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Levitte

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2000-03-21
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2002-11-12
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  1. That is the case particularly with 15 member States of the European Union, which have all not only ratified the Statute, but have also committed themselves to promoting its universality. Does the problem we face today not have a solution? Obviously, the answer clearly is no. Certainly, no Security Council member accepted the solution proposed by the United States in paragraph 4 of its text. The American approach would in fact have called into question the commitments made by States that ratified the Rome Statute. I recall that many States, including France, have made constitutional revisions in order to take into account the provisions of the Statute, including the one on immunity. The approach proposed by the United States was therefore not practicable. Are there any other solutions? The answer clearly is yes.

    2002-06-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4563 (2002) · source

  2. The decision of the United States to oppose the extension of UNMBIH is difficult to understand in many respects. UNMIBH has existed for several years now. It was set up - as was the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia - by a unanimous Security Council resolution that had the full support of the United States. At no point did the existence of that Tribunal - before which, in principle, UNMIBH participants could have been called - pose any problems for the United States. Tomorrow, 1 July 2002, the Statute of the International Criminal Court will enter into force. The United States chose not to ratify the Rome Statute. We respect its position, even if we do not agree with it. In the same spirit, we call on the United States to respect the choice made by States that ratified the Rome Statute or that intend to.

    2002-06-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4563 (2002) · source

  3. Mr. Levitte (France) (spoke in French): France deeply regrets the present situation. Intensive negotiations were held this past week in the Security Council and among our various capitals. Despite the efforts made, no solution reconciling the various interests was agreed. The veto of the United States is a threat to the existence of the United Nations Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina (UNMIBH), a Mission remarkably led by an American, Mr. Jacques-Paul Klein, and a Mission whose impressive achievements in restoring law and order and combating organized crime and terrorism have just been noted by the Security Council and the Secretary-General. The Mission was about to end in a few months anyway, to be replaced by a police mission under the auspices of the European Union.

    2002-06-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4563 (2002) · source

  4. It will be more targeted and concrete. Indeed, it will enable the world, following an unprecedented auditing of the state of the world in combating terrorism, to work to improve the situation, State by State, and the steps to be taken by all. France has already indicated the areas in which it was prepared to provide such technical assistance. Beyond that, the French-speaking world, which will hold a summit meeting in October in Beirut, is mobilizing the means at its disposal for States that are part of a culture that goes beyond a single language and a common legal culture. Once again, I would like to pay tribute to Sir Jeremy and his entire team. Let us continue to work in the good spirit that he himself has inspired in us.

    2002-06-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4561 (2002) · source

  5. Regional and technical organizations are henceforth not just informed but also mobilized, along with the CTC, which seems to be a veritable umbrella that covers all these organizations and thereby ensures a necessary consistency in the work of the entire community of nations. We shall soon be going on to the second, more targeted phase of the work, which, on the basis of a dialogue with each country, will enable us first of all to identify the areas in which each country should improve its legislation and the administrations involved. Secondly - and above all, I would say - this phase will enable us to identify the work of technical cooperation that not the Security Council but the organizations identified by the Council and Member States will make available to States that need such technical assistance. This second phase is crucial.

    2002-06-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4561 (2002) · source

  6. This result is first a method, I believe, a determination to have total transparency with regard not just to the Member States but also, above and beyond that, all those who have come as partners, especially regional organizations, and therefore an ability to act as a team, not just within the Council and the permanent missions in New York but also with the networks of international organizations. Sir Jeremy has reminded us of the results. One hundred sixty reports have been received and considered. This shows not just the success but also the importance that all States members of the community of nations attach to the work done by the Counter- Terrorism Committee (CTC).

    2002-06-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4561 (2002) · source

  7. This is first and foremost the result of the work of one person, Ambassador Jeremy Greenstock, to whom I would like to pay a special and well-deserved tribute. I would also like to include in that tribute a woman, Anna Clunes, who is part of the delegation of the United Kingdom and who has carried out tremendous work. Beyond that, it is in fact the entire Council, first of all through the Vice-Chairmen, that should show the result achieved in a few months time.

    2002-06-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4561 (2002) · source

  8. Mr. Levitte (France) (spoke in French): France associates itself with the statement that will later be made by the Ambassador of Spain on behalf of the 15 member States of the European Union. But I would like to say a few words in my national capacity. Last 11 September, we experienced one of the moments that define the development of the world for many years and perhaps decades to come. The question that arose was whether the Security Council would meet the challenge posed to the entire international community. Our meeting today shows once again, I believe, that, yes, the Security Council has been able to cope with its new responsibilities, and it has been able to do so in an exemplary manner.

    2002-06-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4561 (2002) · source

  9. The logic behind the stabilization and association process launched by the European Union for States in the region calls for States to avoid all interference in the rule of law and the efforts of the international community in Kosovo. That is the spirit of the Zagreb summit, which we must maintain. Finally, the Security Council's position regarding the Agreement on the border between Yugoslavia and Macedonia is clear. Practical arrangements regarding its implementation, concluded through dialogue and cooperation between all the parties concerned, should help invigorate the spirit of the Zagreb summit.

    2002-06-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4559 (2002) · source

  10. We will firmly support the Special Representative of the Secretary-General in his efforts to ensure that the rule of law is respected. In this context, we support the 13 June guidelines for agreements of institutions of self-government in the area of international cooperation. Respect for international law is incumbent upon the institutions of self-government, as well as upon States. That principle should have prevailed with regard to the memorandum of understanding signed on 30 May between the Minister for Economic Affairs of the Republic of Albania and the Minister for Trade and Industry of the Kosovar Government. The Special Representative quite rightly declared that memorandum of understanding null and void.

    2002-06-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4559 (2002) · source

  11. Kosovo officials should continue their efforts along those lines. There is no alternative. This is the condition in order for Kosovo to move closer to European standards. Any action contrary to resolution 1244 (1999) and the Constitutional Framework will run directly counter to that objective. In this regard, initiatives such as the resolution on the protection of the territorial integrity of Kosovo, which exceed the competence of the self-government institutions, are null and void. The Security Council and the Special Representative of the Secretary- General emphasized this recently. Such initiatives prevent Kosovo from making progress towards stability and a better future. The provisional institutions of self- government must show their sense of responsibility in this regard.

    2002-06-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4559 (2002) · source

  12. Self-governing authorities should get involved in daily life in Kosovo by complying fully with resolution 1244 (1999) and the Constitutional Framework - and with nothing else. The conditions for beginning specific work are now present. More than 100 days after its inauguration, the Government is complete, now that the Minister of Agriculture and the Inter- Ministerial Coordinator for Returns have taken their oath before Mr. Steiner. We should welcome this. What we have to do now is work for the well-being of the entire population without any distinction as to origin. The benchmarks referred to by the Secretary-General in his latest report will enable us more precisely to evaluate progress achieved by Kosovo in the areas of democracy, the rule of law, regional stability and respect for international law.

    2002-06-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4559 (2002) · source

  13. Implementation of the Common Document of 5 November 2001 remains the cornerstone of this relationship and of the implementation of resolution 1244 (1999). Moreover, Mr. Steiner has emphasized the importance of the return of refugees and displaced persons. No effort should be spared in making these returns a reality. Their success will be decisive in gauging the ability of Kosovar society to find roots in democracy, to eliminate violence and make a positive contribution to regional stability. All Kosovars should mobilize to ensure the success of the projects managed by UNMIK. This mobilization should extend to restoring the rule of law, affirming justice and combating impunity. We support UNMIK's actions in that regard.

    2002-06-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4559 (2002) · source

  14. Steiner has succeeded in making the provisional institutions of self-government a reality. He fostered their establishment and convinced representatives of all the components of Kosovar society to take part in them. He has encouraged implementation of the Constitutional Framework while seeing to it that initiatives which do not respect its provisions are identified. Thanks to the action of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), noteworthy results have been achieved. We should also welcome the dialogue between the Special Representative of the Secretary- General and the Yugoslav authorities. It is important that trusting cooperation be established between UNMIK and the provisional institutions on one hand and the Belgrade authorities on the other with respect for the competences of each.

    2002-06-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4559 (2002) · source

  15. Mr. Levitte (France) (spoke in French): I thank Jean-Marie Guehenno for his very complete - as usual - briefing on the latest developments in Kosovo. France endorses the statement which the representative of Spain will make during our discussion on behalf of the European Union. I shall limit my statement to recalling issues which are important to us in our national capacity. Mr. Steiner and his team deserve our encouragement and support. Three years after the adoption of resolution 1244 (1999) and the arrival of the United Nations in Kosovo we have come a long way. The international community remains determined to foster complete implementation of the resolution and ensure its respect. Since the Special Representative of the Secretary-General took up his duties in February additional steps have been taken. Mr.

    2002-06-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4559 (2002) · source

  16. The Security Council, whose resolutions must be implemented, must continue to make its contribution along the same lines.

    2002-06-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4552Resumption1 (2002) · source

  17. It is indeed urgent to restore the hopes of Palestinians and Israelis through a genuine political process. The security problems cannot be treated in isolation. Their lasting solution necessarily entails political and humanitarian measures: we must revive the prospect of a viable Palestinian State and put an end to the humanitarian tragedy and to the unprecedented economic deterioration of the Palestinian territories. The recent statements of the United States Secretary of State are encouraging and should be supported. The efforts of the United States are essential and decisive. France awaits with interest the new proposals that the American authorities announced would soon be presented. France is counting on the "quartet" and on all of its members to make rapid progress.

    2002-06-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4552Resumption1 (2002) · source

  18. The terms of reference must be built on the foundation that is now the bedrock of the international consensus: Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 1397 (2002); the principles of the Madrid Conference, and in particular the principle of land for peace; the Oslo Accords; the achievements of past negotiations; the Saudi peace proposal endorsed by the Arab summit in Beirut and reaffirmed by the tripartite summit in Sharm el-Sheikh; and the American vision developed by President Bush and Secretary of State Colin Powell. The participants must include all parties, including Syria and Lebanon, as well as the Arab States most directly affected: Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia and Morocco. The timetable must be realistic, but it is urgent that we move forward in a substantial way.

    2002-06-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4552Resumption1 (2002) · source

  19. Through negotiation, we must find a just solution to all pending questions related to the future Palestinian State, in particular the questions of Jerusalem and the refugees. Relations among all the countries of the region must be normalized. Now is the time to define the roadmap that will lead us from the vision of a comprehensive, lasting and just peace to its implementation. To that end, the international conference on peace in the Middle East proposed by Colin Powell and the "quartet" could be a particularly useful instrument. We must therefore set out without delay to define its objectives, terms of reference, timetable and format precisely. For France, the objectives are those that I have just described.

    2002-06-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4552Resumption1 (2002) · source

  20. The worst is not ineluctable, but it will take courage and a great sense of responsibility on the part of the parties, their leaders and the international community to avoid it. We are at a critical and paradoxical crossroads. At the international diplomatic level, we have never be so close to a consensus on the specific shape of a final solution to the conflict and a lasting peace; at the same time, its implementation on the ground seems never to have been so distant. We agree on the objectives. The Israeli occupation of 1967 must be put to an end on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). We must create an independent, democratic and viable Palestinian State living side by side with Israel within secure and recognized borders.

    2002-06-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4552Resumption1 (2002) · source

  21. It is essential that the Palestinians be able to create political, administrative, legal and security structures that will form the framework of their future State. They will be the guarantee of an effective, transparent and democratic Administration responsive to the aspirations of the Palestinian people. The international community must support these reconstruction and reform efforts, which are also in Israel's interest, which would have everything to gain by facilitating them. The international community has the urgent duty to help the parties out of their current vicious circle. Security and humanitarian imperatives must urgently be reconciled. It is essential to resist the temptation to indulge fatalism and to resign ourselves to the worst.

    2002-06-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4552Resumption1 (2002) · source

  22. The Palestinian leaders and a number of their fellow citizens are aware of the destructive impact of these attacks on the legitimate national cause of the Palestinians. Beyond such condemnations, the Palestinian Authority must use every means still at its disposal to prevent and end these attacks. The reforms announced by the Palestinian Authority and the initial measures taken are steps in the right direction. France has welcomed the publication of the Judiciary Law and of the Basic Law, along with the establishment of a new Government, the ongoing process to rationalize and improve the security apparatus and the announcement of local and legislative elections. This effort must be pursued.

    2002-06-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4552Resumption1 (2002) · source

  23. The fight against terrorism, while perfectly legitimate, must be undertaken in compliance with the law and, in particular, with international humanitarian law and Israel's international commitments. It cannot justify the collective punishment and daily humiliation of an entire people. On the Palestinian side, certain groups and individuals are pursuing a terrorist logic that is blind, unacceptable and counterproductive. The extremists are holding the entire population hostage. France has vigorously condemned the recent attacks, which no cause can justify. These attacks have also been unconditionally condemned by the Palestinian Authority and Yasser Arafat, its elected President.

    2002-06-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4552Resumption1 (2002) · source

  24. The actions against the Palestinian Authority and Palestinian towns - in particular the repeated incursions into zone A, the reoccupation of Ramallah, the de facto cantonization of the West Bank and the restrictions on the movement of people and goods - contravene the law and are counterproductive. They must stop forthwith. The same can be said of settlement activities, particularly in Jerusalem, and of the destruction of administrative and economic infrastructures, agricultural lands and homes. These unilateral actions only exacerbate the people's despair, hinder the implementation of the reforms desired by all and obstruct the security efforts of the Palestinian Authority.

    2002-06-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4552Resumption1 (2002) · source

  25. Mr. Levitte (France) (spoke in French): France associates itself fully with the statement made by the Ambassador of Spain on behalf ofthe European Union. The Israelis and Palestinians are now locked into a perverse logic. Blood continues to flow every day. Security Council resolutions 1402 (2002) and 1403 (2002) are still not being complied with. We are facing a catastrophic impasse that is leading the two peoples and the region towards the abyss. In the name ofits fight against terrorism, Israel is pursuing a repressive and security-based military logic that leaves no prospect for a resumption of dialogue and the humanitarian consequences of which are tragic for the Palestinian people.

    2002-06-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4552Resumption1 (2002) · source

  26. The Security Council does not need to intervene directly on this subject, but since it has been raised, I think the Council, which on occasion deals with the grave consequences of difficult elections, can make recommendations about possible courses of action. I think this is an additional reason for cooperation between the OAU and the United Nations. These are the few comments that I wish to make on behalf of France on the subjects that seem to me to be the most delicate among all of those raised by the preceding speakers in this extremely rich and positive discussion.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  27. What I mean is that the United Nations Secretariat, which has long experience in this area and which has established very clear rules of the game, should work with the OAU so that when a country requests that an electoral process be observed, there would be some sort of United Nations-OAU partnership to observe it. When we say "observe", that does not mean being present just on election day. It means being present, as the United Nations requests, during the preceding months so that the preparations for the elections can be blameless. It means being present during the elections themselves, and when the results are announced it would be appropriate that a single spokesperson represent the United Nations and the OAU, to avoid the cacophony of often diverging announcements.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  28. There is a last point that I would like to raise, a follow-up to the preceding point, and that is the electoral processes. Unfortunately, it is often electoral processes which lead to crises. That is just the case in Madagascar, but there are other recent examples that could be mentioned in that region of Africa which can plunge us into situations that are then difficult to manage. Here I believe that the Security Council does not have a direct role. But since we are all in this brainstorming sort of meeting, I believe it would be good for us to reflect together on certain rules of the game that might be accepted by all.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  29. Here again, I believe that the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the subregional organizations can point the way. I find it striking to observe, for example in the crisis in Madagascar that was raised by Ibrahima Fall and mentioned by others as well, how the OAU, when confronted by a grave crisis, albeit an internal one, unhesitatingly committed itself to making a full contribution to the quest for a peaceful solution. I believe that our Council, which hesitates to follow the OAU, should not have this hesitation. When the OAU believes that it should play its role because the very future of a country is at stake, the Council should be prepared to work side by side with the OAU in its initiative, as long as the OAU wishes that.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  30. This applies to Burundi as well, where we have been having a dialogue - which is to continue in the coming week - concerning the rebel groups that refuse to end the fighting and join the peace process. These initial comments relate to conflict management once conflicts erupt. We all agree that it is better to prevent than to correct, and all the speakers have emphasized the extent to which prevention is necessary. This is often a very difficult subject, because most African crises are in fact internal crises. Here, we come up against Article 2, paragraph 7 ofthe Charter if we give it a close reading. At what point should we move past the question of non-interference in internal affairs in order to embark on the prevention of a crisis that we all see coming?

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  31. When the African leaders ask us to adopt sanctions, I think they must know that if we do that it is first of all up to them, the regional countries, to see to it that the sanctions are properly implemented. We have been able to verify the extent to which sanctions can succeed. The most recent case is that of Angola, where without question the sanctions adopted by the Security Council played an important, perhaps even decisive, role. This is simply because all of the countries of the region played the game perfectly and cooperated with the Council. So, if we adopt sanctions upon the request of the signatories of the Lusaka Agreement, those sanctions could succeed only if all the countries of the region participated in their implementation.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  32. We saw this in our recent mission to the Great Lakes region, where we had an extremely interesting debate between the 15 members of the Security Council and all the Foreign Ministers and Defence Ministers of the signatories of the Lusaka Agreement. They unanimously asked us to adopt sanctions against those of their own who were not keeping their commitments. In particular, they asked us to withdraw troops from the Democratic Republic ofthe Congo. Sir Jeremy Greenstock, who is right here, told them: "Well, we are not very fond of adopting sanctions", to which the other side replied: "Yes, but we are asking you to adopt these sanctions." The final communique, which I invite you to read, exactly reflects that debate. The comment I would like to share with you this morning is that here again what we need to develop is a real partnership.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  33. But what I would like to emphasize to those who are listening to us is to what extent this discussion throughout the successful management of the Sierra Leone crisis was, in the end, extremely productive. We started from quite different perspectives, and little by little we managed, here too, to build a partnership, which has enabled us, I believe I can say, to succeed together. The elections that have just taken place in Sierra Leone bear eloquent witness to this. The third comment is on a delicate question, that of sanctions, which Ibrahima Fall referred to. What strikes me is that, basically the African leaders are increasingly asking us to adopt sanctions against some of their own who are not complying with commitments that they themselves have undertaken.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  34. My second comment is that some speakers expressed regret that agreements between the regional or subregional organizations and the Security Council are not always perfect from the outset. The representative of Egypt gave the example of ECOWAS and of Sierra Leone. I personally believe that it is quite normal for us to have views that sometimes differ, simply because the leaders of the region are in direct contact with the realities, and are sometimes very closely related to some of those involved in a conflict. For our part, we look at the situation from outside, and we send often large numbers of troops - 17,000, for example, to Sierra Leone. So it is normal for us to have this discussion.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  35. Furthermore, how could United Nations Blue Helmets succeed in doing what the Rwandan army has not managed to do on the soil of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in the past three years? Thus, afterwards, we had lengthy discussions with our Lusaka Agreement partners to say yes, of course, to disarmament and repatriation of ex- FAR and Interahamwe, but on a voluntary rather than a forced, imposed basis. I cite that example to show how desirable it is for the African leaders, when they commit themselves to conflict resolution and wish to give responsibilities to the Security Council, to involve the Council in advance, when they see fit to do so, and, before adopting a plan, to make sure that what they are asking of the United Nations and the Security Council is something that the Council can indeed do.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  36. I believe that the Security Council cannot only be a provider of services that would respond, toeing the line, to orders from African heads of State, who in a way would unilaterally set the rules of the game. A true partnership is necessary from the very start, in other words from the time that agreements are negotiated, at least if African leaders want to entrust all or part of the implementation of their plans to the Security Council. To cite an example, we have just conducted our third mission to the Great Lakes region. The Lusaka Agreement, as written, calls upon the Security Council forcibly to disarm the ex-FAR and Interahamwe groups. We received the Agreement; we read it; and we immediately said: mission impossible.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  37. To cite a few examples, as Ambassador Baali reminded us, Algeria has played a decisive role in the search for a solution to the border conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea. The countries of the Great Lakes region, through the Lusaka Agreement, have charted the course towards a solution to the crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), for their part, have long sought a solution to the crisis in Sierra Leone. Therefore, the role of the Security Council is increasingly to accompany the African countries themselves in implementing the solutions that they themselves develop. This is a very positive point. Nonetheless, it is a point that I believe requires careful consideration as to the modalities of such cooperation.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  38. Mr. Levitte (France) (spoke in French): We thank you, Sir, for personally presiding over this extremely important Security Council meeting. We also thank Ambassador Jagdish Koonjul for having been at the starting point of our debate by creating the ad hoc Working Group, which he is leading with all of his talent. As you have invited us to do, Sir, I shall try to respond to some of the comments made by the preceding speakers. Basically, I shall endeavour, on behalf of France, to address the most delicate subjects that have been raised. Indeed, that is how our discussion can be of greatest interest. My first observation is that more and more African leaders are themselves taking charge of the search for solutions to African crises. This is an extremely positive development, which we must welcome.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  39. But rarely have all those tasks been carried out by the United Nations - in any case, never so successfully. The support of the United Nations will not be withdrawn from the East Timorese. Its role will only be adapted. That is the mission of Mr. Kamalesh Sharma, whom we all know well and in whom we all have complete confidence. Less than in the past will it be a question of replacing the East Timorese authorities; they will have rather to be assisted. Other actors will see their role grow: the bilateral and multilateral donors, as well as the regional organizations that East Timor will now join. The East Timorese can with full confidence pursue the implementation of the country's highest priorities: national reconciliation, economic development and the country's integration into its regional and international environment.

    2002-05-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4537 (2002) · source

  40. We must also welcome the role of Indonesia during this decisive period. The presence in Dili of President Megawati Soekarnoputri bears witness to the will of Indonesia to establish constructive and peaceful relations of cooperation with the new State. As we speak, the independence celebrations are ending in Dili and throughout the territory of the new State. Everywhere, and with a remarkable unanimity, the East Timorese people have expressed their jubilation, as well as their gratitude for the impressive work accomplished by the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor, under the enlightened leadership of Sergio Vieira de Mello. At times, the United Nations has offered its good offices; at times it has protected; at times it has developed; at times it has administered.

    2002-05-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4537 (2002) · source

  41. Long oppressed, wounded by the tragic events of September 1999, today the East Timorese nation is victorious and sovereign, reconciled with itself and at peace with its neighbours. It has finally taken its destiny in its hands. Tomorrow, as soon as possible, the Democratic Republic of East Timor will join us, and the United Nations family will gain a one hundred ninetieth Member State. Independence, so greatly desired and so long awaited, was achieved by the East Timorese people themselves, by their courage and extraordinary political maturity, by the outstanding qualities of their leaders: those same individuals whom the Council knows so well - Xanana Gusmao, Jose Ramos-Horta, Mari Alkatiri and many others. France pays tribute to them. These individuals have made history and continue to do so.

    2002-05-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4537 (2002) · source

  42. Mr. Levitte (France) (spoke in French): Mr. Minister, we welcome you once again to New York. We thank you for honouring with your presence the New York part of East Timor's independence ceremonies. It is truly a beautiful symbol that the only member of the Security Council belonging to that region holds the Council presidency on the new country's independence day. The representative of Spain has made a statement on behalf of the European Union; France fully endorses it. My remarks will therefore be brief. As you have said, Mr. President, this moment is exceptional. It is a historic moment. We are gathered to celebrate the first independence of this century. East Timor has come so far in two and a half years.

    2002-05-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4537 (2002) · source

  43. So, what we have in mind - I think it is worthwhile to clarify it for everyone - is to promote in the current phase a discreet dialogue, without any preconditions - that is important - and in a spirit of openness, in order to reconcile the points of view and to arrive at an inclusive agreement that leaves no one out. Such an agreement obviously includes civil society and the political parties. The problem today is that civil society and the political parties have taken sides, when what we need is to bring the whole together through the process, which could be effective in the current phase - we think - but should be discreet. That is the clarification I wanted to bring to the attention of our friends, in particular to the Ambassador of South Africa.

    2002-05-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4532 (2002) · source

  44. That format was not without precedents. In fact, before the opening of the Sun City meeting, there were, with the agreement of Sir Ketumile Masire, two meetings among the same three parties. The meetings were useful for reconciling the points of view. One of the meetings was held in Geneva with the discreet participation of a representative of Sir Ketumile and of our friend, Ibrahima Fall. The second meeting was held in Abuja, using the same format. Those two meetings get things moving and in favourable conditions for the Sun City meeting.

    2002-05-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4532 (2002) · source

  45. We all hope that the inter-Congolese dialogue will end in a closing ceremony bringing together all the participants, so that, in the presence of Sir Ketumile Masire, there will be a consensus bringing together, without exception, all those who did such tremendous work at Sun City. However, we are in a fairly delicate phase, in which we see the risk of the crystallization of two opposing blocks of unequal size, but which could lead to the risk of a partition. The risk of the crystallization of antagonistic positions prompts us to say that, in the current phase, it is desirable to promote direct and discreet contacts. That is what we did in the presence of all of the Ministers of the Lusaka Political Committee in Luanda on 2 May, where the three parties signatories of the Lusaka Agreement, the armed parties, met before our official meeting.

    2002-05-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4532 (2002) · source

  46. Mr. Levitte (France) (spoke in French): We have heard the major interlocutors with great interest. I would like to thank them for their remarks, with one necessary clarification on one point, with regard to paragraph 23 of the Council's report - and I am looking to my friend, Ambassador Kumalo - so that there is no misunderstanding as to what the Security Council has in mind with respect to the inter- Congolese dialogue. I think that it is a very important point. The Security Council is strictly following the text of the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement. The Council spent a great deal of time to find the wording to express what we had in mind.

    2002-05-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4532 (2002) · source

  47. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo as in Burundi progress towards peace is well under way, but the progress is still fragile. The peace process in the two countries has not yet become irreversible. The commitment of the international community therefore must remain constant and strong. The role of MONUC is in all areas positive. I want to avail myself of this meeting to pay tribute to MONUC, which, in difficult circumstances, is accomplishing remarkable work. Our own commitment in the Security Council must remain constant in a partnership with all the countries of the region, be they the signatories of the Lusaka Agreement or the countries of the regional initiative on Burundi. I would like to thank all Council members, because I believe that what we have accomplished in those 10 days was real teamwork.

    2002-05-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4532 (2002) · source

  48. A last conclusion and recommendation on Burundi concerns the Arusha Agreement follow-up committee, which has been repatriated from Arusha to Bujumbura. The paradox of the present situation is that last year there was a representative of the Secretary- General, Jean Arnaud, permanently residing in Bujumbura. Today, the committee has been repatriated to Bujumbura, but there is no representative living in Bujumbura. We know the specific reasons explaining the current situation, but we recommend that the Secretary-General find a solution in accordance with the modalities that he decides to set forth. In conclusion, there has been slow but undeniable progress since the Council committed itself to the Great Lakes region.

    2002-05-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4532 (2002) · source

  49. Lastly, and I say this in the presence of the representatives of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, all of our Burundian interlocutors - the leaders, the political parties and civil society - have insisted strongly and with unity on the need for urgent economic assistance. They all want the pledges made at the Paris and Geneva conferences to be fulfilled without delay. The Security Council supports these requests, because it is aware of the link between peace dividends and the success of the peace process. If the population in Burundi sees that the transition that has been established, and that may be exemplary, does not lead to a cease-fire, or to reform, or to economic progress, then we have reason to fear the serious consequences of disillusion, the first elements of which are already appearing.

    2002-05-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4532 (2002) · source

  50. There is an urgent need for those movements to go to the negotiating table. A regional summit is being envisaged in a few weeks. Our Council should maintain a intensive dialogue with the leaders of Burundi and of the region in order to achieve that necessary cessation of hostilities, to which we all aspire. Secondly, the implementation of reforms during this transition period is indispensable - with or without a ceasefire - within the limits ofthe military situation. Specific reforms are provided for under the Arusha Agreement. The Security Council is determined to see that the authorities of the transition period, each one in its sphere of competence - be it the presidency, the Government or the two Assemblies - accomplish all of the reforms that have been stipulated, insofar as possible.

    2002-05-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4532 (2002) · source