Daniel McCrossan
West Tyrone · Social Democratic and Labour Party · Northern Ireland
“I thank the Member for giving way. She has raised some points of interest. Aside from the Bill at hand, the Department of Finance currently collects rates from property owners across Northern Ireland. I have found that there can be difficulties with that when properties have been lying vacant for a significant period.”
“That applies in particular to those who have been land-banking over a period of time — that happens everywhere, unfortunately — with the hope that the big cash cow will be coming and, ultimately, they will be relieved of their responsibility to maintain, look after and enhance the landscape in a town or village by spending the necessary f…”
“As is often the case when we speak in the House, it may be that some ratepayers or members of the public will take it as a given that the Bill will be the silver bullet that will resolve the dilapidation issues in towns. Depending on which area you are in, the scale is very different.”
“We need to be creative in how we can put the Bill to task. <BR /> <BR />Certainly, as I have said, it is good policy. I have no question that the Bill is well intended.”
“<BR /> <BR />Addressing dilapidation is not simply a matter for local government in isolation. The responsibility lies with the Executive as a whole. The Executive have had their eyes closed to this matter for too long, and many of our buildings have deteriorated significantly across council areas over a long period.”
“That encourages private investment, and there is natural enhancement from those investors. However, in areas that lag behind because of economic decline, underinvestment and general deprivation, many towns and cities can quickly become the poor cousin.”
The complete record
Every one of 1,822 lines we hold for Daniel McCrossan, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 4 of 37.
“They were not always linked to outcomes, and they did not always encourage long-term sustainability or innovation. As the Bill progresses, we must strengthen it and ensure that future support improves farm incomes, builds resilience, rewards environmental delivery and supports innovation and diversification, because, if we are serious about the future of rural Ireland, we must be serious about getting that right. <BR /> <BR />There are questions for Sinn Féin. There are questions around funding for the Bill, because it cannot just be about warm words; it must be about supporting farmers and ensuring that the funding is there to deliver what is intended by the Bill. I have a number of questions to ask the Member, and I make it clear that, in doing so, we widely support the intention of the Bill.”
“All of that adds up to one thing: lower incomes. That is a difficult reality for so many. There is an inequality here that needs to be addressed. <BR /> <BR />The ANC payments were an important support mechanism for so many who relied on those payments but have not had the benefit of them in recent years. The removal of the previous ANC payments left a real gap in income, stability and confidence for so many of the farmers who were affected, so the principle behind the Bill, which seeks to restore that baseline support, is one that we support in principle. However, let me say this clearly: the Bill cannot be about just replacing the previous scheme that we lost in 2018. Through the Bill, we have an opportunity to do better. <BR /> <BR />Previous schemes were often blunt.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. <BR /> <BR />When we talk about areas with natural constraints (ANCs), we are talking about some of the most challenging land anywhere in this island: hills, uplands and marginal land, where farming is not just a job but an everyday way of life for so many people, particularly my constituents in West Tyrone. Those landscapes are not simply natural; they have been shaped, maintained and protected by generations of farmers. Those farmers go out in all weathers. They work early mornings and late nights in the wind, rain and cold — standard Irish weather — and keep going when others simply could not. Yet, too often, those farmers feel forgotten. Farming in those areas comes with real structural disadvantages, such as difficult terrain, poorer soils, harsher weather, higher costs and less access to markets.”
“However, when the hokey-cokey party that is in government with the DUP — Sinn Féin — walked into the Chamber and voted differently on the NAP proposals, and then walked backwards and did a one-eighty very soon after that, as a result of pressure from the Opposition, it was not difficult to see who was speaking out of both sides of their mouth on the issue. <BR /> <BR />If we want to tackle the environmental crisis that faces Northern Ireland, the DUP and Sinn Féin need to drop the wind-blowing-, hokey-cokey-type approach. You need to prioritise the issue. If we are serious about bringing about environmental reform, saving Lough Neagh and listening to our people, you need to get on with the job of governing this place, putting your political agendas aside and putting the environment first, because these games are not washing with anyone.”
“<BR /> <BR />The SDLP is not prepared to allow the veto from the DUP to continue. If environmental reform is needed, it should be debated and decided by the Assembly, not quietly blocked behind closed doors by one party. No single party should be able to prevent necessary reform simply because it does not suit its political position. That is the contradiction at the heart of this debate. We hear concern being expressed about Lough Neagh, and we have heard across the Floor about pollution and environmental decline, yet, when proposals are brought forward to strengthen oversight and accountability, the DUP suddenly discovers reasons to delay or block. <BR /> <BR />The First Minister was quick to go up Lough Neagh in a boat, after the SDLP, to point out how horrific the situation was.”
“Dame Buckley, I will let you have your seat. Sit down. Thanks very much. You can come in later. <BR /> <BR />The scale of the environmental challenges that we face demands leadership, and no party should be allowed to block necessary reform because of narrow political dogma. The SDLP will do all that it can to deliver an independent EPA — we will use every mechanism available to make that happen. One of our most precious natural resources is badly polluted and facing years, if not decades, of recovery; you only need to look at the Mobuoy dump to see one of the largest environmental crimes on these islands; many of our rivers and waterways are failing to meet basic environmental standards; and, as I said earlier, air pollution is contributing to many of the illnesses in society and needs to be dealt with.”
“I have a lot to get through, Minister, but I will let you in in a bit. <BR /> <BR />The SDLP Opposition are bringing forward an amendment to the Financial Provisions Bill to try to ensure that the issue is debated and voted on by the Assembly. It is amazing that the DUP's only defence is, "No more quangos". That is pretty weak, given that the DUP could not wait to get the East-West Council, which has done very little, up and running. The scale of the —.”
“The AERA Minister has made clear that he has been unable to secure Executive agreement for an EPA due to the blockage from the DUP, yet there is clear public and Assembly support for stronger, independent environmental oversight. We will not take a DUP "No" or "Never" for an answer. That is why the SDLP —.”
“Our environment is in crisis, and the Executive have been unable to deliver meaningful change in response. You only have to look at Lough Neagh, which we have talked about for a long time, to see that that is the case. It is badly polluted, and a problem that will take many years, if not decades, to fully repair has been subject to piecemeal interventions. The issue extends far beyond Lough Neagh: many of our rivers and waterways are failing; biodiversity is declining at an alarming rate; and poor air quality is contributing to illness and premature death. <BR /> <BR />Our response to the climate emergency has lacked urgency and coordination. If we are serious about turning this around, we need a truly independent environmental protection agency that has the authority to enforce the law and hold the Executive to account.”
“<BR /> <BR />The central issue, however, is the growing environmental crisis facing Northern Ireland and the failure of the current system to respond with the urgency that is absolutely required.”
“Not a chance. <BR /> <BR />I support the motion with the amendment and welcome the opportunity to contribute to this important debate. I do so because, if we are to have a serious discussion about the important issue of environmental governance in Northern Ireland, we must deal with it with honesty and ambition. Yes, the commitment to exploring the establishment of an independent environmental protection agency was included in the New Decade, New Approach agreement, but it is true to say that that commitment was not reaffirmed when the Executive were restored in February 2024 and does not feature in the Programme for Government. That is a fact, and it is right that the Opposition have acknowledged it.”
“Thanks, Mr Deputy Speaker. At the outset, I thank the Minister for not giving Mr Gaston an intervention. It has been a long night, and I think that we all want to get home. Thanks for that, Minister.”
“It is a bit strange that we have not heard much from Sinn Féin on it since. Do you agree that this short-sighted, populist opportunism is another example of how Sinn Féin and the DUP do government?”
“I thank my colleague for giving way. I remember that, when the original Bill came to the House, Sinn Féin Members championed it day and daily. They were so eager about it that they were almost out removing the meters themselves.”
“This issue dates back to 2015, and, 11 years on, it is still not resolved. Who is liable for the terrible situation regarding the roof? Is it the contractor, or was it a mistake by senior officials in this Building?”
“I hope, however, that they will support the motion.”
“Classroom assistants are the backbone of support for many children with special educational needs. They provide learning and emotional support, help children manage their behavioural and communication challenges and help teachers deliver lessons in classrooms where every single child deserves attention. Too often, they feel that their voices are ignored when major decisions about the future of the system are being made. Reform cannot succeed if the workforce that is responsible for delivering it feels sidelined. <BR /> <BR />Across the House today, there has been broad consensus on the important work that classroom assistants carry out, but there is also consensus that the Minister is pressing on with reform and not listening to those at the coalface. For that reason, many Members will not support the amendment.”
“That fear cannot simply be dismissed. It must be taken seriously. <BR /> <BR />The SDLP will not support the DUP amendment, because it attempts to present the reforms as straightforward, evidence-led decisions that should simply be accepted, but if that were truly the case, we would not be hearing such alarm from parents, classroom assistants, teachers and education professionals across Northern Ireland. If the people who are expected to deliver the reforms do not have confidence in them, it is not just a simple issue. Rather, it is a flashing warning light that the Minister must heed. Leadership sometimes requires taking difficult decisions, but it also requires leaders to bring people with them, to listen to parents, to listen to the workforce and to engage meaningfully with those who deliver support in our schools every single day.”
“That is not how meaningful reform is delivered. <BR /> <BR />The proposals that we are discussing involve moving away from existing models of one-to-one pupil support. We are told that the reform agenda is about flexibility and delivering new ways of delivering support, but parents are asking a very simple question: if the support that their child currently relies on disappears, what will replace it? Where is the reassurance that the new system will work any better? Given the history, it is difficult to see how we can have trust in such a system. Where is the evidence that the reforms will improve outcomes for the children who need support the most? When parents hear about changes that appear to remove direct support, the fear is very real, and it is that their child will be the one who falls through the cracks.”
“Families, teachers and classroom assistants know it. Parents wait far too long for assessments and children far too long for statements. We know that many children now wait years for a statement, despite the legal target of 26 weeks. Some families wait for two years or more for support that their child is entitled to. It is not acceptable. <BR /> <BR />Reform may well be necessary, but reform in education must be built on trust, partnership and engagement, and that is what the Minister continues to get wrong. The problem here is that the Minister appears to be determined to push through sweeping changes without securing the necessary trust. Parents are rightly worried, as are classroom assistants, trade unions and teachers. Instead of pausing to listen to those vital voices, the Minister appears to be determined to press ahead regardless.”
“For many children with special educational needs, a classroom assistant is not simply an extra pair of hands but the difference between the child thriving in school or falling behind. They are often the trusted adult who gives parents reassurance that their child will be supported throughout the school day. <BR /> <BR />The scale of need in our schools is significant. According to the Department of Education, across our schools, more than 70,000 children are now identified as having special educational needs. Some 27,000 children require a formal SEN statement, and that number has increased by over 50% in the past six years. Supporting those pupils are more than 12,000 classroom assistants, working in schools across our communities. Those figures tell us something very clearly. The SEN system is under enormous pressure.”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I thank all the Members who contributed to today's important debate. <BR /> <BR />It is important to be clear from the outset that the debate is really about our children who have special educational needs in schools right across Northern Ireland, the support that they rely on, and the classroom assistants who make that support possible. Across Northern Ireland, thousands of classroom assistants go into our schools every morning knowing that their work can change a child's life for the better. They help children to communicate, to manage anxiety and overwhelming emotions, to participate in lessons that might otherwise feel impossible and to feel that they belong in the classroom.”
“Minister, whilst I appreciate your laying out the consultations and other plans that are in motion, farmers have waited long enough. The farmers whom I speak with daily want to comply and protect our waterways, but they cannot do so without proper storage infrastructure. Pardon the pun, Minister, but what concrete steps are you taking with the Infrastructure Minister and your other colleagues to ensure that the planning system supports environmental compliance rather than being a barrier to it?”
“Minister, you and your Department are demanding that farmers deliver an environmental transition through tighter nutrient management and water quality standards, while farmers across rural communities are being delayed or blocked from obtaining planning permission for the very infrastructure required to comply with those conditions, including slurry tanks, silage clamps, lagoons and storage facilities.”
“I thank the Member for kindly giving way. Will he cast his memory back to the last Assembly election when his party was beating the drum of symbolism by saying, "Make history. Make Michelle First Minister" and did not mention any other issues? Surely that contradicts what he is saying now.”
“Minister, the Save Our Acute Services group is calling for the South West Acute Hospital to be designated as a rural area hospital. Will you support that as part of your reconfiguration plan?”
“The role exists to hold government to account. It is not the role of government to exert influence over that office, yet the Audit Committee's actions do exactly that. Why deviate from the previous position? It was well set out in the Assembly, during the previous mandate, why the Committee reached that position. I believe that you do a disservice to that office, to the C&AG, who is a fantastic leader in that area, and to the Assembly. The Audit Committee is making a huge mistake, and we will not support it.”
“<BR /> <BR />I am particularly concerned that the change is being driven by Executive parties that sit on the Audit Committee — the same parties that hold ministerial office and control the Departments that the C&AG holds to account and are time and again the core feature of the Audit Office's reports. It is deeply troubling that the Executive parties appear willing to abandon a system designed to protect independence in favour of one that increases political control. That sends entirely the wrong message. It is extremely dangerous territory for the Assembly to encroach on. <BR /> <BR />The Comptroller and Auditor General must be free to follow evidence wherever it leads, free to expose waste, free to challenge Departments and free to speak truth to power without fear, favour or political influence.”
“Under the proposal, in effect, politicians will determine the salary of the C&AG, the office responsible for scrutinising those politicians and the Departments that they oversee. That creates a clear and unavoidable conflict. It is not healthy for the Assembly, for scrutiny or for public confidence. The previous Audit Committee, which I chaired, linked the C&AG's salary to the judicial group 5 rate precisely in order to remove any perception of political interference. Perception matters: independence must not only exist; it must be seen to exist.”
“That was the right approach then, and the same approach should be taken now. This question must be asked: why has the Audit Committee deviated from that position? What is the rationale for abandoning a system that provided clarity, independence and objectivity? No convincing explanation has been offered; instead, we are presented with a proposal to set a cash figure until further notice, without reference to any recognised benchmark and without any clear mechanism for future adjustment, which is the very opposite of what the independent body is doing on MLAs' pay. That is not good governance, it is not transparent and it is not acceptable. <BR /> <BR />Let us be honest about what the proposal means.”
“As a previous Audit Committee Chair, I had the honour of adopting a clear and principled position that linked the Comptroller and Auditor General's remuneration to the judicial group 5 rate. That was a cross-party agreement. I do not know why the Executive parties are deviating from the decision that was previously reached. A lot of evidence was brought before the Committee at that time that established that that was the right direction of travel. That approach was deliberate. It provided a transparent benchmark, removed political discretion and protected the independence of that fundamental and vital office. It ensured that politicians were not placed in the position of deciding the pay of the very individual responsible for scrutinising how public money is spent.”
“Without the C&AG, the Assembly would have far less ability to scrutinise government and hold Departments to account. I am Chair of the Public Accounts Committee, so I see at first hand the vital work that the C&AG and the Northern Ireland Audit Office carry out. <BR /> <BR />The evidence gathered by the Audit Office raises a number of questions. Its independence is absolutely fundamental. This is a key question: should politicians set the salary of the Comptroller and Auditor General in Northern Ireland? Surely that raises a question about the independence of the role and about political interference in and influence over the role of the watchdog in Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />There are serious concerns about the direction being taken by the Audit Committee.”
“The motion is interesting and raises issues that go far beyond the simple question of salary or administrative arrangements. We are dealing with the independence of one of the most important scrutiny roles in Northern Ireland: the Comptroller and Auditor General. <BR /> <BR />The C&AG plays a vital and effective role in protecting the public interest. Through the work of the Audit Office, the C&AG uncovers waste, inefficiency and failure in public services, identifies where public money is not delivering and highlights the outcomes that people deserve. That work is real and effective, and it matters. It went on when the Assembly did not function; in fact, in the absence of these structures functioning, the only governance that existed in this place came from the Audit Office.”
“This is not about giving landlords a hard time — the vast majority do the right thing — but, where standards slip, properties fall into serious disrepair and tenants feel powerless, the law has to be on the tenants' side. We have a duty to fix that. <BR /> <BR />The SDLP amendment ensures that we do not overlook those in temporary accommodation. It also ensures accountability and clarity of responsibility and that no one is left in unsafe housing simply because they are in transition. <BR /> <BR />A safe home is not a privilege; it is a basic right. I commend the amendment to the House.”
“We also need to recognise the wider context that much of our housing stock is ageing and energy-inefficient and that poor insulation and inadequate ventilation has led to significant issues with damp and mould. Members referenced how the Housing Executive — I have experienced this in meetings — has said to residents that the issues are occurring because they are not opening windows and there is not good ventilation and that is what is leading to the dampness, with the suggestion that they simply give it a wipe. That is unacceptable. It is affecting people's health and well-being. If we are serious about tackling the major health inequalities related to housing, reducing hospital admissions and protecting our young people and the vulnerable, we must be serious about housing standards.”
“Secondly, it must protect tenants from retaliation when they raise legitimate concerns. Thirdly, it must place a clear statutory duty on the Housing Executive to regularly inspect and enforce minimum fitness standards across all temporary accommodation. Inspections should not depend on whether there is a crisis; enforcement should not depend on media attention; and standards should not depend on your postcode.”
“Placing them in accommodation that may not be inspected regularly, relying on complaints being made rather than carrying out proactive checks, is a serious systemic weakness. <BR /> <BR />We need a statutory framework that does three things. First, it must compel landlords across the social and private sectors to investigate and remedy damp, mould and disrepair within strict and enforceable time frames.”
“That imbalance of power must be addressed; a home should never come with a silence clause. Our amendment seeks to strengthen the motion by addressing a gap that is too often overlooked: single let, temporary accommodation that is used by the Northern Ireland Housing Executive is not subject to routine, ongoing inspection beyond the point of acquisition. Once the property enters use, responsibility for maintenance rests with the private providers, and the Housing Executive acts only when issues are reported. That is reactive and has led to issues; the Minister recognised that in his comments. <BR /> <BR />Families who are placed in temporary accommodation are among the most vulnerable. Many are homeless through no fault of their own. Some are fleeing domestic abuse and violence, and others are living with complex health needs.”
“In the most tragic of circumstances, they can lead to death, as we saw in England, with the death of Awaab, which Members have referenced quite a bit. That showed the worst possible consequences of the situation: a child lost his life, and there is potential for other children or vulnerable adults to lose theirs. <BR /> <BR />Awaab's law was introduced because the system failed: it failed to act quickly; it failed to treat complaints with urgency; and it failed to put the health of a child above bureaucracy. We cannot wait for a similar tragedy to happen here before we act. <BR /> <BR />The substantive motion, rightly, highlights the fear that many private tenants feel. Too many are afraid to raise concerns about mould or structural problems because they fear eviction.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I commend amendment No 1 to the House. As my colleague Mark said, it is an important issue. Clearly, across the House, there is unanimous support on and understanding of the issue. <BR /> <BR />Every person in Northern Ireland, regardless of whether they live in social housing, private rented accommodation or temporary accommodation, has the right to a safe, warm and healthy home. Damp, mould and serious disrepair are significant and serious issues for so many of our people. Those are public health issues. They aggravate asthma and worsen respiratory conditions, they can affect a person's mental well-being, and they damage childhood development from a young age and can prevent opportunities and lead to further problems.”
“I thank the Minister: he is kind in giving way. Minister, it will be no shock that the SDLP will not support the motion or the amendment. However, seeing that you are a Minister who is worried about pounds and pennies, the SDLP will happily sponsor your first tickets to Casement Park.”
“I see that the Minister is rehearsing the typical Sinn Féin mantra of denial: there was never a billboard there. Minister, we all know that it has not gone away, you know. If it really is not Sinn Féin's billboard, will you tell us who you paid for the advertising on it?”
“Minister, it seems that your Department is fond of consultations and talking, as opposed to taking meaningful action. In another written answer to me, you stated that, currently, 48 staff are working in the NIEA marine and fisheries unit, and that there are 23 vacancies. That means that nearly a third of those posts are lying empty. The only way in which to reduce the backlog and resolve the problems that the House raises with you in relation to NIEA is by filling those posts. What are you doing about that problem?”
“Thank you, Minister. As you will know, the NIEA's response to elected representatives is entirely inadequate; in fact, it is poor. The Speaker, in his former role as AERA Minister, made a temporary decision during the previous mandate not to respond to requests for information from MLAs or agents. Is it your intention to keep that decision in place?”
“<BR /> <BR />It is not about restoring the past or what once was. Instead, it is about building a fairer, more connected future for all our people. The all-island strategic rail review has opened the door to that future, but people in the west will judge success not by reports or announcements but by track laid, stations built and trains running in those communities that have waited the longest. It is time to act and time to deliver for people.”
“Central to delivery must be stronger rail connectivity to places such as Derry, which is our regional economic and education hub in the north-west. <BR /> <BR />Connecting to the maiden city of Derry and extending that connectivity to Strabane, Omagh, Dungannon, Fermanagh and, of course, Donegal would transform how people live, work, study and do business across the entire western corridor. The benefits of rail investment are clear. Such investment would drive regional economic growth and regeneration; expand access to education, healthcare and employment; unlock the tourism potential of Tyrone, Fermanagh, Donegal and Derry; reduce congestion and emissions, in line with the climate responsibilities that many speak passionately about in the House; and deliver genuine, practical North/South cooperation.”
“For communities in the west, this moment matters so deeply, because, for generations, towns such as mine and counties such as Tyrone have been left outside of the rail network, resulting in their being cut off from the opportunity, investment and connectivity that other places rightly take for granted. <BR /> <BR />That is why I place on record the tremendous work of Into the West. Its advocacy, research and unwavering commitment have kept the vision of rail for the north-west alive. Its work has not simply been nostalgic. Rather, it has been forward-looking, evidence-based and rooted in the clear belief that having a balanced regional economy is essential for the future of this island. Into the West has shown what is possible, and it is now for the Executive to latch on to that vision.”
“I will speak about the future of rail across this island, in particular what that future means for the west: for my home town of Strabane and for Omagh, Dungannon, Fermanagh, Donegal and, of course, the maiden city of Derry. The all-island strategic rail review represents a significant and long-awaited step forward. For the first time, we have a shared, cross-border vision for rail development until 2050. It is one that is grounded in sustainability, regional balance and economic growth. It must not leave out Fermanagh, however. <BR /> <BR />Strategies alone will not deliver much-needed change. Vision must be matched by political will and by real investment on the ground.”
“Therefore, the public are rightly entitled to ask a basic question: what are the Executive doing with the time that they have been given? Government is not measured in press releases; it is measured in progress. Not in rhetoric but in results. It is absolutely shameful for government parties to bring forward non-binding motions, given that they have no meaningful end. After two years, the real story of the Executive is absolute failure.”
“<BR /> <BR />We know how the story usually ends. As the mandate approaches its conclusion, urgency will suddenly be discovered. Bills will be rushed in at the eleventh hour; scrutiny will be compressed; Committees will be pressured; and stakeholders will be sidelined, all so that Ministers can claim, in the dying days of the mandate, that something — anything — has been delivered. That is not good governance. It is not transparency, and it is not respectful to the House or to the people whom we serve collectively. <BR /> <BR />The reality is simple and stark. Two years on from restoration, public services remain under immense strain, waiting lists remain unacceptable and families continue to struggle with the cost of living, and there is still no serious legislative programme coming forward from the Executive.”