect for the rights of the Korean people and of peace in the Far East. 187. Enhancing the role of the United Nations in international affairs would mean turning it into a genuinely universal organization.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  26. This means that the United Nations must help States to cleanse their international relations of the incrustations of the cold war and, above all, dissociate itself from questions which poison the atmosphere, such as the so-called Korean question. The only useful decision which the United Nations can take on this question is the decision to withdraw immediately all foreign troops from South Korea and dissolve the ill-fated United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea. If others stop interfering with them, the Korean people themselves will find peaceful ways to settle their own domestic problems and that is what the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has been consistently urging. 186.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  27. Such a force would be at the disposal of a small group of States, would serve their special interests, and would be entitled to act as an international police force. Such a scheme would be very must to the liking of certain circles. Together with all other States which value the freedom and independence of peoples, the Soviet Union categorically opposes and will continue to oppose any such plans. 184. The United Nations must not only prevent violation of its own constitution — the Charter. It is called upon to defend the system of rules of international law on which peaceful relations between States are founded. The struggle to ensure strict observance of the rules of international law by all States, large or small, is acquiring special significance in the prevailing circumstances. 185.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  28. There are sufficient means at the disposal of the States represented in the General Assembly to breathe new life into this most important organ of the United Nations and to enhance its role, as well as the role of the United Nations as a whole, so that it can fulfil the purposes set out in the Charter. 182. In order to achieve this, we must first of all ensure the strict observance of the provisions of the Charter by all Member States and discourage all attempts — and there have been many — to violate the Charter. 183. How urgent this has become is shown by the fact that every so often pressure is again built up in favour of setting up an armed force outside the framework of the Security Council, that is, in violation of the United Nations Charter.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  29. But their complexity is not the only reason why United Nations organs are often in no position to give the right answer to the questions of the day. 180. Under the United Nations Charter, the principal responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security rests with the Security Council. At best, however, the Security Council merely registers international crises, and then not always. The responsibility for the abnormal and irregular state of affairs in the Security Council rests with those Powers which strive to attain their own narrow aims in the United Nations, aims which have nothing to do with the strengthening of international peace. 181. But we are far from drawing the conclusion that the Security Council should be considered doomed to inaction.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  30. An important and essential step in this direction would be the establishment of rules of international law for the activities of States in outer space. With this aim in view, the Government of the USSR has proposed the conclusion of an appropriate international treaty [A/6341 and A/6352]. My delegation expresses the hope that the General Assembly will give due attention to this whole question. 179. The twenty-first session of the General Assembly opens the third decade of the existence and activity of the United Nations. The tasks facing it in the maintenance of universal peace and the development of international co-operation are not becoming any easier, but rather more complex and more important.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  31. In recent years a completely new direction has been opened up for the development of civilization — the conquest of outer space and the heavenly bodies. Our people are proud of the fact that they were the first to embark on the task of conquering the cosmos. 177. Bright prospects of utilizing outer space for the benefit of mankind are already apparent. They include long-distance communications, television relay through outer space, and a reliable meteorological service, and that is not the end. It is natural that the question should arise of co-operation between States in research into the peaceful uses of outer space. The Soviet Union is prepared to co-operate in this matter and will proceed on this basis during the current negotiations. 178.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  32. The United Nations has been discussing social problems for twenty years and invariably those who demand the implementation of the provisions of the United Nations Charter proclaiming the lofty principles of the equality of nations large and small and respect for human rights without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion, meet with stubborn opposition from the forces of the old world, the world of inequality and oppression. But the United Nations has by no means said its last word on these matters. Together with all those who value justice and the dignity of every human being, in whatever country or continent he may live, we shall strive for the adoption by the United Nations of workable decisions on international social problems. 176.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  33. Certain Powers, however, have a persistent habit of using trade as a means of plundering the economically less-developed countries. They have resolved to frustrate a reorganization of world trade on a fair basis. The Soviet Union, for its part, is ready to co-operate with all States in order to achieve the implementation of the decisions adopted by the First Conference and to move ahead to the establishment of normal world trade relations. 175.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  34. Joint and resolute action by all anti-colonialist forces will provide the peoples with the surest guarantee of success in their continuing struggle for freedom and independence. 174. The United Nations faces interesting and important tasks in the development of peaceful cooperation between States in the economic, scientific, technical, cultural and other spheres. But here, again, not everything is going smoothly. For example, the first United Nations Conference on Trade and Development formulated the principles of equal trade relations among all States, This was to a great extent the result of co-operation between the socialist and the developing countries, which advocate genuine equality and the abolition of all discrimination in international trade.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  35. In the first few days' work of the current session of the General Assembly we are to consider the question of the elimination of foreign racist domination over South West Africa. The Soviet Union is ready to support the independent African States which sponsored the inclusion of this item in the agenda. In the struggle against the racists and their protectors, justice is on the side of free Africa. 173. The United Nations must also firmly and resolutely oppose all manifestations of the policy of neocolonialism, that policy of the re-enslavement of peoples which have achieved their political independence after a hard struggle but which have not yet thrown off the bonds of economic dependence.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  36. The United Nations Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)], the recognition of the legality of the national liberation struggle, decisions concerning the need to render moral and material assistance to the national liberation movements in colonial territories, the condemnation of the activities of international capitalist monopolies, the branding of colonialism and racism as crimes against humanity — these are genuine political contributions made by the United Nations to the cause of eliminating colonial regimes. But this is no longer enough. 172. In the opinion of the USSR Government, the General Assembly has a real duty to adopt resolutions which would help to make 1967 the year of the complete and final elimination of colonial regimes.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  37. The Soviet people are on the side of those, in Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea, in South West Africa and in Southern Arabia, who are fighting for their freedom and independence, even as they are on the side of those, in the Republic of South Africa and in Southern Rhodesia, who are defending their human, civil and political dignity in the struggle against the racists. We are firmly convinced that the peoples of every single colony will be victorious and that the hour of this final victory is not far off. 171.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  38. No opportunity must be neglected to utilize material and human resources, the achievements of science and technology, the brains of scientists and the skills of engineers and workers solely for the benefit of mankind and not to develop the arms race. 169. The United Nations was born of the struggle of the peoples against the fascist oppressors. Its mission is to support any nation fighting for its freedom and independence. 170. Every year the peoples of the world have been gaining new victories in doing away with colonialism. Today it is only in the southern part of Africa that colonialism retains a strong base. But there, too, as in all other territories whose peoples have not yet achieved their national liberation, the struggle against colonialism is active.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  39. If it had not been for the struggle for disarmament, if it had not been for the efforts made by many countries which genuinely want to achieve a solution to this problem and to reach agreement both on separate measures and on the broad programme of general and complete disarmament, what would have been the world situation? It would have been even more complex and dangerous. 167. It can be said with certainty that if all States recognized their responsibility for the maintenance of peace, the problem of disarmament would be solved. The United Nations can and must find the strength to give a fresh impetus to the disarmament talks. 168. The impasse these talks have reached makes the idea of convening a world disarmament conference with the participation of all States even more timely.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  40. Not only are there every year more weapons in the world — especially the most destructive ones, nuclear weapons and missiles — not only is the annual absolute growth of this death-dealing potential increasing constantly, but the rate of this increase is also rising. The arms race can be compared to a rapidly widening inverted pyramid and the work of the Eighteen-Nation Committee, which has now been in existence for five years, to a monotonous movement in a closed circle. The reasons for this situation have been revealed here on more than one occasion. There are some Powers whose Governments do not want disarmament, 166. We reject the pessimistic philosophy which maintains that the world is simply incapable of dealing with the arms race. Such an approach is convenient only for those who seek to conceal their arms race policy.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  41. We believe that the item we propose corresponds to the wishes of the majority of States Members of the United Nations and will serve to develop and supplement the decision adopted by the General Assembly at its twentieth session. The USSR Government appeals to all States represented in the General Assembly to give due consideration to our proposal. 165. The whole problem of disarmament also requires the close attention of the General Assembly. Everything that can be said about the significance of this problem must surely have been said within the United Nations. The harsh truth is that, whereas virtually nothing is done towards disarmament, the arms race mounts, year by year in an increasingly steep line.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  42. The USSR Government's own position remains unchanged: we are ready to continue the search for a solution enabling a treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons to be signed. We shall listen attentively to all constructive observations, including the opinions of those States which do not possess nuclear weapons. 163. In our view, negotiations on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons could be concluded in a relatively short period. In the meantime, it is important that no one should take any steps which might lead, directly or indirectly, to the spread of nuclear weapons. With this in mind, the USSR Government submits for the consideration of the General Assembly an item entitled "Renunciation by States of actions hampering the conclusion of an agreement on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons" [A/6398]. 164.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  43. No people and no country would lose anything or suffer in any way from the conclusion of a treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. All would benefit for the cause of peace would gain. 161. Is there any prospect at the moment of a treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons being concluded? We believe that there is, but it is essential, of course, that the United States of America, whose representatives admit that the proliferation of nuclear weapons is fraught with danger for its own people, too, and declare that the United States recognizes the responsibility imposed upon it by the possession of nuclear weapons, should take practical steps in keeping with these statements. That is all that is needed. 162.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  44. It benefits only those who would like to keep Europe permanently in a state of military tension and who pursue their own ends, which have nothing to do with the security of the European nations. 158. The Soviet Union, like the other socialist States, is ready to sit down at the negotiating table with all European States to discuss the pressing problems of European security, 159. We would not exclude from these talks any European State, not even the Federal Republic of Germany if it expressed a readiness to participate. The USSR Government is far from being motivated by any prejudice against the Federal Republic of Germany, with which we would like to develop good relations, or by any desire to put it on a lower footing than other States. 160. This attitude fully applies also to the question of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  45. Among the measures suggested by the socialist countries for strengthening European security, I should like to mention two, namely, that the inviolability of the existing European frontiers must be ensured and that the forces of revanchism must not be allowed access to nuclear weapons. Unless these conditions are met, there can be no lasting peace and security in Europe or elsewhere. 157. True security for the European nations can only be assured if this problem is solved at the all-European level, by co-operation between Eastern and Western European States. Peace cannot be considered secure in Europe when one military grouping of States confronts another, and when both sides are piling up weapons and concentrating their troops. Such a situation is contrary to the interests of the peoples of Europe, and of others as well.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  46. No, the battle was also waged for the future of peace in Europe and against a third world war. And this battle continues. 156. The Soviet Union, like the other socialist countries, deems it its bounden duty to do everything in its power to save Europe from the danger of devastating wars, and to make way for peaceful cooperation among all European countries regardless of their social structure. The recent conference of countries members of the Warsaw Pact, which adopted the Declaration on the strengthening of peace and security in Europe, put forward a broad and realistic programme for the solution of these problems.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  47. Even when centres of international tension appear elsewhere, Europe remains the barometer of the world's political climate and Europe's reply to the question of whether there shall be war or peace is to a great extent decisive. If any Government or any statesman of a country situated thousands of miles from Europe should argue that European affairs are too remote and need not be of any concern, we can only say that the Second World War has put an end to this way of thinking: with a few exceptions, virtually all States, however remote from Europe, were directly or indirectly involved in that war. 155. The peoples which fought against fascism and which performed feats of heroism during the Second World War did not do so simply in order to gain the upper hand on the battlefield.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  48. And we would not like to describe from this rostrum what Western Germany would draw upon itself if the intoxication of militarism and revanchism should cloud the minds of its leaders and drive them to an act of madness. But it is also true that, although the Federal Republic of Germany may not be in a position to win a war, it can precipitate one if political recklessness oversteps the bounds. This is why the question of maintaining the security of Europe has become so urgent at the present time. 154. For historical reasons, the state of affairs in Europe affects the interests of all States Members of the United Nations.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  49. The ruling circles in the Federal Republic of Germany have taken over, like a baton in a relay race, the slogans and aims for the sake of which, first, the Prussian junkers and after them the Nazi invaders twice plunged Europe into a bloodbath before breaking their own necks. These slogans are well known to everyone: so-called equal rights in armaments, the creation of a military striking force, and the redrawing of European frontiers. 153. Those who have not learned the lessons of the past sometimes refer to the fact that Western Germany is much weaker militarily than the Soviet Union, and much weaker still than all the socialist countries and the peace-loving countries taken together. That, of course, is true.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  50. The Federal Republic of Germany is laying the foundation for its own atomic industry, is carrying out research, and has made arrangements for production and supply of nuclear materials. And who can fail to be aware of the fact that the leaders of the Federal Republic of Germany are clamouring to be allowed to participate in the control of nuclear weapons within NATO? 152. This militarist obsession is rooted in the ideology, policies and the entire mentality of those who set pre-war Germany on a course of expansion and enslavement of other nations. What is happening in the Federal Republic of Germany today is in many ways reminiscent of the path chosen by Germany more than once in the past.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)