YouSaid · the spoken record

Cunningham

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847
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2000-02-09
most recent
2004-06-14
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129
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un-security-council

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  1. Mr. President, let me join others in congratulating you and welcoming you to the chair at the head of this table. I also want to thank Mr. Annabi for his update. We support the intent of the Secretary-General and the efforts of Special Representative Klein to finish implementation of the mandate of the United Nations Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina (UNMIBH) by the end of 2002 and to transfer it to a regional organization. We hope that this process can serve as a model in some way for future such situations. The Peace Implementation Council Steering Board, which is meeting today and tomorrow in Brussels, will consider how to streamline the international civilian presence.

    2001-12-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4433 (2001) · source

  2. Secondly, on ministerial meetings, I agree with others who have suggested that we ought to use Security Council meetings at ministerial level sparingly. It is an important instrument, and we should not dilute the impact of it. We should also use the presence of Ministers here, whether during ministerial week or otherwise to enhance interaction between other countries and the Council members, particularly when we have the occasion to address regions in conflict, such as we had recently with the Lusaka Political Committee. I think that we can all do a better job at preparing for those meetings and try to make sure that we get results out of them that translate into effects in the real world.

    2001-11-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4432 (2001) · source

  3. That was not in any strict sense a meeting between the Security Council and anyone else, but it brought together interested members of the Council, outside interested people and Members of the United Nations that are not Council members in what I thought was a very interesting and useful discussion. We ought to find more ways to do that. Ambassador Ward deserves credit for trying to find ways to improve the way in which the Security Council and troop-contributing countries interact and to build a way for real exchanges in that connection as well. Sometimes formal meetings and formal presentations can be useful, but my own guess is that we are too far down that path ~ it takes a lot of time, and they are also limited in potential and impact.

    2001-11-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4432 (2001) · source

  4. I think the best way to do that is through less formal, not more formal, proceedings. After a couple of years here, my conclusion is that the less formal the setting - whether for this body or for its interaction with others - the more genuine the discussion and interaction we have. We have a couple of good examples to look at, and I am sure there will be others in the coming months. Ambassador Greenstock has set a good example in his approach to outreach and his work on the Counter-Terrorism Committee. Jamaica itself set a good example in helping to sponsor yesterday's very good meeting on peace operations and in coordinating that meeting with the Security Council's schedule.

    2001-11-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4432 (2001) · source

  5. We had a good series of high-level meetings on Africa, which I think on balance were a positive factor, although we hoped that we could have achieved more of a relationship between those meetings and developments in the real world. I want to mention two specific items out of the many that have been mentioned here this morning. First, on transparency, I agree that we need to do a better job at this, but that does not necessarily mean holding more open meetings. For example, I am not sure that we have today's format right, as others have said. What we do need to do is find a better way, under the label of transparency, to build a stronger connection between what we do and the rest of the membership, and to be innovative in finding ways to do that. As some others have suggested, that means promoting more interaction.

    2001-11-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4432 (2001) · source

  6. Madam President, I will try to be very brief given the hour, but I want to pay tribute to you and your delegation as presidency and as members of the Security Council, as others have done, and to acknowledge the contribution that you and your team have made and that Ambassador Ward has made. I should also like to recall your contribution as a prominent member of Security Council missions to Sierra Leone and Kosovo, where I remember very fondly your personal input and contribution. Without being complacent, I think we can say that we have done a lot of good work this month. I am not going to review the agenda, but simply note the progress we have made on terrorism, Afghanistan, the oil-for-food programme for Iraq and reinforcing a growing trend towards consensus, which I think is positive.

    2001-11-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4432 (2001) · source

  7. The situation in Sierra Leone, the land of the young man who spoke to us so eloquently this morning, remains daunting. We commend the work that the United Nations Children's Fund and others are doing to address the physical, medical and psychological damage done to the children of Sierra Leone during the brutal civil war. These children are maimed, torn from their families, forced to engage in acts of brutality - helping them is an enormous challenge, and one that we must meet. We must continue to work together to protect children affected by armed conflict. I have cited but two examples, but there are, all too regrettably, many more. We all have our roles to play, and the United States will continue to do its part to support these children and to make the world a safer place for them.

    2001-11-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4422 (2001) · source

  8. Mercifully, the Taliban have been pushed out of most parts of Afghanistan, and the international community can now help bring relief to the people of Afghanistan, and especially the women and children. My Government has the honour of hosting today in Washington, together with Japan, a working session to advance that effort and to prepare for a better future. As we have heard this morning, in addition to children as victims, the problem of child soldiers continues. Children under the age of 15 are still being conscripted or recruited and are being used directly in armed conflict. As the Secretary-General identified again this year, children become at the same time both victims and perpetrators. Our collective action is making this more difficult; we applaud that and are committed to a continuing effort to deal with the problem.

    2001-11-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4422 (2001) · source

  9. As First Lady Laura Bush stated in last Saturday's weekly presidential radio address, the plight of women and children in Afghanistan is a matter of deliberate human cruelty, carried out by those who seek to intimidate and control. The State Department report released in conjunction with that statement, entitled "The Taliban's War on Women", tells the story of an Afghan mother with a feverish child badly in need of a doctor. Unfortunately, she had no male family member to accompany her in public, a Taliban rule. Striving to save her child, she went into the streets anyway, where she was shot by a Taliban guard. Luckily, bystanders were able to intercede to save her and the child.

    2001-11-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4422 (2001) · source

  10. We meet today at a time when a new conflict dominates our thoughts and our work. The attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, and the subsequent action in Afghanistan, had not been envisioned when the Security Council considered this issue last year, or even when the Secretary-General released, on 7 September, the report we are discussing today. The war against terrorism has aspects that have not been traditionally considered in the debate on children and armed conflict, such as the thousands of children who lost their parents on 11 September. However, some aspects of the victimization of children in this conflict are still frighteningly familiar.

    2001-11-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4422 (2001) · source

  11. Bellamy's statements show that progress is being made and also that Member States are moving forward to help. Five additional nations have ratified the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict, the instrument that works most directly to address the problem before us today. With the tenth ratification filed by New Zealand on 12 November, the Optional Protocol will enter into force in 90 days. The United States is a signatory to the Optional Protocol, and President Bush has submitted it to the Senate for ratification. The Secretary-General's report also tells us that there are additional gains on a number of fronts, but that, unfortunately, there is still very much to be done. This issue will be with us for some time.

    2001-11-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4422 (2001) · source

  12. Madam President, I wish to thank you for convening this meeting today, and especially for your continued leadership on this issue. I also want to thank the Secretary-General; his Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict, Olara Otunnu; and the Director of the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), Carol Bellamy, for their statements this morning. They were illuminating and help us, I think, put this issue in perspective. It is important that the United Nations, the Security Council and our Governments as Member States keep the issue of children and armed conflict in focus, and I agree with Ambassador Greenstock that, for this Council, we also need to look at it as an issue of security and of direct relevance to our work and for the future of our work. Mr. Otunnu and Ms.

    2001-11-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4422 (2001) · source

  13. For now, let me say that the United States believes that existing restrictions on Liberian arms, diamonds and travel by senior Liberian government officials should remain in place pending further Council review when the mandate of resolution 1343 (2001) expires in May 2002. In addition, my authorities support the extension of the Liberia Panel's mandate for another six months so that Panel members can return to the region to continue their important work. Before closing, I would like to ask Chairman Ayafor and the Panel members two questions. First, why are more non-governmental organizations not involved in attempting to alleviate the suffering of the Liberian people and why are United Nations agencies, such as the United Nations Children's Fund and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, not doing more to help?

    2001-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4405 (2001) · source

  14. The Security Council has a responsibility to address and alleviate the suffering of the people in Liberia and Sierra Leone. My delegation believes that continued targeted sanctions against the Taylor Government promote progress in this regard by encouraging an end to destructive policies in the region, which are the real cause of the suffering there. The report of the Panel of Experts on Liberia proposes a series of recommendations for our consideration. I hope that the sanctions Committee will convene as soon as possible to review in detail the many measures recommended.

    2001-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4405 (2001) · source

  15. The hardships now faced by the Liberian people did not commence with the imposition of United Nations sanctions this past March. They result from years of war and the policies of the Taylor Government. That, and not the imposition of sanctions, is the reason why international assistance and donor support for Liberia have declined. We agree with calls for continued humanitarian efforts and my Government provided almost $10 million in humanitarian assistance to the Liberian people this year. But the situation in Liberia, as well as in Sierra Leone and neighbouring States, will really improve only when President Taylor stops all support for the Revolutionary United Front, ceases the exploitation of natural resources in Liberia and its neighbours and focuses on policies truly designed to help the Liberian people.

    2001-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4405 (2001) · source

  16. We took these steps because we agreed that the policies and actions of Liberian President Taylor and his Government were causing widespread instability and violence in the region. This continues to be the case, unfortunately, despite some progress in the Mano River Union and the welcome continuing efforts of the Economic Community of West African States. The Secretary-General's report of 5 October, prepared by the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, paints a bleak picture of the economic and humanitarian situation in Liberia. The fact that Liberia ranks 174th out of 175 countries on the human development index is very troubling, but equally troubling and saddening is the fact that Liberia's neighbour, Sierra Leone, ranks 175th on the same index.

    2001-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4405 (2001) · source

  17. I, too, would like to welcome you, Madam, to the presidency. I also welcome the Liberian Foreign Minister here today. I also want to commend Ambassador Ayafor and his team for presenting us with one of the most comprehensive and useful reports we have seen in the Council. They deserve our respect not only for the thoroughness of their work, but also for their honesty and integrity, particularly in the face of several attempts by government officials in the region to influence the outcome of the report. The methodology of the report is highly professional and sound, with good analysis, and the five detailed case studies are especially informative. In March of this year, the Security Council adopted resolution 1343 (2001) to impose an arms embargo, diamond ban and travel restrictions on senior Liberian government officials.

    2001-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4405 (2001) · source

  18. If we can all do that, we can truly talk about a United Nations success story and a success story for the people of East Timor as well.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403 (2001) · source

  19. I would like to stress to Minister Alkatiri that the East Timorese must help this process by focusing on a democratic, harmonious and peaceful way forward, practicing fiscal responsibility and programmatic rigour, capturing as much as the United Nations and others can teach and setting the right priorities. UNTAET must help this process by staying on schedule with the downsizing it has set for itself between now and independence and by working even harder to develop and implement the big picture of how the United Nations efforts fit in with those of other actors and in the near future by elaborating its plan for getting, starting on independence day, to a goal of zero or near zero peacekeeping finance support by mid- 2004.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403 (2001) · source

  20. I would like to encourage the Council, the United Nations and the East Timorese themselves to agree that a good definition of ultimate success will be when the last United Nations staff members leave and an independent and stable East Timor stands up on its own. To get there, the United Nations and the East Timorese will need to work with the widest range of bilateral donors and interested agencies to ensure that, as the extraordinary measures financed through peacekeeping progressively diminish within two years, other appropriate mechanisms of support are in place.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403 (2001) · source

  21. We endorse these recommendations in the context of our support for UNTAET as a continuing international presence, for UNTAET's ongoing downsizing and for the United Nations initial work on a reasonable and rational exit strategy. I would like particularly to welcome the work that the United Nations Development Programme did in support of UNTAET, making a technical assessment to determine which civilian posts were priority positions for political stability to be included in the limited core to be financed from assessed contributions for periods ranging from six to 24 months. Many people talk about East Timor as a United Nations success story or talk about how we need to invest more to ensure that East Timor is a success, and we agree.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403 (2001) · source

  22. Their presence illustrates that East Timor is not just a Council responsibility, and that the concept of responsibility, shared among principal interacting players, which will be referred to in the Presidential Statement later on, exists already in practice. We welcomed the Secretary-General's report on East Timor. The United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET), working with the East Timorese, has done very serious work, and it shows. The United States joins other Council members in endorsing the Secretary-General's proposals for the way ahead, both the transition from now until independence and the plan for a successor mission.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403 (2001) · source

  23. Mr. President, let me congratulate you and your delegation for Ireland's outstanding leadership of the Council during this presidency. It is good to see you here. I want to thank Mr. Vieira de Mello also for his briefing and for his tireless and admirable efforts and those of his team in East Timor. We believe that Mr. Alkatiri's participation today is particularly important, because it is the first time the Council hears from an elected East Timorese leader. This is a significant milestone. I also want to thank the briefers from the World Bank and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403 (2001) · source

  24. While the United States recognizes the importance of minimizing the humanitarian impact of sanctions, members of the international community must also reflect on the humanitarian impact of not imposing sanctions. Such a decision also has consequences. This is a heavy responsibility for Security Council members and one that we all should take most seriously. Much has already been done at this point to improve sanctions as a policy tool, both inside and outside the Council. We will continue to support efforts to improve the effectiveness of sanctions while minimizing their unintended consequences. We also will join with other interested parties in exploring how to make sanctions monitoring and implementation as effective and consistent as possible.

    2001-10-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4394Resumption1 (2001) · source

  25. In that regard, I cannot help but observe that there is some irony underlying the Council's efforts to develop and impose effective sanctions. Despite our best attempts, what can we do when a dictatorial regime itself holds its own people hostage? What are we to think when a State or Government denies its own people food, medicine and shelter, items the international community is willing to provide to those most challenged? We see that situation, unfortunately, now in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere. On Iraq, we endorsed a new approach to sanctions this past spring but have been blocked in our persistent attempts to improve the oil-for-food programme and the Iraq sanctions regime. This should be done, and we will continue to seek agreement on this most pressing issue.

    2001-10-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4394Resumption1 (2001) · source

  26. We have ample instances of where sanctions regimes have influenced behaviour. But, of course, we want to and we will continue to make improvements. American representatives actively participated in the Interlaken, Bonn and Berlin discussions, and we look forward to engaging in the Stockholm process when the Swedish Government hosts the next round of meetings to discuss sanctions verification and implementation. These discussions help support our work in the Council to reinforce sanctions as an effective policy tool, including through the increased use of better targeted sanctions, and to do our best to ensure that sanctions are both effective and humane. We want to do the best job possible to see that sanctions imposed by the Security Council pose the minimum risk to civilian populations.

    2001-10-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4394Resumption1 (2001) · source

  27. We all agree that sanctions must remain a viable policy option, and while we can make improvements, in point of fact, past sanctions regimes have been and continue to be effective, as noted in a number of studies that we have discussed in the Council and in various working groups over the past couple of months. They have been a vital policy instrument to modify the behaviour of a State or entity that poses a threat to international peace or that has committed an act of aggression. Sanctions provide us with an approach greater than persuasion, but less than the use of force, to employ the collective will of the international community. Of course, some countries will try to avoid compliance. There will always be violation of sanctions. That is to be expected, but that does not mean that the regime itself is ineffective.

    2001-10-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4394Resumption1 (2001) · source

  28. I would like to thank Swiss Ambassador Staehelin, German Ambassador Kastrup and Swedish State Secretary Dahlgren for their informative and very valuable briefings the other day and for the important work on sanctions in which their respective Governments have been engaged. This work is very useful to the Council and to the international community more broadly, and we commend them for making the effort. The United States wants to make sanctions a more effective policy tool. We have all accomplished a lot already in that regard in the last year or so, and as Ambassador Dahlgren noted the other day, present circumstances demand that we refine and further improve our use of multilateral sanctions to address threats to international peace and security.

    2001-10-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4394Resumption1 (2001) · source

  29. Although the Mayi-Mayi are not listed in the annex of the Lusaka Agreement, and although they are an indigenous Congolese resistance movement, arming them is still potentially fatal to the peace process. Rather than supplying them with arms, all parties should focus on bringing them into the inter-Congolese dialogue. In calling on the heads of State of Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo to meet, we were in fact calling on them to embark on a process designed to transform mutual hostility into mutual security. We know that the Council will continue to support their efforts to work for a region where security rests on mutual interest and cooperation.

    2001-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4395 (2001) · source

  30. The United Nations should be allowed to speak to everyone individually, and it should be allowed to ascertain who these people are, where they come from and where they would like to go. An unambiguous Government commitment to allow Kamina follow-through will constitute a positive signal to the international community and the region. I want to briefly mention another point. Through you, Mr. President, the Council recently issued a call to the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and all other parties to cease any form of support for the armed groups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. My Government believes that the cessation of arming is the necessary precondition for disarming negative forces.

    2001-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4395 (2001) · source

  31. One of the problems we have always faced is that none of us knows how many such individuals exist. The Government of Rwanda places the number in the tens of thousands; the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo says that the people the United Nations saw in Kamina represent all of the Rwandan guerrillas on Government territory. We are fairly confident that the reality lies somewhere in the middle. We appeal to Minister She Okitundu to allow the United Nations to do its job in Kamina. If we succeed in demobilizing a small group, more may follow. We hope that when the United Nations returns, it will do so with the full cooperation and assistance of the Government. I welcome that the Minister addresses this in his comments today.

    2001-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4395 (2001) · source

  32. This is the time for the parties to address the most difficult issue in this process: the disarmament and demobilization of the armed groups. The time has come for transparency from all the parties. The Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo took the first step in inviting the United Nations to Kamina to meet with a group of people presented to the world as Rwandan guerrillas ready for a disarmament process. This very positive gesture was undermined by the manner in which it was carried out. The United Nations has to be able to screen each individual and ascertain his or her background and wishes, but contact between the United Nations and those in the camp was very limited. We cannot even say if the individuals presented were in fact Rwandans. Still, Kamina was a start.

    2001-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4395 (2001) · source

  33. In those meetings, my delegation said that neither country could hope to provide for its security needs if it adopted a policy of confrontation towards its neighbours. We also said that the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo had a right under international law to demand the withdrawal of all foreign forces from its territory, and that its neighbours had a similar right to demand that the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo not be used to launch attacks against them. Through the good will of the parties, the disengagement line is holding and fighting has been confined to a relatively small area. However, within the area of current fighting, all the forces that threaten the welfare of the Congolese people remain intact.

    2001-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4395 (2001) · source

  34. In today's meeting, however, I would like to focus on a specific problem - a problem not of the Democratic Republic of the Congo Government's creation, and one that has resisted solution for the last seven years. We know that the Congolese people are the victims, and not the creators, of groups such as the former Forces armees rwandaises (ex-FAR) and Interahamwe and the Burundian Front pour la defense de la de'mocratie. Nor were the people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo complicit in the Rwandan genocide or in the events that led to armed rebellion in Burundi. But the fact that the problem was not created by the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo does not diminish its responsibility now in helping to find a solution. In January, the Council met separately with Presidents Kabila and Kagame.

    2001-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4395 (2001) · source

  35. I, too, want to welcome Special Representative Ngongi's introduction of the Secretary-General's report, which we also commend. We also welcome the presentation by Foreign Minister She Okitundu and we are glad to see him back here. We hope that we will be able to meet with the Minister's colleagues from the Lusaka signatory States during Jamaica's presidency of the Security Council in November. The presidential statement that we will adopt at the conclusion of today's meeting reflects our broad policy objectives in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. We will use the hoped-for meeting in November to outline the various areas in which we hope to see progress, areas that a number of my colleagues have already addressed.

    2001-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4395 (2001) · source

  36. There must be improved security and support for the return of Serb and other groups that have been forced to leave, so that they can be participants. We are encouraged by the support of the Government of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia for the registration of Kosovo Serbs and hope it will take a similar stance with regard to the voting. Full participation in the 17 November elections is the only way to ensure that a multi-ethnic character is preserved and that Kosovo Serb interests are embedded and respected in the post-election period.

    2001-10-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4387 (2001) · source

  37. There was a clear message from the Council, during its mission to Kosovo and since, that we support a democratic, inclusive vision of the future for Kosovo with respect for law. That point is again, I think, reaffirmed in the statement that the Council will be issuing shortly. I do not think any of us expect miracles, but we can and should insist on respect for the road map and the way ahead that the Special Representative has laid down, in keeping with the resolution. In pursuing that path, there can be no place for violence. There must be participation by all in the upcoming elections and in the institutions of Kosovo's provision self-government. I want to applaud UNMIK's efforts to that end.

    2001-10-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4387 (2001) · source

  38. I want to thank Special Representative Haekkerup for that not just comprehensive, but even eloquent explanation of where we are in this process, where we need to go and, more importantly, where the people Kosovo need to go in the future. The upcoming elections are a watershed event and my Government fully supports his efforts and those of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo to prepare for the transition of authority to locally elected leaders after the voting in November. I want to emphasize that the elections cannot be divorced from the political process outlined in resolution 1244 (1999). Provisional self-government will require responsibility and discipline from Kosovo's elected leaders.

    2001-10-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4387 (2001) · source

  39. My Government will continue to demand that the Government of Sudan address these issues while we work to build greater cooperation in the international fight against terrorism. The President named a truly distinguished American, Senator John Danforth, to engage Sudan on these and other issues. In light of these considerations, the United States has abstained on this resolution.

    2001-09-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4384 (2001) · source

  40. Sudan has recently apprehended extremists within that country whose activities may have contributed to international terrorism. Sudan is also engaged in serious discussions with my Government about ways to combat terrorism. We welcome those steps and expect this cooperation to continue. We expect the Government of Sudan to demonstrate a full commitment to the fight against international terrorism by taking every step to expel terrorists and deny them safe haven. The United States also has continuing concerns about the enormous suffering of the Sudanese people. The civil war in the Sudan has lasted some 18 years and has caused immense human misery. Two million people have died; there have been massive displacements of civilians; human rights continue to be abused; and human beings there continue to be treated as slaves.

    2001-09-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4384 (2001) · source

  41. The United States Government believes that the Government of Sudan has taken substantial steps to meet the specific demands of Security Council resolution 1054 (1996). We note with concern, however, that the suspects wanted in connection with the 1995 assassination attempt on President Mubarak in Addis Ababa were not turned over to the appropriate authorities. This was not satisfactory. However, we believe, as do the Governments of Egypt and Ethiopia, that they are no longer in Sudan. In this regard, we take very seriously the letters sent to the Council by the Governments of Egypt and Ethiopia - the victims of the incident that led to the Security Council actions on Sudan - calling for a lifting of Council sanctions anyway. We strongly urge the authorities of all States to continue the effort to bring these suspects to justice.

    2001-09-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4384 (2001) · source

  42. As others have noted, this was an assault not just on the United States, but on all of us who support peace and democracy and the values for which the United Nations stands. The United States has suffered a cowardly and evil attack, but America is not, and will not be, shaken in its resolve. We will grieve, and we will heal. We look to all those who stand for peace, justice and security in the world to stand together with the United States to win the war against terrorism. We will make no distinction between the terrorists who committed these acts and those who harbour them. We will bring those responsible to account. Yesterday's horrifying images, burned now into the global memory, serve as a constant reminder to all of the need to stamp out this scourge and of the need for determination and action to do so.

    2001-09-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4370 (2001) · source

  43. I want to thank the Secretary-General, the members of the Council and you, Mr. President, for their kind words, their support and resolve and their condolences to the American people on this dark day. We appreciate the many expressions of concern and support that we have received from around the world. Our thoughts and prayers are with the many who died in the attacks and their families, with the injured and with the many brave fire-department, emergency-services and police personnel here in New York who perished and those who continue to work feverishly even as we speak in response to the attacks. Last night, President Bush eloquently addressed the nation and the world on yesterday's outrage.

    2001-09-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4370 (2001) · source

  44. Vieira de Mello's intent, as the transitional leader, to form a new all-Timorese cabinet that reflects the spirit and results of the elections. We also find very welcome the news that Mr. Vieira de Mello and East Timorese leaders will meet soon with Indonesian President Megawati. Certainly dialogue is the way to move forward and the way to resolve the issues that are still outstanding. I also want to recall, as Mr. Guehenno did, the East Timorese refugees that are still in West Timor. We hope that reports that a large group of refugees may participate in returns to the East this week are borne out and that this will be a beginning of movement of all those who wish to return. We hope that the success of the elections encourages confidence in that respect.

    2001-09-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4367 (2001) · source

  45. The results of the election and Fretilin's commitment also honour the commitment of the people of East Timor to democracy and the elections, as was evident in Jean-Marie Guehenno's briefing. It is clear that the approach to and the conduct of the elections was an example to the world community, as the Secretary-General said recently, and as was also observed by a number of members of the international community, including the United States Assistant Secretary of State James Kelly, who was there with an American delegation. I want to join others who have congratulated the United Nations, the Secretary- General, Mr. Vieira de Mello and his colleagues at the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET), the independent electoral commission, and certainly the Timorese themselves. We support Mr.

    2001-09-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4367 (2001) · source

  46. I think the presence of the Secretary-General with us today signifies the import of the event that we are here discussing and commemorating. This is truly a rare example of good news and encouraging news, a cause for quite a bit of satisfaction. We now have democracy serving solidly as a base for movement ahead in East Timor. We have a solid basis via elections for a Constituent Assembly. Fretilin has a strong but not an overwhelming majority and will work with others to determine the future. I applaud the Fretilin leaders who have asserted that their approach will be one of inclusion, seeking consensus on a modern and well-crafted constitution. This is certainly a wise approach for the long term and one that we expect will prove out and should be emulated.

    2001-09-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4367 (2001) · source

  47. The United States continues to believe that the bases for these negotiations are Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and the principles embodied in the Madrid Conference. Simply and sadly put, there are no quick or easy solutions to this bitter conflict. There are no shortcuts in this Council or elsewhere. Peace cannot be imposed; it has to be worked for. Implementation of the Mitchell recommendations, however difficult, remains the only Viable pathway forward. And we call upon those gathered here today to support ongoing efforts towards that end.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357 (2001) · source

  48. These recommendations have been accepted by the parties themselves and provide a road map for them to follow in order to end the violence, rebuild confidence and change the dynamic of grievance and violence so that Israelis and Palestinians can resume a political process again. The Fact-Finding Committee's recommendations rightly call initially for an unconditional end to the violence. Indeed, there can be no progress, let alone meaningful negotiations, without it. The United States has taken the lead in working with the parties to develop a security work plan for implementing a ceasefire. At the same time, the report ends with a call for returning to negotiations. These negotiations will allow the parties to address the underlying issues that fuel their conflict and to return to a path towards peace.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357 (2001) · source

  49. At the same time, Israel should also avoid actions that might escalate the situation, and take steps on the ground, of both an economic and a security nature, that will alleviate pressure on Palestinians and transform the reality of their daily lives. There is no magic wand to accomplish these objectives, no statement, resolution, nor action by the Council that can remedy this tragic situation. But there is a pathway forward, which the United States and others in this room have endorsed. The recommendations of the Sharm el-Sheikh Fact-finding Committee, led by former Senator Mitchell and other distinguished international statesmen from Turkey, Norway and the European Union, provide a realistic, practical, comprehensive approach to dealing with this crisis.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357 (2001) · source

  50. It is towards this objective that the United States and others here have been working intensively. Our pledge is that we will continue our efforts. It is critical that the terror and violence end. It is imperative that everything possible be done to pre- empt terror, arrest those responsible for terrorism, bring them to justice and end the incitement that creates an environment for their actions. There can be no justification or excuse for these actions. These horrific attacks have killed and wounded Israelis indiscriminately and have claimed American lives as well. The Palestinian Authority must act and make it unmistakably clear by its own actions that it will not tolerate these activities. Without such action, the situation will only deteriorate further.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357 (2001) · source