Daniel McCrossan
West Tyrone · Social Democratic and Labour Party · Northern Ireland
“I thank the Member for giving way. She has raised some points of interest. Aside from the Bill at hand, the Department of Finance currently collects rates from property owners across Northern Ireland. I have found that there can be difficulties with that when properties have been lying vacant for a significant period.”
“That applies in particular to those who have been land-banking over a period of time — that happens everywhere, unfortunately — with the hope that the big cash cow will be coming and, ultimately, they will be relieved of their responsibility to maintain, look after and enhance the landscape in a town or village by spending the necessary f…”
“As is often the case when we speak in the House, it may be that some ratepayers or members of the public will take it as a given that the Bill will be the silver bullet that will resolve the dilapidation issues in towns. Depending on which area you are in, the scale is very different.”
“We need to be creative in how we can put the Bill to task. <BR /> <BR />Certainly, as I have said, it is good policy. I have no question that the Bill is well intended.”
“<BR /> <BR />Addressing dilapidation is not simply a matter for local government in isolation. The responsibility lies with the Executive as a whole. The Executive have had their eyes closed to this matter for too long, and many of our buildings have deteriorated significantly across council areas over a long period.”
“That encourages private investment, and there is natural enhancement from those investors. However, in areas that lag behind because of economic decline, underinvestment and general deprivation, many towns and cities can quickly become the poor cousin.”
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“The Member is living in a parallel universe. We explained clearly that it did not matter whether it had been an 82% reduction in carbon emissions or 100% net zero; the fact is that, typically, the Departments did not consult each other or follow due process. Does the Member even know where west of the Bann is? He does not reference it too often in a positive light.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. I just want the Member to understand this point, which I know that he will. The DUP is very quick to duck out of the 100% net zero target, but, regardless of whether the target was 100% or 82%, the failure still would have occurred because the process was not followed. To be clear, it is not about the target. That is a myth, and it needs to be busted.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. I just want to point out a very important fact for the Member so that he understands. Whether the target was 82%, as suggested by the DUP, or 100% net zero by 2050, the legal duty to produce carbon budgets, sectoral plans and climate action plans still applies under the Act. To be clear, the Department's failure was not about hitting that target; it was about ignoring the process that was required to assess compliance with whatever target was set. That is where the failure was. It was nothing to do with the figure; it was about the failure of the process, as the judge pointed out.”
“Every time another family is left grieving, the responsibility is not abstract; it lies with those who have had the power to act but have chosen not to. The A5 is no luxury; it is not an optional extra. It is essential. It is a matter of saving lives, restoring fairness and showing whether the Assembly is capable of delivering for the people we represent. <BR /> <BR />Fifty lives have been lost. The cost is £2·1 billion and rising. There have been three failed attempts and years upon years wasted. Families are grieving, communities are angry and businesses have been held back, all because Sinn Féin could not do its job. Enough is enough. The excuses must end; the delays must stop; the bungling must stop; and the Assembly must finally deliver. Do your job, and get the road built.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Opposition's position is clear: we support the A5 because it will save lives. We support it because it will unlock the economic potential of the west. However, support does not mean silence or giving a free pass for years of incompetence by the shambolic DUP/Sinn Féin Government. We welcome the recent intervention by Minister Muir in the appeal. At least someone in the Executive is showing willingness to act, but interventions are not enough. The Executive must guarantee today that construction will begin within this mandate. Families in Tyrone, Derry and Donegal cannot be told once again to wait a little longer. <BR /> <BR />To the Ministers who have failed I say this: every month that passes without progress, you are responsible for the risk that people face on that road.”
“Even if Minister Poots's original 82% target had stood, the A5 would still have collapsed, because the problem was not the numbers in legislation but the sheer ineptitude of Ministers in getting it right. Let me be clear: we absolutely believe that the people of the north-west can and must have safe, modern infrastructure and clean air to breathe. The DUP amendment is another diversion. <BR /> <BR />The Ulster Unionists' amendment at least recognises the need for fairness for landowners and the urgent need to have a safe road, but it, too, fails the real test of accountability. It shifts the focus from where it should be, which is the repeated failures of Sinn Féin Ministers, the Department and the Executive. For that reason, we will stick with our original motion.”
“It attempts to absolve Sinn Féin of all responsibility: shock. Sinn Féin pats itself on the back and attempts to rewrite history: shock. The truth is simple: Sinn Féin has ignored the Planning Appeal Commission's recommendations and left the scheme legally vulnerable. Sinn Féin bears responsibility for the project's failure. Sinn Féin's amendment is a whitewash, and we will not support it. Sinn Féin is keen to have all the power but never takes responsibility. Sinn Féin's hands are on the steering wheel, and it has destroyed the progress that is necessary on the project. <BR /> <BR />The DUP's amendment blames the Climate Change Act 2022, but that Act did not cause the failure. The problem is not the law; it is Sinn Féin's failure to integrate environmental requirements into the design of the scheme.”
“<BR /> <BR />There is another contrast that is worth pointing out. I acknowledge the role of the Irish Government. Despite political instability in this place, the Irish Government have consistently reaffirmed their financial commitment to the A5 through the Shared Island Fund and previous North/South agreements. They have recognised the importance of the project for cross-border connectivity, road safety and economic growth on both sides of the border. Dublin has kept its promise. Sinn Féin is quick to criticise the Irish Government in Dáil Éireann, but, when it comes to Sinn Féin's incompetence here, its members pat each other on the back. <BR /> <BR />Let me deal with the three amendments before us. Sinn Féin's amendment is nothing short of a self-congratulation exercise: shock.”
“Families who are already battling with a cost-of-living crisis are being hit with repair bills for tyres, suspension and wheels, all because the Executive have failed to invest in the west. People pay twice: once through taxes and again through their repair bills. That is unfair, unsustainable and unacceptable. <BR /> <BR />Some in the House will be quick to point to former Minister Nichola Mallon. Let us be clear: when Minister Mallon held that office, she did her due diligence. She did not chase headlines prior to an election or rush decisions for political gain. She took the time to ensure that the scheme was legally robust and ready to proceed. She handed the project over in good faith, expecting her successors to see it through. Instead, what followed was years of incompetence, dithering and failure by Sinn Féin.”
“When it began, the cost of the project was estimated at £800 million: it has now escalated to a shocking £2·1 billion. That escalation is due not just to inflation or delay but to mismanagement and a total failure to deliver. Families in the north-west are paying the price for Sinn Féin's incompetence in government in the North not only with their lives but with their money. <BR />Let me say something about the present condition of the A5 and roads across Tyrone. While we wait endlessly for promises that never materialise, the road is falling apart and is not fit for purpose, with potholes, dangerous patchwork repairs and crumbling surfaces. Vehicles are being damaged every day.”
“The report sat on the Minister's desk for a year — a year of inaction, a year wasted. When the case returned to the court, the judge was furious at the Department's clear failures. That is not the only time that the judge criticised the Department for Infrastructure: recently, he described it as a "laughing stock". What does that say about how the Department is being run? In the middle of the legal process for one of the biggest projects facing our people, Sinn Féin even swapped out its Ministers, signalling chaos and instability at the very moment when our people were demanding stability. That is not misfortune or bad luck; it is absolute incompetence at the heart of government, and, shockingly, it is repeated over and over again. <BR /> <BR />While the dithering and bungling continues, the cost of the A5 has ballooned.”
“Each collapse was avoidable. Each collapse was the result of ministerial failure. Every collapse has the fingerprints of Sinn Féin Ministers all over it. <BR /> <BR />The first failure was under Minister Conor Murphy, who failed to account for the requirements of the habitats directive, a fundamental oversight that left the project legally vulnerable. The second failure came when Sinn Féin collapsed the Assembly for a number of years. With no Minister in place, the permanent secretary lacked the authority necessary to proceed. The project was withdrawn, and years were lost because of Sinn Féin playing politics with people's lives. The third and most recent failure was under Minister John O'Dowd. The Planning Appeals Commission (PAC) produced a detailed report with clear recommendations for making the scheme robust.”
“The A5 scheme is not just about safety but about fairness. The A5 is the main artery that connects Derry, Strabane, Omagh and Tyrone to Dublin and the wider island economy. It is the gateway for trade, investment and jobs. It is vital for agriculture, hauliers and businesses who are trying to get their goods to market. Without the scheme, the north-west is shackled, investment is deterred, businesses look elsewhere and our young people are forced to leave to find opportunity elsewhere. Every delay has been a lost opportunity and has led to further loss of life. Every collapse has been another signal that this shambles of an Executive treats our region as second-class. Let us be absolutely clear about where the responsibility lies. The project has collapsed not once, not twice but three times, and the trend is clear.”
“The road unites us in frustration, anger and our shared demand for something better. No party, community or tradition is untouched by the grief that the road has caused. Every family travelling on the A5 knows of the anxiety, the dread and the near misses. We are united by the pain that it has inflicted and in our frustration at seeing promise after promise broken.”
“Families who should never have had to beg for a safe road have carried their pain with courage and dignity, determined to ensure that no one else endures what they have had to endure.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. First and foremost, we are thinking of all of those families who have lost loved ones on the A5 road since the scheme's announcement in 2007. They have suffered the worst possible consequences of that dangerous road: the loss of sons and daughters, husbands and wives, fathers and mothers, and friends and neighbours. <BR /> <BR />The debate is not abstract. It is not about lines on a map or figures on a balance sheet; it is about people in West Tyrone, Derry, Donegal and beyond who live every single day with the reality of a dangerous, crumbling A5 road. Over 50 lives have been lost on the A5 since the project was first announced. Dozens more people have been left with life-changing injuries. Behind every statistic is a family and community left in grief. That is why the A5 Enough is Enough campaign exists.”
“The Minister must be living in a parallel universe filled with rainbows and sunshine. He seems to forget that his party has presided over the Education Department for almost 10 years and has been a lead partner in government with Sinn Féin for 18 years. This crisis is of your making. You and your party caused the crisis. Emergency SEN placement costs have exploded from £9 million in 2019 to £85 million next year — an 850% increase. Minister, that is a direct result of you, your party, the Executive and your Department's chronic failure to plan ahead, and it is wasting tens of millions of pounds of taxpayers' money on sticking plasters instead of providing proper long-term provision for our most vulnerable children.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is a disastrous Executive. It is an Executive not of delivery but of catastrophic failure.”
“In the justice system, court backlogs stretch into years, and victims wait too long for cases to be heard: fail. Public transport services are cut, buses and trains are cancelled, and rural areas are abandoned: fail. Roads are in a terrible state, the A5 project is stalled, and Casement Park is not built: fail. The anti-poverty strategy exists on paper only, with no funding, no targets and no impact: fail. On climate action, there are big promises and plenty of ambition, but projects are blocked by political infighting and there is weak enforcement: fail. Lough Neagh pollution is an absolute disaster with no credible rescue plan: fail. Northern Ireland is stuck at the bottom of the UK league tables: fail. On economic growth, there is no long-term strategy or joined-up thinking, and SMEs are ignored.”
“Teachers' pay and morale are at an all-time low, there have been years of disputes, and unresolved staffing shortages continue to worsen: fail. <BR /> <BR />Affordable housing targets in their own Programme for Government are missed, and waiting lists are getting longer, while all we hear is excuses: fail. When it comes to homelessness, emergency accommodation is stretched to breaking point: fail. Planning delays, developers facing years of backlog, choking investment in our communities: fail. The waste water infrastructure system is broken, blocking new housing and development across our towns: fail. In the rates system, small businesses are being crippled while multinationals get off lightly: fail. Police officer numbers are at crisis point, and communities are being left vulnerable and exposed to serious challenges: fail.”
“On mental health services, there is strategy after strategy, yet services remain underfunded and in crisis, and addiction services are non-existent: fail. <BR /> <BR />On childcare, families still pay the highest costs in the UK and Ireland, with no comprehensive scheme in place: fail. On special educational needs, which we will talk about later, thousands of children are left waiting for assessments and support years into the crisis: fail. On school budgets, schools are cutting staff and services while the Minister fights political battles instead of fixing the basics: fail. There is no sustainable university funding model, and students face higher fees and fewer opportunities than previously: fail.”
“Over the past week, we have seen the First Minister and deputy First Minister run to the cameras to pontificate about their great record of delivery. That has actually shown, instead, that they are, jointly, completely out of touch with the needs and challenges of our people. They really need to wake up. On their watch, health waiting lists are still among the worst in Europe, and there is no credible plan to fix them: fail. When it comes to GP access, patients cannot get appointments, and services are collapsing in rural areas: fail. On hospital reform, there is endless talk but no delivery, and decisions are constantly delayed for political convenience: fail. Social care is underfunded, overstretched and dependent on families to pick up the slack: fail.”
“<BR /> <BR />As we consider the group 1 amendments, let us remember this: the success of the Bill will be measured not on its technical drafting but on the pounds and pennies that families save come September. The group 1 amendments make sure that the law is not just words on the page but a tool that can deliver affordability, fairness and dignity for parents and pupils alike.”
“Across Northern Ireland, pre-loved uniform schemes are making a real difference to many families and to the lives of young people. The Redeeming Our Communities project, for example, has helped nearly 900 families with recycled uniforms. Those initiatives save money, reduce waste and build community spirit. Similar initiatives in my constituency have played out well and have supported countless families over the summer and leading into September. It is a pity that amendments to embed such schemes more fully in the Bill were not accepted, but the fact that those projects exist shows the will of parents and communities to act where the Government have been too slow or non-existent.”
“<BR /> <BR />Amendment No 12 ensures that directions that are given to schools are published. Again, the Minister has objected, suggesting that that amounts to naming and shaming, but let us be honest: transparency is not about shaming. It is about accountability. If a school is failing its pupils by imposing unaffordable and unfair uniform rules, parents have the right to know. Sunlight is the best disinfectant, and secrecy will only erode trust. <BR /> <BR />The amendments are not radical; they are quite modest, practical and necessary. They place transparency, regular review and accountability at the heart of the Bill. Let me add this: while we work through the law, parents and communities have not been waiting.”
“The Minister has argued that that is too prescriptive or unclear, but there is nothing unclear about a family staring at a £400 bill for a uniform for a single child. Parents will want clarity on whether the Bill is working and whether schools are lowering those costs. Without data, we are blind. Amendment No 8 ensures that the Department gathers and shares the evidence that we need. <BR /> <BR />Amendment Nos 9 and 11 strengthen the Department's power to intervene when schools fail to follow guidelines. If schools do not comply, it cannot be optional for the Department to act, otherwise we risk creating a law with no consequence, which is a mistake that is made too often in the House. Families deserve to know that, if a school breaches its duties, the Department must step in.”
“Without that amendment, the Department can review them "from time to time", which, in practice, means maybe or maybe not. Families cannot wait on good intentions. They need regular scrutiny to be written into law in order to ensure accountability. <BR /> <BR />Amendment No 4 requires guidelines to be laid before the Assembly. That matters, because guidelines have power only when they are open to proper scrutiny and debate. We cannot outsource that to departmental corridors. The Assembly must see and approve what is being done in the name of affordability. <BR /> <BR />Amendment No 8, as outlined by the Committee Chair, introduces "Reporting on school uniform costs", including figures on mean and median costs, the effect of any capping and future plans.”
“That is simply not sustainable. It is pushing families into debt and forcing them to make impossible choices between heating, food and their children's education. That is why the group 1 amendments matter. <BR /> <BR />Amendment No 1 requires guidelines to be reviewed:”
“The Irish League of Credit Unions (ILCU) tells us that the average cost of getting a child back to school is nearly £1,000, and uniforms make up a huge part of that cost. Figures from the Parent Engagement Group (PEG) suggest an average uniform cost of £378 in Northern Ireland.”
“Young people are being excluded from education not because of their ability or willingness to learn but because their parents cannot afford the right jumper or trainers. The same study showed that 73% of low-income families struggled to meet the costs. <BR /> <BR />Those are not just statistics. We all hear from our constituents day and daily. Families are paying over £100 for a single blazer, and often more when the school insists on specific suppliers being used. For families with two or three children in different schools with various uniform requirements, the costs become crushing, yet a £100 blazer does not make a child a better learner. It does not help them in their maths test or help improve their spelling. Rather, it drives up inequality in our classrooms.”
“I speak in support of the Bill and the amendments in group 1. Those amendments, which cover regular review, reporting, enforcement and transparency, are about making sure that the legislation delivers real relief to parents rather than gathers dust on a shelf. <BR /> <BR />Let me be clear that, although schools may close their doors during the summer months, parents' stress does not stop. The reality of school uniform costs weighs heavily on the mind of tens of thousands of families across Northern Ireland, and each September is marked not by excitement but by dread at the mounting bills for blazers, PE kits and endless branded items. Research from Pivotal has shown that one in 10 children here has missed school because they could not meet uniform requirements. Just think about that for a moment.”
“If the SWAH is saved — I hope that it will be, Minister — it will have been down to the work of those people. They have worked tirelessly for the past number of years to raise the important challenges that are faced. They are defending and fighting for every single citizen in Tyrone and Fermanagh.”
“I welcome, and very much appreciate, the Minister's recent intervention. The Minister always speaks his mind, which is what I respect about Minister Nesbitt, who has a difficult job. However, we cannot allow the future of the SWAH to drift. Where trusts are failing, the Minister needs to intervene now. Thousands of people have marched and attended meetings, and cross-community support has been secured. The message from Fermanagh and Tyrone is clear: save this service now. Let us be clear: the Western Trust does not start and stop in Derry. It has a huge rural catchment area, and it is under immense pressure. We need to do more to ensure that our rural communities have access to those vital services. <BR /> <BR />The people in the Gallery are the reason that we are having this debate today.”
“With investment and a clear plan, the SWAH could be a hub for elective surgery, cutting the waiting lists in Northern Ireland, which are the longest in the UK, while retaining emergency surgical capacity for its rural population.”
“That is the difference between life and death, quite literally. That is why SWAH must be treated as a rural hospital with a trauma lens applied. <BR /> <BR />The debate is not just about emergency surgery but about the future of SWAH itself. The hospital has two operating theatres, as colleagues have pointed out, with 92 en suite rooms that have never been properly or fully commissioned.”
“The Minister has recognised that there is an issue there — he has committed to looking at it in various pieces of correspondence with me and other MLAs — but it is unacceptable and needs to be dealt with. Patients wait for days. We used to say that it was hours and find that unacceptable, but patients wait for days on hard seats and sometimes wait days for a bed. Families are left in limbo, and staff, as I said, are stretched to breaking point. Altnagelvin is not a safe alternative for SWAH patients, certainly not for those in trauma situations where minutes literally matter. Ambulance cover is stretched, with category-2 response times averaging 68 minutes against a 15-minute target. Geography makes the risk even greater. The journey from Newtownbutler to Altnagelvin takes two and a half hours.”
“<BR /> <BR />The trust claims that patients can be safely transferred, yet even the RQIA has criticised the so-called double ED process, where Fermanagh patients present at SWAH only to be sent on to other hospitals such as Altnagelvin. Altnagelvin, to be clear, is an absolute crisis zone at the best of times. There are no quiet moments any more. There are no winter pressures: there are all-year, 24-hour, seven-day-a-week pressures in our emergency departments. It is inhumane of us to ask our healthcare staff to work in such a crisis-filled area where they are supposed to be treating patients with dignity. I can safely say from what I have witnessed in emergency departments that there is little dignity there at present, unfortunately. <BR /> <BR />It is clear that the emergency department at Altnagelvin is in crisis.”
“To be clear, the human cost is real, and the removal of services from rural communities is being felt acutely in places such as Fermanagh and Tyrone. <BR /> <BR />There are a number of examples that I could use. There is a gentleman who has spent six months in hospital after being shuttled between those two hospitals. A young mother was traumatised after being forced to leave a newborn baby to travel to Altnagelvin from Fermanagh on a number of occasions. Another gentleman in his 50s was wrongly treated, and, unfortunately, during the transfer, his health and life were endangered. Those are not just statistics; they are real-life examples of the real-life effects of what is happening. They involve families whose lives will never be the same.”
“Patients in urgent need of surgery must travel two and a half hours to Altnagelvin or, as Mr Clarke referenced, to other medical facilities. That is not just inconvenient but unsafe, and it defies National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) guidance, which requires a 45-minute response to major trauma. If those travelling to Altnagelvin were to leave from Belleek today or from any part of Fermanagh for that matter, they would have to travel down that treacherous A5. Already quite stressed and maybe not able to get access to an ambulance because of the demand on that service, they would have to navigate difficult road conditions. When you put the full picture together, you see that it is complex and extremely frustrating and worrying for those who are concerned about their loved ones in that emergency situation.”
“Thank you, Deputy Speaker. <BR /> <BR />I appreciate Mr Clarke's intervention, and he is right: any action that is taken on the SWAH will have a consequence on other health facilities throughout Northern Ireland. We already see that play out particularly in Altnagelvin. I use that as a reference, because it is my closest hospital, and I have seen the huge crisis that it faces when dealing with the demand on its services. <BR /> <BR />In December 2022, the Western Trust suspended emergency general surgery at SWAH. We were told that that was a temporary move, but, unfortunately, it has now dragged on for almost three years. We are now told that it will become permanent, which has come as a great disappointment to so many people.”
“Many people receive important treatment in that vital facility. <BR /> <BR />At a cost of £276 million when it was first built in 2012 and with single en suite rooms for every patient, it is a state-of-the art facility that was opened barely a decade ago. It is shocking that we are discussing its future when its build is so new. To allow it to be hollowed out, downgraded or —.”
“I echo the words of colleagues across the House and offer best wishes, on behalf of the SDLP, to Deborah Erskine and her husband on what, I hope, in a few days' or weeks' time, will be a very positive news story. I wish her well on that journey. I also welcome our friends from Fermanagh and Tyrone who are in the Gallery. You are welcome in the Assembly. Remember that this is your Assembly and that you have helped to bring about today's important discussion. <BR /> <BR />I am grateful for the opportunity to speak in the debate on the future of this important hospital. To be clear, the SWAH is not just another hospital; it is a lifeline for rural communities across my constituency of West Tyrone, across Fermanagh and, of course, across the rest of Tyrone. It is also a lifeline for parts of Donegal, Cavan and Monaghan.”
“I will give you a reference. <BR /> <BR />We need to act now to deal with this very serious crisis. People are counting on us. It is not just about those who are contributing to the problem; it is about the wider impact that it is having on all our communities. That has been referenced here today. People cannot live in their homes. My God, is that acceptable in today's age? No, it is not. We can all take steps to resolve the problem. I implore the Executive to work together, use the powers and functions that they have within their control and resolve the problem now, before it is too late.”
“People can dress it up in whatever way they like. I must say that Mr Buckley gave a first-class performance. If the Assembly ever collapses again, he will not even need to apply to the West End. He is guaranteed a job in the London Palladium for what he did here earlier.”
“We also need proper sanctions in place that will deter polluters and ensure diligence at all times when they are on their land or when NI Water is instructed to stop pumping sewage into that lough. <BR /> <BR />Colleagues, this is not about left or right, unionist or nationalist, as some would have you believe. This is about whether a Government work; this is about whether they fail. Right now, on Lough Neagh, the Executive are failing miserably. I say it again: no more promises by Ministers in front of the cameras or in the Assembly, no more hollow words and no more excuses. If you have committed in your manifestos to solving this problem, you need to do something about it. As the Opposition, we are going to ensure that your feet are held firmly to the fire in that regard. <BR /> <BR />What is happening in Lough Neagh is unforgivable.”
“<BR /> <BR />The House and the Executive should be demanding immediate action from the Department for Infrastructure and the Minister to stop sewage flowing into the lough. That is an action within the gift of power of Sinn Féin and the First Minister, because today, after this debate, the First Minister can go and ask her Sinn Féin Finance Minister to fund her Infrastructure Minister for NI Water. That is a good starting point. Take action. Do not just speak about it, do something. Also, while that conversation is happening, please tell Minister O'Dowd to respond to the call by Minister Muir to fund his Department to resolve this problem. Sticking plasters will not work.”
“This is not a short-term inconvenience. If Lough Neagh collapses, it will be a generational catastrophe that this Executive have done very little about. Jobs, tourism, wildlife, heritage and livelihoods will be destroyed. The question to the Executive parties is simple: do you want to be remembered as the Executive who sat back while the UK and Ireland's largest lake died before our eyes or do you want to be remembered as the Executive who took responsibility, took the tough decisions, showed courage and saved it? For the SDLP's part, we will not stand quietly back while others play politics with something so precious. We will not allow Sinn Féin, the DUP and the UUP to pretend that they are acting in the public interest while they look and vote the other way.”
“That was not just a mistake; that was a shameful misjudgement, particularly given that the First Minister lives in the constituency that is directly affected by it. That was a major betrayal of the public, who depend on us to show leadership. While the virtue signalling continued, the Sinn Féin Infrastructure Department is content to stand back while raw sewage continues to flow into the lough. Eighteen months after the return of the Assembly, we have had no solutions or any plan put forward. That is not acceptable; it is indefensible. It shows the wider failure of an Executive who refuse to act as one, refuse to govern with urgency and refuse to face up to their responsibilities. <BR /> <BR />Delay is not neutral. Every week that we wait, the algae spread further; every year that we delay, the damage deepens.”
“I will not. I have a lot to get through. <BR /> <BR />Yet what do some Executive parties do in the face of that? The DUP, Sinn Féin and the UUP lined up to vote against the nutrients action programme consultation. Let us be crystal clear: it was a consultation, and anyone who does not understand the definition of a consultation should not be in the House. It was not a law. It was not a regulation. It was not a policy. It was a chance for farmers, communities, scientists, business owners and everybody to have their say. What is so terrifying about listening to people, something that some parties do not do well? <BR /> <BR />What is so threatening about consultation? Yet instead of engaging, Sinn Féin tripped over themselves to get into the Lobby with the DUP and UUP to collapse that process.”
“This is real. It is happening, and, unless the Executive wise up and take action, it will be their legacy for future generations to learn about.”