YouSaid · the spoken record

Araud

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2009-09-09
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2014-07-22
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un-security-council

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  1. Moreover, between now and 2016, it could also tells us whether it is possible to adapt the Mission more quickly and more radically. Beyond its mission of good political offices policies, it seems essential at this point that the future United Nations mission in Haiti will maintain a strong police component. Needs in terms of public order and of training and support of the Haitian National Police and, more broadly, the building of the rule of law, are indeed the main challenges Haiti is facing and for which a response of the United Nations is the most relevant. It will be the heart of the future mission. We will therefore have to determine its contours in close coordination with the Haitian authorities and the Friends of Haiti.

    2014-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7147 (2014) · source

  2. Starting today, we must reflect on the post-MINUSTAH period and on the future ofthe United Nations presence in Haiti. In that regard, we welcome the five scenarios presented by the Secretary-General for the reconfiguration of the Mission beyond 2016. We consider them to provide the framework for the reflection that we want to undertake. In that context, a strategic review conducted by the Secretariat as soon as possible will be invaluable to the Council. Based on an accurate assessment of needs on the ground and presented to the Security Council by August 2014, such a review will allow members of the Council to define what type of mission is best suited after 2016 to the political and security situation in Haiti.

    2014-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7147 (2014) · source

  3. For those challenges that persist, the United Nations should support and complement the action of the Haitian State, but it cannot and should not replace it. The Haitian State must mobilize more resolutely to exercise its regulatory functions independently. MINUSTAH was deployed in 2004 in a context of acute crisis. That crisis was exacerbated a few years later by the earthquake. Ten years later, as described by the Secretary-General in his report, the progress is real. MINUSTAH must therefore adapt and reflect the positive developments, which are proof of its success. A consolidation plan already oversees the reduction process initiated since 2013. That process will be completed in 2016. We must go further and more quickly.

    2014-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7147 (2014) · source

  4. In the field of human rights, we welcome the appointment of a human rights ombudsman on 4 December, the authorities' willingness to renew the mandate of the independent expert of the Human Rights Council and the denial of the appeal of Jean-Claude Duvalier, accused of crimes against humanity. Those decisions are encouraging, but violations of human rights continue. It is the responsibility of the State to pursue a proactive policy in that area. Finally, the remaining humanitarian challenges are substantial. We are very concerned about a possible resurgence of the cholera epidemic during the next rainy season. We fully support the action and the commitment of the United Nations in its efforts to completely eradicate the disease.

    2014-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7147 (2014) · source

  5. The rule of law and the country's institutions need to improve their efficiency, transparency and accessibility. The many protests by the civilian population illustrate the frustration, even exasperation, of the citizens who care to participate in the political life of their country. The launch of an inter-Haitian political dialogue in January, which is a praiseworthy initiative, should lead to an inclusive agreement. We therefore welcome the signing of the memorandum of understanding on 19 March. We call on all parties to engage resolutely in the road map it defines.

    2014-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7147 (2014) · source

  6. We are also pleased to note that an increasing number of cadets are graduating every year and that a growing number women are joining their ranks. Cooperation between the police component of MINUSTAH and the Haitian National Police is fruitful and useful. In a context of reflection on the size and mandate of the peacekeeping operations, the example of Haiti gives us food for thought. We also note with satisfaction the progress made in the humanitarian sphere. The return of refugees to their areas of origin and the drop in the number of people affected by food insecurity are encouraging signs. The wounds opened by the earthquake are gradually disappearing, thanks to the joint work of the Haitian Government, the people, MINUSTAH and the United Nations country team. Much remains to be done, nonetheless.

    2014-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7147 (2014) · source

  7. Mr. Araud (France) (spoke in French): I wish to thank Ms. Sandra Honore' for her briefing. I align myself with the statements to be made on behalf of the European Union and the Group of Friends of Haiti. Since the arrival of United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), Haiti has made enormous progress. The adoption of an electoral law last October is evidence of the ongoing normalization and progressive strengthening of the rule of law. We look forward also to the forthcoming partial local and senatorial elections that have been postponed several times. In addition, the progress made by the Haitian National Police is encouraging. The significant decline in crime noted in the report of the Secretary-General (S/2014/ 162) is an important step forward.

    2014-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7147 (2014) · source

  8. We are ready to negotiate on the basis of international law. International law means the territorial integrity of Ukraine.

    2014-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7144 (2014) · source

  9. Mr. Araud (France) (spoke in French): I believe that we cannot talk nonsense here and that we cannot let the representative ofthe Russian Federation lecture us to the effect that Russia has made proposals intended to settle the conflict. In reality, Russia's proposals are simple. What is mine is mine - that is to say, Crimea - and we can negotiate on what is yours - that is to say, Ukrainian sovereignty. That is the Russian proposal. The Russian keep repeating that they are ready to talk about whatever is left of Ukraine, but Crimea is over. We say no; let us be clear. On such bases, we cannot have a dialogue founded on international legal order. We did not reject the Russian proposal. Quite simply, we rejected any proposal that boils down to forcing us to accept the annexation of Crimea. It is simple.

    2014-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7144 (2014) · source

  10. It has already succeeded in creating lasting alienation between Ukraine and European countries; to go further wold be most grave. The second call regards the need for Moscow to open a channel of direct negotiations with Kyiv. Russia should make no mistake - Ukraine cannot be replaced with something else, as it seems to hope; no one will decide Ukraine's future except Ukraine itself. We are already counting the first casualties of this grim misadventure. Yesterday, the Ukrainian Prime Minister announced that the conflict with Russia was now moving from a political phase to a military one. We continue to call on Russia to see reason, listen to the voice of the international community, and not drag the international community into a spiral that will sooner or later spin out of control, or at least escape the restraint of the Ukrainians.

    2014-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7144 (2014) · source

  11. It is in Sevastopol and Simferopol that the law is being flouted, militiamen terrorize those who will not give in to force, and Ukrainian soldiers are being killed simply because they refuse to surrender. Faced with a Russia that does not heed the concerns of the international community as a whole and has not even responded to the sensible propositions we have made to peacefully resolve the crisis, we are forced to respond. All that remains is to make Russia understand that we will never accept the fait accompli that it has just imposed on the ground. But we must also look to the future, with a double call on Russia. The first is to tell it to stop there. Agents provocateurs are already at work in eastern Ukraine; let them not play the same game as in Crimea; let Russia cease its thinly veiled manoeuvres.

    2014-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7144 (2014) · source

  12. In terms of the protection of Russian and Russian language populations in Ukraine invoked by Moscow to justify its intervention in Ukraine - it is again clear that it does not correspond to the reality of the situation, nor is it a legal justification of the military occupation of a territory of a sovereign State and it becomes even less relevant when used as a pretext to extend its own borders. We continue to recall that minorities in Ukraine, including religious and language minorities, must be protected. That falls first and foremost to the transition authorities - and that is what they are doing. The situation in Kyiv, L'viv, Donets'k or Kharkiv should not concern the Council.

    2014-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7144 (2014) · source

  13. We have just heard from Mr. Simonovic' that nothing in Ukraine justified references to extremely serious attacks on human rights or minorities placed in critical situations. If any serious human rights violations have occurred, it was during the time of Yanukovych. At least we are reassured regarding the situation throughout the country. The authorities in Kyiv are endeavoring to extend their hand to all of the various components of Ukrainian society. Nothing will justify in the long-term the current discussion about an irresponsible Government whose actions could lead to fear among its populations.

    2014-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7144 (2014) · source

  14. How could more than 86 per cent of the people have voted, when some communities - particularly the Crimean Tartars and Ukrainians that represent nearly 14 per cent of the population - had called for a boycott. The United Nations was created to ensure that one would no longer witness such spectacles which dishonour the organizers and in effect reflect upon the entire international community. The rule of law must guide relations among States. The acquisition of territory resulting from the use of force or even from simple threats is simply unacceptable. That principle that Russia subscribed to in the early days is our code. I would call it the DNA of the Organization. As I stated on Saturday (see S/PV.7I38), by voting against the draft resolution, it is the Charter of the United Nations that Russia has in effect vetoed.

    2014-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7144 (2014) · source

  15. The annexation was accompanied by flags, drums and trumpets forming a gathering wave of aggressive nationalism, the future consequences of which, once it is awoken, are unknown; nationalism that never leads to anything good, a nationalism that is used to mask or to justify attempts to suppress civil rights. Moreover, little effort has been made to hide the use of force. The referendum was hastily organized, Russian soldiers were everywhere. Nothing was left to chance. The media was controlled at the level of describing events, international observers were recruited from among the far-right European parties and if fascists are part of the story, they are certainly not where they are claimed to be. Finally, the final results appeared so excessive that they lost all meaning.

    2014-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7144 (2014) · source

  16. Mr. Araud (France) (spoke in French): I thank Mr. Eliasson and Mr. Simonovie for their statements, as well as the Permanent Representative of Ukraine for his. This past Saturday, the international community sent a unanimous message to Russia on behalf of the Council, to whit, that the referendum it had instigated in Crimea was illegal and null and void under international law. Russia's veto changed nothing - quite the contrary. The illegal act of separating Crimea, which had been in preparation since a long time, appeared all the more blatant. Yesterday Crimea was annexed by Russia, despite the picture painted that has fooled no one.

    2014-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7144 (2014) · source

  17. We must remain steadfast in our commitment to the principles it embodies, which are at the heart of the Charter of the United Nations, are our best defence against the return of a past in which Russian aggression against Ukraine emerges.

    2014-03-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7138 (2014) · source

  18. It would once again make the sword the supreme arbiter of disputes. The vast majority of Member States will prove, by their refusal to recognize the annexation of the Crimea, that they know that the territorial integrity of one of them is the guarantor of the territorial integrity of all. There are minorities all over the world. What would become of us if they became the pretext for any kind of adventure to be undertaken by an ambitious and enterprising neighbour? What will be the next Crimea? The annexation goes beyond Ukraine. It affects us all. The veto should be a defeat for Russia alone. It should not take us with it.

    2014-03-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7138 (2014) · source

  19. Out of all ofthis - their confused flurry of activity, the speeches that are denied as soon as they are given and the arguments that are forgotten as soon as they are made i only force remains. Basically, it is simple: the Russian veto today is telling us that might is right. Well, no. Force cannot override the law. That would be too serious and too dangerous for every Member State. Our duty is to raise the fragile barrier of law against the brutal nature of international relations, which has led us into two world wars and has cost, as of this very moment, thousands of innocent lives in Syria and elsewhere. To accept the annexation of Crimea would be to give up everything that we are trying to build in this Organization. It would make a mockery of the Charter of the United Nations.

    2014-03-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7138 (2014) · source

  20. There has been no violence, as confirmed by journalists and noted by the High Commissioner on National Minorities of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, and no trace, as confirmed by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, of the hundreds of thousands of refugees that were predicted. Where have they gone? Do not worry; they never existed. The supposed right does not exist, and there is no violence taking place. We therefore look to history. Crimea was Russian from 1783 to 1954. What does that mean? Will we take out our history books to review our borders or challenge or defend them? What date will we go back to? After all, Crimea was Russian for 170 years but a vassal of Turkey for three centuries. We know only too well that anything can be justified by history, particularly the unjustifiable.

    2014-03-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7138 (2014) · source

  21. The vetoing of a text that is nothing more than a reminder of the basic principles of international law and the Charter of the United Nations is clear proof of that. The headlines can be simple: Russia has vetoed the Charter of the United Nations. In desperation, therefore, Moscow invokes the pretext of protecting Russians who are supposedly threatened in Crimea. I am sure that neighbouring countries that host Russian minorities appreciate this right to interfere that Russia has suddenly claimed for itself . But again, they are out of luck.

    2014-03-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7138 (2014) · source

  22. They are trying so hard to use all available means in Moscow that they do not want to see that in the latter example, Russia having taken the opposite position from the one it is taking today, that shaky comparison - even if one accepts it - proves that Russia was wrong in 1976 or is wrong now, in 2014. It must choose. I think, however, that my Russian colleague and I will find common ground in a key sentence from the speech of the Soviet Permanent Representative in 1976 on the question of Mayotte, who said: "Any attempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity and the integrity territory of a country is incompatible with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations." (S/PVI888, p. 8). In reality, nothing will come of those pathetic efforts - certainly not the basis for any legal reasoning.

    2014-03-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7138 (2014) · source

  23. The violation of international law is so obvious at this point that one almost feels pity at seeing Russian diplomacy - so formalistic, so finicky in its respect for proprieties and its invocation of texts - struggling to find a legal basis for the coup. One day, they brandish an alleged letter from the Head of State who is on the run, and only an unsigned version of that letter is released, disappearing as quickly as it appeared. The next day, they recall the issue of Kosovo. Finally, after what was probably a feverish search through the archives, they even exhume a decolonization case from 1976: the question of Mayotte.

    2014-03-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7138 (2014) · source

  24. Mr. Araud (France) (spoke in French): It is with a sense of disbelief that we find ourselves here today - disbelief at the situation that developed before our eyes with the Russian Federation's determination to annex Crimea. Nothing is lacking from those things that we hoped were relegated to the vaults of history: the military maneuvres at the borders, the henchman who yesterday was no one and today has suddenly been designated President of the Crimea, the occupation denied against all evidence, the torrents of propaganda, and now the charade of a referendum that is not only illegal, rushed and without electoral campaigns but is reduced to a choice between two ways of saying yes. Crimeans will not even be able to express their will.

    2014-03-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7138 (2014) · source

  25. If it does, a solution is possible - a solution that respects the territorial integrity of Ukraine and its independence and ensures the rights of all communities of Ukraine. It should not lose the chess game for the sake of the limited and fleeting pleasure of taking a rook. That would not be a worthy display of the talent of Russian chess players, who are among the best in the world.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  26. If the illegal referendum is held on Sunday, if Russia responds unfavourably, as it has announced it would, we will be forced to let Russia suffer all the political and economic consequences. I say "forced" because we do not want to follow a path leading backwards. I say "forced" because we will not have a choice in the face of such a major violation of international law on our continent. Russia should resist the nationalist giddiness that has engulfed it and which is always ill advised. Russia should forget 1914 and understand that we are in 2014. It should return to the principles that it heralded for so long and that it tramples today. It should listen to what the entire international community is telling it.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  27. We want to respond to them, but through respect for law and the territorial integrity of Ukraine. That is the message that for a week now all our Heads of State and Government have been sending to the highest levels in Moscow. Simple solutions are available; the principles are well known. I even cited them here a week ago: the return of the Russian forces to their barracks, the deployment of international observers from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe to ensure the safety of the civilian population, the establishment of a Government of national unity in Kyiv, the swift holding of elections under international monitoring (see S/PV.7125). Let us negotiate the terms. Time is running out.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  28. The European Union can only see its error in believing that its interlocutor shared the same objective. Russia will lose the game, but no one will emerge unscathed, because naked force will have imposed its logic. The fragile fabric of international law - the only guarantee and only barrier that small States have against the return of war - will have been torn. In this moment of confusion, it is right for the Security Council to reaffirm the principles upon which the United Nations is founded. France therefore supports the draft resolution presented by the United States of America and calls for its being put to a vote before the holding of the referendum. It is not too late. Let all of us, members and non-members of the Security Council alike, launch a final appeal to Russia. We understand the passions and concerns.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  29. Are we not aware that there are Russian and Russian-speaking minorities everywhere across that space? All that Russia will find there is distrust and anxiety. What will happen to the credibility of Russia in Ukraine? How can we imagine a reconciliation between the spoiler and the dispossessed? How can we understand the creation of a new Alsace-Lorraine a century after 1914? No one is asking Ukraine to choose between East and West. Russia has succeeded in doing so by leaving Ukraine no choice in the matter. Finally, what will become of the rapprochement between the European Union and Russia when Russia tramples upon the values that led to the creation of the European Union and the resolve to break the cycle of invasions, occupations and demands?

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  30. I play chess pretty badly, but I see here above all the immaturity of a player who cannot help but try to take the rook and ends up losing the game. Russia will gain Crimea and lose its credibility. What will happen to the credibility of Russian diplomacy when it tries to returns to its foundations - respect for the territorial integrity of States and non-interference in the internal affairs of States - a diplomacy that encouraged and recognized the secession in Georgia and annexed a region of Ukraine? It will be met with nothing but sarcasm and a shrug. What will happen to the credibility of Russian diplomacy in the former Soviet space? Are we not aware that certain independent States had been conquered by the Russian Empire before Crimea?

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  31. As French Minister for Foreign Affairs Fabius said this morning, "in Crimea Sunday the choice will a" be between 'yes' and 'yes . But for Russia it is not a question of law, coherence or logic; it is a question ofusing anything and everything to justify the unjustifiable - the blatant and cynical violation of the Charter of the United Nations, whose foundation is respect for the territorial integrity and non-interference in the internal affairs of its Members. Everything is therefore in place for the annexation of Crimea by Russia regardless of legal wrangling that will fool no one. The Western media sees in this matter the triumph of the Russian chess player who will have checkmated the international community.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  32. Russia never recognized that opinion and always disputed Kosovo's independence. We therefore await with interest the logical conclusion of that unexpected conversion - Russia's recognition of Kosovo. It is interesting to note that, in its opinion, the International Court of Justice established two conditions. One was the contested character of the territory, which led to the existence of a unique legal order, resolution 1244 (1999), and the second was the non-use of force. Obviously, those conditions have not been met in Crimea, the status of which was in no way contested either by Moscow or the local assembly, and where the Russian occupation allows one faction, which received 4 per cent of the votes in the local elections, to organize a mock referendum in the shadow of Russian bayonets.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  33. Mr. Araud (France) (spoke in French): I welcome the dignified statement we just heard from the Prime Minister of Ukraine. If the current crisis were not so serious, we could wax ironic about the recent statements made by Russian diplomats to explain the apparent movement towards the annexation of Crimea. That irony is based on two facts. First, Russia constantly refers to the agreement of 21 February, negotiated by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Germany, Poland and France, which it refused to endorse when it was signed. It has become a very belated supporter of that agreement after Yanukovych's shameful flight. Secondly - and here the irony borders on the surreal - Russia refers to the opinion of the International Court of Justice, which ruled that the unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo was not illegal.

    2014-03-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7134 (2014) · source

  34. Zerrougui, UNICEF and non-governmental organizations, that a regional seminar on the Paris Principles be held this summer in Africa to support Ms. Zerrougui's campaign in the region.

    2014-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7129 (2014) · source

  35. In that respect, Lieutenant-General Dallaire has become an advocate of training programmes, and we commend him for that new commitment, which is reflected in our resolution. Secondly, on the protection of education in conflict, France follows with interest the work of non-governmental organizations to develop guidelines on the military use ofschools. States mustbe encouraged to work alongside civil society to develop best practices that are adapted to the operational realities on the ground to improve the protection of education in times of conflict. Finally, France continues to call on all States to endorse the Paris Principles, which complement the work ofthe Security Council. We want to suggest, along with Ms.

    2014-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7129 (2014) · source

  36. France welcomes the fact that the resolution adopted today highlights the role of justice, in particular that of the International Criminal Court. We all recognize the complementary role of national courts and want them to further strengthen their efforts against the most serious crimes. But when the courts fail, the International Criminal Court is our guarantee that an independent and permanent remedy exists. Our tireless efforts must continue. In that regard, I would highlight several issues. First, on the role of the Secretariat, we are aware of Mr. Ban Ki-Moon's commitment to the Organization being irreproachable. Security sector reform and demobilization and reintegration efforts must fully include the issue of child soldiers.

    2014-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7129 (2014) · source

  37. Our debate today allows us to lay out in a concrete manner an essential aspect of the rule of law - the need for States to keep rigorous birth records, which is essential to eliminating the phenomenon of child soldiers as it sheds light on that practice and allows it to be fully understood. We must also have in mind the situation in the Central African Republic, where Sele'ka fighters have systematically destroyed the country's archives, thereby depriving all citizens, first and foremost children, of access to the rule of law. In the fight for child protection, the fight against impunity plays a vital role. The fact that the International Criminal Court issued its first conviction against Thomas Lubanga Dyilo, who was found guilty of conscripting and enlisting children under 15 years of age, was a decisive step.

    2014-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7129 (2014) · source

  38. The regime's indiscriminate aerial bombings, which were recently unanimously denounced by the Security Council in resolution 2139 (2014), have deprived an entire generation of their right to education. More than 3,000 schools have been destroyed. More than 2 million Syrian children no longer attend school. We also condemn all violations by the armed groups against children. There is an ongoing dialogue between the Free Syrian Army and the United Nations on the issue of child recruitment. We encourage Ms. Zerrougui to continue that dialogue with a view to signing an action plan. The Council recently held an open debate on the rule of law (see S/PV.7113).

    2014-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7129 (2014) · source

  39. France will shortly present a draft resolution for the deployment of a peacekeeping operation in that country. But the seriousness and urgency of the situation require that the resources of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in the Central African Republic be enhanced as of now, especially for the protection of children, as provided for in resolution 2134 (2014). Children are also at risk when their education is threatened. Schools are increasingly the target of intolerable attacks. They are burned, destroyed and caught in the middle of crossfire. Yet international humanitarian law sets out a clear rule: schools cannot be military objectives. In Syria, this has been the sad reality for children for three years.

    2014-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7129 (2014) · source

  40. Their "Children, not soldiers" campaign offers us hope for a world where national armies no longer recruit child soldiers. To achieve that, the full cooperation of the States concerned will be crucial. The United Nations has a powerful instrument in that regard, and one that has shown its effectiveness. The action plans allowed two States to be removed from the list of infamy in 2012. In the near future, other States will hopefully follow the same path. Our procedures are therefore working. Children are, unfortunately, still the first victims in today's conflicts when they are forcibly enlisted as combatants. In the Central African Republic, as we know, the armed groups, including the ex-Seleka and anti-Balaka, have more than 6,000 children among their ranks.

    2014-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7129 (2014) · source

  41. Mr. Araud (France) (spoke in French): I thank you, Mr. President, for having organized this open debate. I also thank the Secretary-General, Ms. Leila Zerrougui, Mr. Anthony Lake and Mr. Alhaji Babah Sawaneh for their statements today. I align myself with the statement to be made by the observer of the European Union. I take this opportunity to once again congratulate Luxembourg on its outstanding work on children in armed conflict, which led to the adoption of resolution 2143 (2014) today. For 15 years, the Council has been mobilized for the protection of children in conflict. From that mobilization a global system has been born and has led to the demobilization of tens of thousands of child soldiers. Today, Ms. Zerrougui and Mr. Lake have provided evidence that that mobilization continues apace.

    2014-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7129 (2014) · source

  42. The Soviets were good at that. No - not all the demonstrators who were in the streets in Kyiv were Nazis, and for the most part they were not from the far right or radical nationalists. If members of the Council need evidence ofthat, it is quite simple. Elections can be held on 25 May under international supervision - for example, under the supervision of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). Let the Ukrainians vote. They will decide, under OSCE monitoring, what future they want. Finally, I am very touched by the Russian Federation's attachment to the 21 February agreement, which the Russian Federation had previously rejected. 1 repeat - it is an agreement that the Russian Federation had refused to endorse and that it now invokes incessantly. It is better to find the path of wisdom late than never.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  43. Everything that the representative of the Russian Federation has just said is interference in the internal affairs of Ukraine. Secondly, the Permanent Representative of the Russian Federation has told us that the decision for the Russian armed forces to enter Ukraine has not yet been taken. Please, everyone knows that the Russian army is controlling the Republic of Crimea. That is a fact. Of course they had no need to enter Ukraine, since they were already were there. At this hour, the Russian army is occupying Ukraine. That is a fact. The Internet and television do exist, and Russian soldiers are not even hiding the fact that they are occupying Ukraine and surrounding the army bases of the Ukrainian army. Thirdly, there is a long-standing habit of always calling one's opponent a Nazi before getting rid of him.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  44. Mr. Araud (France) (spoke in French): For four and a halfyears Ihave had the honour to serve on the Security Council. And for four and a half years I have had the honour of working with the representative of the Russian Federation. In that time, I have heard the representative of the Russian Federation invoke whenever possible the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of another country. As soon as we talk about human rights in a given country, the representative of the Russian Federation says that there should be absolutely no interference in the domestic affairs of another country. I have just heard a statement that is nothing more than pure interference in the internal affairs of Ukraine. I am sorry to have to recall that there should be some sort of coherence in the foreign policies that we should be aspiring to.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  45. The denial of reality, the scorn for international law and the renunciation of any discourse that protects national sovereignty that we have heard today do not inspire optimism. Russia seems to be returning to its old ghosts, playing outmoded roles in an outdated setting on the stage of a bankrupt theatre. If it continues to misread the mindset of the new times and to place more trust in force than in dialogue, it is with regret but with determination that France, with its European partners, will draw consequences in its relations with Russia. Russia alone would be responsible for that setback. France, its partners and the international community as a whole ask only for respect for international law and Ukrainian sovereignty, which Russia is clearly and brutally violating.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  46. These are simple principles, the implementation of which international mediation should be able to negotiate with all the parties concerned. The Secretary-General of our Organization, together with the European Union and the OSCE, has a central role to play in that area. But let there be no mistake - the will to find a negotiated solution that meets the requirements of international law, safeguards the rights of all Ukrainians, and makes it possible to stabilize a democratic and unified Ukraine in its regional context, cannot accommodate the persistent violations of international law perpetrated by Russia. France wants to cooperate with Russia, with which we have a long common history, but not at any price and not in violation of our principles and values.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  47. These six simple points should be accepted by all parties who respect international law: first, the return of Russian armed forces to their bases, verified by international observers; secondly, the immediate cantonment, disarmament and dissolution of paramilitary elements and other groups with illegal weapons, monitored by international observers; thirdly, the Ukrainian Parliament's re-establishment of the law on regional languages; fourthly, the establishment of a high council for the protection ofminorities; fifthly, the implementation of constitutional reforms; and sixthly, the organization of presidential elections on 25 May under the aegis of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  48. In line with the position of seeking a reasonable solution that respects everyone's interests and sensitivities in the framework of Ukraine's independence and territorial integrity, there are six points that should be the basis for putting an end to the crisis.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  49. When events - the President's flight and the Parliament's about-face - made it impossible for the agreement to be implemented, France continued to defend its spirit - reconciliation through the formation a Government of national unity and the holding of elections under international supervision. That is what is being proposed today by the Prime Minister, who is being stymied by the refusal of the Party of Regions to join the Government. That is what the acting President is seeking; he has refused to sign a law that, rashly and unfortunately, diminished the role of the Russian language.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source

  50. The goal is clear - to bring the authorities of Kyiv to heel, to bring them back into the sphere of influence of Moscow and to remind them that their sovereignty is limited, as Mr. Brezhnev once said after invading Czechoslovakia. In short, Russia is taking Europe back 40 years. It is all there: the practice and the Soviet rhetoric, the brutality and the propaganda. France does not want to play this ridiculous game, which does not serve the interests of anyone, and certainly not the Ukrainian and Russian people. That is why, at the very beginning ofthe crisis, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of France, along with his German and Polish colleagues, went there to negotiate an agreement, which Russia has refused to endorse until now, only to invoke it today.

    2014-03-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7125 (2014) · source