YouSaid · the spoken record
GROMYKO
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“We stand for the talks getting under way and for the Governments concerned to adopt a serious attitude towards them, so that the relevant decision of the special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament may be fulfilled. 145. The conclusion by States of an agreement on the renunciation of the use of force in international relations would be of great importance for the cause of peace and detente. In statements made from this rostrum the Soviet Union has repeatedly stressed the importance of such an agreement and of resolution 2936 (XXVII) adopted by the General Assembly in 1972 entitled "Non-use of force in international relations and permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons".”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“There is, however, a need to say again and again that it is inadmissible to put up with a situation where people live under the burden of a constant fear of a nuclear disaster. 144. While recognizing the complexities of the problem of nuclear disarmament, one should not toe the line of those who shirk even its discussion. It is for people to resolve this burning problem. People have created the nuclear weapon, and it is they who can and must outlaw and destroy it. There is no denying that man's mind is stronger than his fists. None the less, the fact remains that the negotiations proposed by the Soviet Union for ending the production of all types of nuclear weapons and gradually reducing their stockpiles until they have been completely destroyed have never started, owing to the negative position of certain Governments.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“One way of reasoning goes like this: if there is something I do not like in the policy of a State, I will not speak with it. But to our mind such capriciousness, such vagaries, have been widely condemned, and rightly so. There should be no place for them in politics. 142. At the current session, we consider it necessary to recall the United Nations decisions which have yet to be implemented, proposals put forward by the USSR and other countries, as well as to set forth our views on enhancing the efficiency of efforts in specific sectors of this historic struggle. To this end, the USSR is submitting at this session a memorandum entitled "peace, disarmament and international security guarantees" 143. There is hardly any need to prove that the greatest threat to peace on our planet is posed by the unabated nuclear arms race.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“It could be instrumental in easing the burden of military expenditures of States, strengthening the regime of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, and creating favourable conditions for progress in the field of the arms race limitation. We hope that the General Assembly will give these proposals careful and due consideration, and that it will support them. 141. In today's international conditions, the Soviet Union considers it an imperative duty of the United Nations Member States to intensify their efforts in all major directions of the struggle for peace. As hitherto, the Soviet Union will maintain and deepen the dialogue and cooperate with all States that display political will towards this end. By the way, with regard to "dialogue", this is a term often used nowadays.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“Fourthly, we are convinced that, if our partners in the negotiations, the United States and the United Kingdom, show corresponding readiness, it is quite realistic to expect a successful conclusion within a short time limit of the elaboration of an international treaty on the complete and general prohibition of nuclear weapon tests. We consider this to be possible. There are no insuperable obstacles. 139. To this end, the USSR proposes that all nuclear Powers declare themselves ready to renounce within a period of one year, beginning on a date to be agreed by them, all nuclear explosions. The point is to have a one year moratorium while negotiations would continue with a view to achieving a more radical solution. 140. A prompt implementation of all these measures would blunt the edge of some of the issues in international relations.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“We call upon all nuclear countries to make identical and solemn declarations concerning the non-use of nuclear weapons against nonnuclear States which have no nuclear weapons on their territories. Such declarations, if they serve the aforementioned objective, could be reinforced by an authoritative decision of the Security Council. At the same time, the Soviet Union reaffirms that it will never use nuclear weapons against those countries which renounce the production and acquisition of such weapons and do not have them on their territories. 138.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“Secondly, it is essential that all States, and, first of all, the permanent members of the Security Council and countries which have military agreements with them, undertake not to increase as from a certain date—say 1 January of the coming year—their armed forces and conventional armaments, as a first step towards their subsequent reduction. 137. Thirdly, proceeding from the premise that an early conclusion of an appropriate convention, with the participation of all nuclear and nonnuclear States, would best serve to strengthen security guarantees for nonnuclear States, the USSR is also prepared to consider other possible solutions to this problem, provided the other nuclear Powers adopt a similar approach.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“All States, without exception, should avoid any action conducive to the establishment of new military alliances or to assigning military functions to regional organizations which have no such functions at present. At the same time, the statements repeatedly made by the USSR and the other socialist countries concerning their readiness to disband the Warsaw Treaty organization if, simultaneously, the NATO bloc were dissolved and, as a first step, to eliminate the military organizations of the two groupings, starting with a mutual reduction of their military activities, remain fully valid. 136.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“Even if the initial steps were not to be the most radical ones possible, they would still be steps which could infuse an invigorating spirit into the international political climate. 134. Proceeding from this, the Soviet Union proposes the inclusion in the agenda of this session of the General Assembly of an important and urgent item entitled "Urgent measures for reducing the danger of war", and we are submitting for the Assembly's consideration a relevant draft resolution What is proposed here is the adoption in the immediate future of the following measures. 135. First, an important step would be for the States members of military alliances to renounce the expansion of existing military political groupings through the admission of new members, and for countries which are not members of such groupings to renounce joining them.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“131. A comparison of the list of the initiatives we have advanced during the past year alone with NATO's record immediately reveals the contrast between the two main lines in world politics. The facts are self-evident in showing which policy line is consonant with the aspirations of the peoples and which is in conflict with them. 132. It certainly seems to be far from easy to create a distorted picture of our foreign policy in the minds of the peoples. Misinformation and, primarily of course, slander directed against it backfire on those who resort to them. 133. Given the present state of international relations— when the policy of detente is being put to a severe test, when the danger of war is growing—it is essential to multiply efforts in order to arrest this course of developments.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“The concrete deeds of the socialist countries are shown in a whole series of initiatives, in particular those they have advanced since the previous session of the General Assembly. These are: the proposal put forward by the meeting of the Political Consultative Committee of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty for holding a top-level conference of the leaders of States of all regions of the world to discuss problems related to the elimination of hotbeds of international tension and to the prevention of war; the measures for curbing the arms race, for disarmament and for strengthening peace in Europe and throughout the world contained in the declaration which was adopted at that same meeting; the initiative of the USSR with regard to holding negotiations on medium range nuclear weapons in Europe in close interrelation with United States forward based systems; the recent withdrawal by the Soviet Union of 20,000 troops, 1,000 tanks and other materiel from the German Democratic Republic, a process which has been completed; the proposal submitted by the socialist countries at the Vienna talks" providing, among other steps recommended, for the reduction of United States military personnel by 13,000 and of Soviet military personnel by 20,000, in addition to the Soviet military contingent which has been unilaterally withdrawn from the territory of the German Democratic Republic; and the withdrawal of some Soviet military units from Afghanistan.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“To this end, the perfecting of relations of full equality, fraternal unity, comradely mutual assistance and fruitful cooperation in all spheres of life is constantly in the forefront of their attention, and this was once again borne out by the results of the meetings held in the Crimea last summer between Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev and the leaders of fraternal parties and States. 129. The Soviet Union and the socialist community have been and will continue to be in the vanguard of the struggle for international security. However, we do not claim a monopoly in this field. We shall stand in the same line with all States which consistently pursue a policy of peace and of averting the threat of another world war, a policy of detente. 130.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“But we shall always manage to defend our rights and legitimate interests". 128. Peaceableness is an inherent feature of the foreign policy of socialism, which is a social system having no classes interested in war. A world without wars, said Lenin, is the very ideal of socialism. The source from which the policy of the socialist countries draws confidence in its strength is the identity of their objectives in constructing a new society, in defending the cause of peace.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“At the same time, it must be clearly understood that the Soviet Union and the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty will not allow the military strategic balance they have achieved between them and the States members of NATO to be upset. Any calculations aimed at disrupting this balance should be discarded. 127. The USSR and other countries of the socialist community have never sought, and are not seeking, any military superiority. They have not had, and will not have, any strategic doctrine other than a defensive one. As Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev stated once again, with all clarity, in his recent speech in the city of Alma-Ata: "Our country's foreign policy is a clear and honest policy of peace which is not directed against anyone else. We do not encroach on anybody's land; we do not interfere in anybody's internal affairs.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“It would seem that the delays in making a constructive reply to the substance of our proposal are intended to muffle the positive international response which it has evoked. We express the hope that common sense and a responsible approach to improving the situation in Europe will yet prevail. We would like to believe that. The Soviet Union is ready to start talks with its partners on the aforementioned just basis at any time, 126. Of course, if there is any lack of clarity as to the substance of our proposal, we would not be averse to removing it through consultations and exchanges of views, but it is essential that the participants in such exchanges of views should join us at the negotiating table in good faith and not just to kill time.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“It is understood that eventual agreements would be implemented after the entry into force of the SALT II Treaty. 124. The USSR has not so far received a substantive reply to its initiative. The Soviet proposal is talked and written about; various assessments of it are made, and it is sometimes alleged that it is unclear or even mysterious, But those who are supposed to respond to it have as yet said nothing intelligible. And the reason for all this is that the Soviet Union's proposal is designed to find a genuine solution to the problem of strengthening European security and to erect a barrier to prevent Europe from becoming an even more dangerous staging area for military confrontation, with enormous quantities of nuclear weapons in readiness day and night. 125.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“Against that background, it is obvious that those who speak of some unprecedented build-up of our country's defence potential are in fact trying to turn attention away from their own plans to deploy hundreds of new United States nuclear systems on the territories of several West European countries. 123. In order to prevent another round of the arms race, the Soviet Union has proposed negotiations to be held on the basis of equality and with observance of the principle of equal security. In order to remove the obstacles to negotiations arising from the NATO decision, we propose that discussions be initiated without delay on the question of medium range nuclear weapons in Europe and the question of United States forward based systems, concurrently and in organic interrelation.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“As for the medium range nuclear systems deployed in the European part of the USSR—we do not deploy them on the territories of other States at all—in terms of the number of launchers and the yield of their nuclear warheads, such systems have recently even been somewhat reduced. The leaders who, with a specific purpose in mind, are trying to mislead people are also fully aware of that. However, being at odds with the truth, they systematically feed public opinion with fraudulent propaganda whenever they talk about the foreign policy or the armed forces of the Soviet State. The products of such propaganda are often to be seen floating around this hall. 122.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“The allegation being bandied about in certain Western countries that the Soviet Union is building up its military might on a scale that exceeds its defence requirements is also patently false. There are some experts who make such claims. Our country believes that the strategic parity of forces obtaining in the world is sufficient to protect its own security and that of its allies and friends. Our country aspires to nothing more. 120. Let us take Central Europe, the area with the highest concentration of military forces confronting each other. There, the Soviet Union, unlike the NATO countries, has not for a long time now increased its forces by a single soldier, a single tank, a single aircraft. On the contrary, it has been reducing them. 121.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“Not infrequently, and notably at the United Nations, one may hear persons speak in favour of a complete withdrawal of the Soviet military contingent. To that we reply that the USSR will withdraw its contingent by agreement with the Government of Afghanistan as soon as the reasons that made the introduction of a contingent necessary have been removed, but not before. 118. It will be recalled that the Afghan Government has put forward a programme for a political settlement of the situation around Afghanistan. It is quite possible to achieve such a settlement on that basis and the Soviet Union is firmly in favour of that. But any attempts that run counter to the sovereign rights of Afghanistan are futile. The truth about the nature and essence of events in Afghanistan and around that nonaligned State is steadily gaining ground. 119.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“As has already been explained repeatedly, our move was made to assist the Afghan people in protecting their country's sovereignty and repelling armed incursions into its territory from the outside, as well as to prevent the emergence of a direct threat to the security of the USSR on its southern border. That assistance was rendered in response to repeated appeals by the Government of Afghanistan, and it is in full accord with the Soviet-Afghan Treaty of 1978 and the United Nations Charter. I believe that there still exist in the United States persons who signed the United Nations Charter, which contains a provision relevant to this. Now that the situation in Afghanistan is gradually returning to normal, some of our military units have been brought home by agreement with the Afghan Government. 117.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“At present, contrary to their previous statements, the leaders of the NATO bloc are seeking to change the strategic balance of forces in the world in that bloc's favour. That is the root cause of the aggravation of the present international situation. 115. Attempts to give a different interpretation of world developments and to cast aspersions on the foreign policy of the USSR by once again resorting to the myth of a Soviet military threat constitute a gross deception. 116. Only the gullible could heed the groundless assertions to the effect that the aggravation of the world situation has been caused by the temporary introduction of a limited Soviet military contingent into Afghanistan.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“The facts I have enumerated suffice to lead us to the conclusion that influential circles in some countries would like to squander away the substantial assets of the policy of detente that were accumulated, especially in the 1970s, as a result of prolonged and strenuous efforts by many States. 114. Not long ago, at Vienna, where the SALT II Treaty was signed, there was a frank conversation between Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and President of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, and President Carter of the United States. The latter also recognized the need to maintain the existing approximate parity of military strength between East and West, the Soviet Union and the United States. This was recognized also by the leaders of other NATO countries.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“While these countries are intent on having China follow ever more closely in the wake of their policy, Beijing, for its part, in seeking a rapprochement with them, attempts to put them on the track of the cold war and confrontation with the Soviet Union, although our country, I would note here, stands for the normalization of relations with the People's Republic of China, as has been repeatedly stated at the most authoritative level. Even if we leave aside the question of who is playing whose cards more, it must be emphasized that this game is dangerous to the cause of peace. 113.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“In recent years, the United States and some other Western countries have resorted ever more frequently to playing the "China card"—they love it—in order to use to their own advantage the great Power ambitions of Beijing, which is itself keeping pace with the most zealous proponents of the position of strength policy and is stubbornly and cynically advocating the idea of the inevitability of another world war—with never a thought of giving up this idea. I stress this idea of the inevitable nature of a new world war. 112.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“The United States adds to the destabilization of the situation in IndoChina and in the whole of South-East Asia. Here, too, the United States acts in league with the Beijing hegemonists who, having committed aggression against the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, continue their demonstrations of military force on the Sino-Vietnamese border and stage provocations against the People's Democratic Republic of Laos and the People's Republic of Kampuchea, whose voice, we are sure, will sooner or later be heard from this rostrum. Other countries of that region are also under constant pressure from Beijing and Washington. 111.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“Beijing is acting in unison. Yet one would think that the Japanese leadership would display the ability to see things as they are and succeed in resisting the outside influences prodding that country onto the road of hostility towards the Soviet Union, a road that has already led Japan to catastrophe. 109. The United States, whose troops, contrary to General Assembly resolution 3390 B (XXX), still remain on the territory of the Republic of Korea, shares with the puppet Seoul regime the responsibility for the fact that the Korean problem is still unresolved. It obstructs the normalization of the situation on the Korean peninsula and the reunification of Korea on a peaceful and democratic basis without any outside interference, as is proposed by the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. 110.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“In short, since the time of the separatist collusion among the United States, Israel and Egypt, the situation in that region has proved to be further from genuine peace than ever before. It is for that reason that Camp David is rejected by Arab States and denounced by all those who are interested in a just and comprehensive settlement in the Middle East, not in a settlement dictated by imperialist interests. That has been graphically demonstrated by the recent resolutions of the seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly, on the Palestinian question, and by recent resolutions of the Security Council. 108. In another region, the Far East, Washington is striving to strengthen its political and military position and is heating up militarist trends that are far from being on the wane in certain quarters in Japan.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“Surely, those who offer their homes for American military bases assist in the accumulation of inflammable material in that area, with all the ensuing dangers. 106. The anti-Arab Camp David deal has as its direct consequence unabated tension in the Middle East, where the situation is fraught with perilous and unforeseen developments, That should not be overlooked. That deal, which runs counter to the interests of and slights the just demands of Arab States and the inalienable rights of the Arab people of Palestine, whose only legitimate representative is the PLO, is intended to satisfy Israel's annexationist claims and to affirm an American military presence in the Middle East. 107.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“The methods of pressure and blackmail in foreign policy are making themselves felt in various parts of the globe. Blatant violence is employed against Iran. Everybody knows this. United States actions in the Persian Gulf area threaten the sovereignty not only of that country but of other countries of the region as well. 105. A build-up of the United States military presence is under way in East Africa, where, most recently, new American military bases have been coming into being. This is taking place in particular in Somalia, a country whose leadership continues to make groundless territorial claims in respect of its neighbours. The Soviet Union fully supports those States which raise their voices in protest against the establishment of such bases.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“It is of no importance to them that the sovereign rights of Cuba and its people are thus flagrantly ignored, once American interests stand to gain. 103. And what a host of statements are made to justify such a policy. Those deal at length with human rights, the rights of States. It is simply amazing how such a policy can be combined with genuine respect for the rights of States, the rights of peoples, and human rights. If such statements are to be believed—and they are, incidentally, repeated with the importunity of commercial advertising—then all manuals and all books on international law, and indeed the United Nations Charter itself, which strictly protect the sovereignty of States, should all be discarded. But no verbal acrobatics, no diplomatic contrivances can conceal the real essence of such a policy. 104.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“Another proposition is that any internal changes in any State—merely because they are not to Washington's liking—are considered to be a good enough pretext for United States interference in the affairs of that State, including the dispatch there of armed forces and commandoes. It is precisely these functions that have been assigned to the rapid reaction corps. And it is surely those countries which cannot defend themselves that become the first victims. 102. And what about the treatment of Cuba? This is a striking example. Contrary to the legitimate demands of its Government and people, a part of Cuba's territory, Guantanamo, where a United States military base is located, is held by force. But at Washington they reason in the following way: we want this base—so that is that.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“A given region of the world is chosen at will—especially if it is rich in energy resources or important from the point of view of transport and communications, or simply if the Pentagon has taken a fancy to it—and that favoured area is declared with naked bluntness to be a United States "sphere of vital interest". And if, to boot, it is a sphere of American interests, not just anyone's, and on top of that—God only knows why—of "vital" interests, efforts are made simply to deprive the peoples who live in that area of the right to be masters in their own home and masters of their own wealth. It is even harder to understand that at the end of the twentieth century generally recognized rules of international law hallowed by time should be so blatantly and so rapaciously flouted. 101.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“This foolhardy concept exacerbates the risk of a nuclear catastrophe, which cannot but cause concern throughout the world. 99. And is it not contrary to the expectations of the peoples of the world that Washington should have indefinitely postponed ratification of the Soviet American treaty on the limitation of strategic offensive arms, SALT II? It has demonstrated that it sets a low value on the assurances and promises it gave earlier. 100. Several theses have recently been adopted by American foreign policy which, by all appearances, are regarded as its credo. Here is one of them.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“Last December, they took a decision to produce and deploy in Western Europe new American medium range nuclear missile systems designed to change the military and strategic situation to the unilateral advantage of the NATO bloc. Simultaneously, Washington also announced its own multibillion dollar build-up programme. 98. The course chosen by the United States of America, which cannot be called anything but militaristic, is expressed in the so-called "new nuclear strategy". Under the cover of arguments that have nothing to do with reality concerning the possibility of some "limited" or "partial" use of nuclear weapons, the architects of this strategy seek to instil in the minds of people the idea of the admissibility and acceptability of a nuclear conflict.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“Thereby the States Members of the United Nations would demonstrate their commitment to the principles and purposes of this world Organization and awareness of their responsibility for the destinies of peace. Indeed, this is now a vitally important task for them individually and collectively. 95. We focus attention on this because the state of affairs in the world has lately become more complicated as a result of a sharp turn in the policies of the United States of America and some other members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO]. 96. Let us look at the facts—they are more eloquent than words. 97. Back in May 1978, the NATO countries decided automatically to increase their annual military expenditures almost to the end of this century.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“Mr. President, I should like to congratulate you on the occasion of your election to your highly responsible position and to express my conviction that your activities will contribute to the fruitful work of the present session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. 93. Speaking today from this rostrum, I should like to emphasize at the very outset the great importance which this session of the General Assembly would have if its work were successful. In view of the specific character of the situation in the world arena today, it is essential for the work of the session to be conducted in a constructive atmosphere. Its participants will have to display to an even greater extent than before a sense of realism, a considered approach to key international issues and a genuine interest in finding solutions to them. 94.”
1980-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 35 (1980)
“We wish, and we shall do all in our power to ensure, that the work of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly may culminate in the adoption of resolutions that will be commended by the peoples of the world.”
1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)
“The Soviet Union has consistently come out in favour of strengthening the United Nations, of no one's being allowed to erode it. 195. The peoples will assess the results of the current session, like those of previous sessions, of the General Assembly primarily in terms of what it will have achieved to make people feel more secure. Hence, great responsibility rests with all States Members of the United Nations and with their representatives assembled in this hall. 196. Everything positive that we can achieve today will help us in the 1980s to consolidate and to develop the successes of the 1970s. That in turn will largely determine the thoughts and feelings, the memories of the past and the faith in the future that mankind will take with it into the next millennium. 197.”
1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)
“Following the General Assembly, the United Nations Security Council, with the five nuclear Powers as its , permanent members, could also express itself against hegemonism. It would be a good idea subsequently to couch the renunciation by States of a policy of hegemonism in all its manifestations in terms of a broad international agreement and to conclude such an agreement or treaty. 194. In conducting its policy, our country scrupulously complies with the principles of the United Nations Charter and invariably pursues its purposes. We never lose sight of the fundamental basis of the activities of the world Organization, that is, concentration of its efforts in ensuring that the peoples can live in conditions of peace.”
1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)
“Guided by all this, the Soviet Union is proposing the inclusion in the agenda of the current session of an important item entitled "Inadmissibility of the policy of hegemonism in international relations" and is submitting an appropriate draft resolution to be considered at the session. 191. The purport of this draft resolution is that no States or groups of States should claim, under any circumstances or for any motives whatsoever, hegemony in regard to other States or groups of States. 192. We are convinced that all those who approach the conduct of international affairs on the basis of equality and in the interests of detente and peace cannot oppose the adoption of such a draft resolution. It is to be hoped that the General Assembly will consider the draft with a high sense of responsibility. 193.”
1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)
“Hegemonism is a direct antipode to the equality of States and peoples, an antipode to the ideal which the October Revolution proclaimed for the whole world and which the United Nations, as prescribed by its Charter, should promote in every possible way in international relations. Its manifestation in our day constitutes a serious obstacle to the process of detente to which there is not and cannot be any reasonable alternative. 189. The time has come for all States Members of the United Nations to take an unambiguous position with regard to hegemonism—to condemn it and to block any claims to hegemony in world affairs. Its inadmissibility should be raised to the level of a principle that must be rigorously observed. 190.”
1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)
“On the contrary, it has been known, so to speak, from time immemorial. It means striving for world domination, for domination over other countries and peoples. 186. The Soviet attitude towards hegemonism and domination is clear. Since its very first days, the Soviet State has resolutely objected to anyone's being a hegemonist with others submitting to his will, and to any States' holding a position of domination over others. 187. Twenty million human lives were sacrificed by our people to defeat Hitler's designs for world domination and to bury hegemonism in its Fascist attire. This figure alone is indicative of our score with hegemonism. 188.”
1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)
“A closer look at these developments would easily reveal that the evolution of the international situation largely depends upon the States which have the most powerful levers to influence it. 184. When those levers are activated to attain objectives contrary to, or even openly defying, the United Nations Charter, conflict situations and international crises arise. The instigators of such events usually seek to whitewash themselves and, in that, they do not hesitate to pin all kinds of labels on others. That is a procedure that is, unfortunately, sometimes followed. 185. One such tactic consists in juggling with the term "hegemonism", which in recent years has been increasingly used in international political practice. Although of recent origin, the term "hegemonism" denotes a phenomenon that is far from new.”
1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)
“The meeting showed that, given the wish on both sides, the USSR and the United States are able to find mutually acceptable solutions and to co-operate in the interests of international detente and peace, 182. L. I. Brezhnev has stated: "There is no country or people in the world, in fact, with which the Soviet Union would not like to have good relations; there is no topical international problem to the solution of which the Soviet Union would not be willing to contribute; there is no source of danger of war in the removal of which by peaceful means the Soviet Union would not be interested." 183. In the succession of post-war developments, along with positive events there were also dangerous ones which gravely threatened the foundations of peace.”
1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)
“This only requires the observance of principles which have become well-established in international relations; and they are recorded, in particular, in the well-known Soviet-American documents—that is, the principles of peaceful coexistence between States and of non-interference in the affairs of others. We shall not allow anybody to meddle in our internal affairs. Concern for Soviet-American relations is a matter for both sides. It is only on this basis that the relations between the USSR and the United States can develop successfully. 181. Our position was stated with exhaustive clarity and precision by L. I. Brezhnev in Vienna, in particular, in the course of his meeting with the President of the United States, Mr. Jimmy Carter.”
1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)
“This confidence of ours is supported by the successful results of the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which recently ended in Havana. This was an important forum and a major international event. 179. What is needed in the first place to resolve any important international problem of a political, economic or other nature is an atmosphere of peace. And whether peace will be more durable or less stable depends to an important extent on the state of relations between the Soviet Union and the United States. That conclusion is objective and indisputable. 180. The leadership of the Soviet Union makes no secret of its desire to have normal and, what is more, friendly relations with the United States.”
1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)
“In its approach to all continents, to all countries of the world, the Soviet Union does not apply different yardsticks when it comes to the sovereignty of States, the freedom of peoples and genuine human rights. One cannot hold aloft the Charter of the United Nations in one situation and hide it under the table in another. The provisions and principles of the Charter must be applied equally to any State and any people. 178. The Soviet Union has repeatedly stressed, notably in the United Nations, the significance of the non-aligned movement and its peaceful orientation. We are confident that the non-aligned States will continue to make use of their entire political weight in the interests of peace, disarmament and detente.”
1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)
“The session of the General Assembly of the United Nations will be right if it clearly states its resolute support for the liberation struggle of the peoples of southern Africa and condemns attempts to drown this struggle in blood as a crime against humanity. It is a direct duty of the United Nations to make those who ignore the decisions of the United Nations on southern Africa respect them. 176. The Soviet people are well aware of the contribution of the peoples of Latin America to the struggle for peace and national liberation. This contribution will be all the greater the more the stand of Latin American States in defending their independence is resolute and the less their policies are influenced from the outside. In this connexion, we note with satisfaction the growing authority of Latin America in international relations. 177.”
1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)
“We have raised and shall continue to raise our voice in their support, and we shall co-operate with those States, especially African States, which adhere to the positions of justice, of upholding the inalienable rights of those peoples. All kinds of combinations, no matter how superficially clever, which are aimed at preserving the domination of racists and colonialists with the help of hastily formed puppet regimes should be resolutely rejected. 174. Is it possible to achieve a political settlement in southern Africa? Yes, it is possible and there are ways leading to it. But so far the racists and their stooges have replied with bullets to proposals that a choice be made in favour of a just and peaceful solution. 175.”
1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)