Daniel McCrossan
West Tyrone · Social Democratic and Labour Party · Northern Ireland
“I thank the Member for giving way. She has raised some points of interest. Aside from the Bill at hand, the Department of Finance currently collects rates from property owners across Northern Ireland. I have found that there can be difficulties with that when properties have been lying vacant for a significant period.”
“That applies in particular to those who have been land-banking over a period of time — that happens everywhere, unfortunately — with the hope that the big cash cow will be coming and, ultimately, they will be relieved of their responsibility to maintain, look after and enhance the landscape in a town or village by spending the necessary f…”
“As is often the case when we speak in the House, it may be that some ratepayers or members of the public will take it as a given that the Bill will be the silver bullet that will resolve the dilapidation issues in towns. Depending on which area you are in, the scale is very different.”
“We need to be creative in how we can put the Bill to task. <BR /> <BR />Certainly, as I have said, it is good policy. I have no question that the Bill is well intended.”
“<BR /> <BR />Addressing dilapidation is not simply a matter for local government in isolation. The responsibility lies with the Executive as a whole. The Executive have had their eyes closed to this matter for too long, and many of our buildings have deteriorated significantly across council areas over a long period.”
“That encourages private investment, and there is natural enhancement from those investors. However, in areas that lag behind because of economic decline, underinvestment and general deprivation, many towns and cities can quickly become the poor cousin.”
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“The alternative is further deterioration, growing public frustration and a continuation of the uncertainty that has characterised environmental oversight —”
“It will strengthen enforcement, ensure that decisions are not influenced by undue political pressure and provide the accountability and structure necessary for effective, long-term improvement. It will allow the Department to focus on policy and strategy while the regulator concentrates on compliance and enforcement. It will provide the Assembly with the confidence that environmental matters are being handled with independence and competence. It will place Northern Ireland on a modern footing comparable with the arrangements that have existed in other parts of Britain and Ireland. <BR /> <BR />There is now no credible reason to resist the change. Independent review supports it; experts recommend it; all Executive parties have previously endorsed it; and the public expect it.”
“As I said, we are now in 2025, and the Minister has not delivered what he promised. Public trust must be rebuilt. Communities must feel that their concerns are being taken seriously. Farmers really need assurance that enforcement is proportionate and based on evidence. Environmental organisations must know that expert warnings will not be dismissed. The Assembly must have confidence that environmental decisions will be made impartially and transparently. <BR /> <BR />Creating an independent environmental protection agency will not provide immediate answers to every challenge, but it will put in place the essential foundation for serious environmental governance. It will create institutional clarity.”
“I thank Mr Tennyson for that intervention. Our point is that, in effect, the proposal had no teeth. That was our main point of concern. Equally, we see countless reviews proposed in this place, with little delivery as a result. <BR /> <BR />Minister, give Northern Ireland the independent environmental protection agency that it was promised and that is so urgently needed. Since I expect the debates on the Climate Change Bill to be referred to in the debate, as they have been on so many recent occasions in the Chamber, including by Mr Tennyson today, I will say that it is vital that we do all that is in our power to bring about that important agency. The suggestions by the Alliance Party attempted to place an undefined concept in legislation that was not designed for that purpose.”
“Although that amendment was well intentioned, it was not fit for purpose, as it did not define powers; it did not set out functions or governance and enforcement measures; and it did not explain how that office would interact with existing institutions. It was, in essence, an undefined concept grafted on to legislation that was never designed for that purpose. <BR /> <BR />The SDLP has always backed the principle of an independent environmental protection agency as set out in 'New Decade, New Approach', but what was presented there was not delivered. Here we are, in late 2025, with no progress. The Minister who criticised that decision is the same Minister who still has not delivered an environmental protection agency, despite the fact that the amendment that he cited said that one should already be in operation.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Minister has stated that he intends to introduce a Bill. That is welcome, but we must be realistic about the time that remains in the mandate, which is less than 18 months. The work must begin immediately, or it will not be completed. Further delay would result in yet another missed opportunity, and the consequences for the environment would be significant. <BR /> <BR />We have frequently heard in the Chamber references to the debates on the Climate Change (No. 2) Bill in 2022, so I will briefly address that. During that process, the Alliance Party tabled an amendment to create an independent office of climate change and environmental protection.”
“The view across independent reviews is consistent: Northern Ireland requires a regulator that is structurally independent of political Departments, that can take decisions based on scientific evidence, that can enforce compliance robustly and fairly and that has the resources and statutory powers to carry out its functions effectively. All parties in the Executive have accepted that principle. In 'New Decade, New Approach', every party committed to the creation of an independent environmental protection agency. That was not externally imposed but collectively agreed — there were no opt-outs or qualifications — yet, five years later, the commitment remains unfulfilled. We do not have the legislation or the agency, and the problems that an agency was meant to address have continued to worsen.”
“When rivers decline, they ask, "Who enforces the rules?", and, when pollution incidents occur, they ask, "Who will be held to account?". Too often, there is no clear answer, and, in the gap, confidence is eroded further. Farmers feel targeted and misunderstood,; communities feel that their concerns go unanswered; and environmental groups feel that their warnings are left without meaningful responses. Many feel powerless as they watch long-term decline take place in real time. <BR /> <BR />The question before us, therefore, is not whether a problem exists but what the Executive intend to do to resolve it. That is why establishing an independent environmental agency is vital.”
“Poor environmental management has direct consequences for public health, particularly in drinking water safety and for those who live, work and spend time near the affected areas. It has a direct effect on the rural economy, including tourism, angling, agriculture, small businesses and hospitality. It carries real reputational risks for our agri-food industry, which relies on high environmental standards for market access and, indeed, consumer trust. It threatens the future of our natural heritage: the rivers, lakes and landscapes that form a central part of our identity. <BR /> <BR />Perhaps the most corrosive consequence has been the damage to public trust. When communities see Lough Neagh in crisis, they ask who was responsible for preventing it.”
“<BR /> <BR />The consequences of that inaction can now be seen across Northern Ireland. The images of Lough Neagh last summer and, indeed, in the years before that under dense, toxic algae blooms were not only alarming but deeply symbolic of a system that has been allowed to drift for too long. Only a modest proportion of our rivers achieve good ecological status, and untreated or partially treated waste water continues to enter waterways at levels that are simply not acceptable. That, combined with the chronic under-resourcing of enforcement and the complex, fragmented governance structure, is clearly how we have arrived at this point. <BR /> <BR />The issues are not abstract or distant.”
“<BR /> <BR />The review confirmed that earlier evaluations had also found that the present arrangements are not designed to meet either current environmental needs or the more demanding challenges that lie ahead. That is not an isolated observation. It sits alongside a long sequence of similar findings that stretches back to the original review that was held in 2011. Assembly Committees have raised the issue repeatedly, and the New Decade, New Approach (NDNA) agreement explicitly committed all parties to the creation of an independent environmental protection agency. Scientists, councils, community groups and environmental organisations have warned for years that, without structural reform, the system will continue to fall short, yet progress has moved at a pace that does not reflect the seriousness of the situation.”
“It does not adequately protect water quality; it struggles to ensure compliance with environmental standards; and it lacks the level of oversight and enforcement that the public expect from a modern regulatory framework. Ultimately, it fails to give people confidence that serious environmental issues are being handled with the urgency and authority required. The independent review of environmental governance that the Minister commissioned earlier this year set out the scale of the challenges with absolute clarity. It identified persistent weaknesses in how environmental responsibilities are structured, managed, overseen and, indeed, enforced. It also made an unavoidable connection between those weaknesses and the environmental pressures now confronting us, including the crisis at Lough Neagh.”
“The motion before the Assembly is both clear and necessary. After more than 10 years of warnings, reviews, reports and unfulfilled commitments, we ask the House to agree that Northern Ireland must now legislate to establish a properly resourced and operationally independent environmental protection agency (EPA) before the end of the mandate. The proposal is not new, and it is clearly not controversial. It is the natural next step in a discussion that has been ongoing for many years but has rarely been matched by decisive action. For too long, our political system has acknowledged the problem and even identified the solutions yet has struggled to follow through. <BR /> <BR />Northern Ireland is currently operating with an environmental governance system that is no longer fit for purpose.”
“We do not need another report, Minister, to tell us that Lough Neagh is dying; we can see that with our own eyes. The simple question is this: when will the talking stop and the independent environmental protection agency finally be established, not in principle or in theory but in practice?”
“It is nearly two years since you were appointed as Minister of this Department, four years since the Alliance Party promised an independent environmental protection agency and six years since the Executive parties agreed to it in 'New Decade, New Approach', yet all you have to show today is another review telling us what we already know. When it comes to reviews, this place could teach Tripadvisor a few things.”
“Members of the DUP described the vote as "a damning indictment" of the Minister, but, on the same day, refuse to accept the criticism of their own Minister by the teaching unions and colleagues across the House and an impending vote of no confidence. Is that a bit hypocritical? <BR /> <BR />Minister, what will you do to reset your relationship with the Ulster Farmers' Union? Did you foresee the breakdown in relations, or did it completely catch you off guard?”
“Minister, are you aware of whether your party sought the necessary consent to erect such a sign on public or third-party land?”
“They need to invest properly in crisis care, and they need to support the community and voluntary structures that are holding the whole system together. <BR /> <BR />Mental health is not a luxury or an optional extra: it is fundamental. Every life lost to suicide and every family broken is a failure of the Executive. The people of Northern Ireland deserve so much better. They deserve action, and it is high time that the Executive got their priorities in order and delivered in the interests of those who are suffering most.”
“Indeed, it would serve the Executive parties well if they were to become as vexed about that issue as they are about some of the things that they use in the House to distract from their own failures. <BR /> <BR />Every week in my constituency of West Tyrone, I meet people who are crying out for help: parents whose children cannot get counselling, older people who are struggling with isolation and individuals who feel completely abandoned by the system. They are right to feel abandoned, because that is exactly what has happened. We cannot allow the cycle of strategy without delivery, promises without resources and words without meaning to continue. The Minister of Health and the Executive must fully fund and implement the mental health strategy as originally planned, not the watered-down version that we see lingering through today.”
“That means that only a small fraction of what was pledged has been delivered. <BR /> <BR />Let me be clear that it is not a case of a funding gap but, rather, a failure of political will from the Executive parties. People across Northern Ireland are paying the price. Families are left waiting for months, and sometimes for years, for support. Some do not get any support at all. Young people in crisis turn up at overcrowded A&Es because there is nowhere else for them to go. The community and voluntary organisations that hold the system together are being left to survive from hand to mouth while the Executive hide behind excuses about budgets. Mental health services cannot continue to be the first thing cut and the last thing funded. They should be at the very heart of every decision that the Executive make.”
“I will speak about something that affects every family across the region — mental health — and the shameful failure of the Executive parties to deliver on the commitment that they made to our people. In 2021, the Department of Health published a 10-year mental health strategy, which was ambitious, hopeful and long overdue. It promised a better system: one that would prevent crisis, deliver early intervention and finally give mental health the priority that it deserves. Almost four years later, however, that promise lies in tatters. The recent review of the strategy confirms that, as many of us feared, only £12 million has been invested in 14 actions out of 35. The original strategy required over £1·2 billion in order to deliver fully for the people most impacted on.”
“<BR /> <BR />I wish Catherine well in the important role that she will play, and I hope that she follows in a similar vein to President Higgins. I have just received a letter from him — just at this moment, actually. I am grateful for that letter, and I wish him and his wife well in their well-deserved retirement.”
“He made people in this House, it seems, feel uncomfortable because he spoke truth to power. He spoke up for people, which, unfortunately, does not go down well with some in the House. <BR /> <BR />Mr Gaston talks of toxicity, division and embarrassment: it sounded very much as though he was discussing his own party, the TUV, because it seems as though its mantra is to be toxic, divisive and embarrassing. Nobody in the House — certainly not Members on some Benches — can criticise anybody for being divisive or toxic. The sludge of toxicity in the Chamber today has been enough to turn anyone's stomach. People would do well to see beyond their own toes and recognise that Ireland has changed in a positive way. It is an inclusive society that welcomes people from all walks of life. It has a bright future.”
“It was a challenging election, with two powerful and determined women at the fore. That is a sign of tremendous change and is emblematic of the vital role that women play in society as leaders of our community. That, in itself, spoke to a lot of people across the island. I am happy for Catherine, and I wish her and her family well. It is disappointing that elements of the campaign were negative and that the media often portrayed some of the more difficult challenges that affect our society and did not, ultimately, focus on the opportunities that are ahead of us as an island and as a people. <BR /> <BR />I want to thank President Michael D Higgins. Michael D Higgins will go down, in my strong opinion and that of others, as one of the greatest Irish presidents that we have ever seen or will ever see.”
“On behalf of the SDLP and as an Irish citizen, I congratulate our newly elected president of Ireland, Catherine Connolly. I also offer my best wishes to Heather Humphreys and her family on a powerful campaign.”
“I am absolutely insulted in the House not just for the people who work hard to bring about peace but for the families who, every day, have been seeking out peace, justice and simple answers to the questions that they have, should it be the families of the Disappeared, the families in Omagh or the Bloody Sunday families. There is no right or wrong answer to this. <BR /> <BR />It is clear that we have a responsibility in the House to show some leadership, and a new low has been struck today. This is not a game. This is about people's lives. Wake up and start realising that and, for God's sake, have some respect for the memories of everybody who is affected.”
“There needs to be a lesson learned here. Our people are suffering incredibly. These institutions were brought about to put an end to all of this nonsense, yet, even with issues such as this today, you find reasons to poke one another in the eye instead of acknowledging the pain and hurt that our people have gone through. <BR /> <BR />The SDLP was built on the foundations of peace and bringing an end to violence. Anyone in the House who dares to taint the memory of John Hume, Séamus Mallon or others who sacrificed themselves to a lifetime of brutal intimidation from all sides needs to think again carefully. We would not be here today but for the work and sacrifices of people who went long before us and created these institutions.”
“All of those events were wrong. Bloody Sunday was wrong. It is not a case of "Go compare". Innocent people were blown to bits, shot up and killed and did not return to their families. Anyone in the House who dares to justify or attempt to justify any of those actions, regardless of whether they were carried out by the IRA, the UVF, the British Government or anyone else, should be absolutely ashamed of themselves. Ashamed of themselves.”
“I, too, had no intention of speaking, because I thought that Members in the House would have learned well from the journey that our people collectively have been on and the hurt and pain that people have suffered. Just to be very clear to Mr Frew: our party was built on peace and on bringing an end to the violence and cold-blooded murder on our streets. It did not matter which shade that was. Omagh was wrong. Enniskillen was wrong.”
“This is a very important matter for the Minister and the Department. Minister, you said that you are in the process of putting in place a plan to ensure that there is a rapid response to the issue. How much will it sting you?”
“Minister, given that every day there are very serious pressures on our emergency departments, particularly at Altnagelvin, which often resembles a scene from your worst possible nightmare, what assurances can you give today in the House that your plan will actually do something different and prevent the crisis from deepening, particularly for people who are very anxious about having to present at emergency departments over the weeks and months ahead?”
“I thank my colleague for giving way. Recent statistics from the Trussell Trust highlighted that, in 2024, 520,000 people across Northern Ireland, 130,000 of whom were children, lived in food-insecure households. That is 20,000 more children than in 2022. Does the Member agree that child poverty in Northern Ireland has got worse on the Executive's watch and that the Executive are full of daydream believers?”
“I thank the Minister for giving way. Minister, we all know that this will take collective responsibility from the Executive. We are not foolish in that regard. Did the First Minister agree with you at the Executive prior to the draft strategy being published and then walk backwards after the public backlash happened?”
“Thanks, Minister, for giving way. I have to say that you really need to wake up on this. There is nothing new in what you are saying. It is as though you have taken everything from the cupboard, fired it in the basket and painted it as something new, which is not the case. Barnardo's said that the overall strategy, in draft form, is weak and lacking in action, with the need for more robust plans that include specific targets and commitments. Are you saying that Barnardo's, which is at the coalface supporting people who are struggling on a daily basis, is wrong, or are you in a dreamland?”
“I thank the Member for giving way. She is the Deputy Chair of the PAC, and I, as its Chair, agree that we have had a very worthwhile inquiry. However, one of the main criticisms and themes that came through was the silo working of the Departments. I understand that the Minister for Communities must lead on the strategy, but is it not regrettable, surely, from the outset that the First Minister walked backwards 10 minutes after the announcement?”
“I thank the Member for giving way. I got in just ahead of the Minister. Does the Member agree that it comes down to a sheer lack of political will to tackle the problem in a meaningful way, that the Executive have been disastrous in dealing with the issue, and that, on the watch of the Minister and his colleagues around the Executive table, child poverty has got worse in Northern Ireland since the Executive's return?”
“Minister, in the US, there have been trials of an autism medication called — I do not know whether I am pronouncing this right — leucovorin, which has been proven to have a very positive impact on children, particularly non-verbal children. Has there been any exploration of that medication by your Department?”
“For us, the choice is simple. Families deserve to have enforceable rights, not vague promises; they deserve choice and transparency, not loopholes or hiding places; and they deserve a Bill that delivers on the promise of affordability. That is our wider criticism of the entire Bill. While it offers some improvements on what went before, it falls far short of what parents and pupils need and deserve. The Bill could have been a landmark from the Assembly in tackling the cost of school uniforms, but, instead, it risks becoming another missed opportunity.”
“At first glance, it looks similar: schools must ensure that uniform items are available from one non-contracted supplier unless a school manager signs a declaration that an exclusive deal represents value for money. The new clause may make it easier for schools to justify exclusivity, while parents will not have the same rights to see the details of contracts that drive up their costs. While the SDLP supports amendment No 2 and amendment No 6 for making the guidelines more practical and comprehensive, we have concerns about amendment No 3 and amendment No 4, because they risk weakening some of the Bill's most important elements. <BR /> <BR />The amendments that we support will make uniforms fairer and more affordable for families. The amendments that we oppose will undo those necessary and long-awaited protections.”
“Amendment No 6 adds further clarity by explicitly linking guidelines to Foundation Stage and Key Stages 1 to 4. Again, that is useful, and we support it. <BR /> <BR />The real battle in group 2 is over supplier arrangements, because those are key to the overriding consideration of affordability. At Consideration Stage, the Bill gained stronger provisions. It required schools to ensure that uniform items would be available from "at least one" open supplier. It also required schools to publish their contracts with preferred retailers. Those clauses would give parents a guarantee of choice and transparency. The Minister's amendment No 3 risks changing that. In place of those provisions, amendment No 4 inserts new clause 2A on 'Clothing supplier agreements'.”
“That means that uniforms must be practical not only for classroom learning but for play-based activity, sport and outdoor work. It is a sensible, child-focused amendment, and the SDLP fully supports it.”
“<BR /> <BR />I start with amendment No 2, which improves clause 2 by broadening the requirement to consider the "nature and adequacy of clothing" across different parts of the curriculum.”
“As my colleague outlined, the SDLP welcomes the progression of the Bill, but we are clear that its success will be measured in affordability. The second group of amendments goes to the heart of that question. If families are to feel any real difference in their pockets, it will be because the guidelines that are set out here make uniforms more affordable and practical and because they do so transparently. <BR /> <BR />The SDLP has always said that parents should not be priced out of education by the cost of a blazer, jumper or PE kit. Every amendment that Members consider today should be tested against one simple question: will it help to make uniforms more affordable for families, or will it weaken the protections that they deserve? We have applied each of those tests to the amendments in the group.”
“Minister, that does not really answer the question. I understand that private information that could identify individuals must be redacted, but almost all of the document was redacted, including conversations or approaches to dealing with the A5, if there were any such discussions. Will the Minister confirm to the House that he will revisit it in the interest of transparency, and can he give an assessment of why it went so badly wrong in court?”
“Minister, is the discharge of liquid digestate from anaerobic digestion plants contributing to the eutrophication of Lough Neagh? If so, what action is being taken to address that problem?”
“It requires treatment, support and compassion, particularly from those in positions of leadership in government. If we continue to underfund and ignore the crisis, more lives will be lost. However, with the right services, the right investment and the right political leadership from the Executive, people can have a chance to recover and rebuild their lives with dignity and the support that they so desperately need and deserve.”
“It is not just a health crisis; it is a social emergency on which the Executive must act now. We desperately need urgent investment in addiction services. We need accessible, properly funded community-based supports that people and families can rely on. We need a dual diagnosis approach that recognises the inextricable link between mental health and addiction, so that people are treated as whole human beings and not as cases to be passed between Departments. In that vein, it is regrettable that the core funding for the Northlands centre in Derry has been cut. That is short-sighted and speaks to the failings of the Executive to prioritise those who are struggling and battling with addiction, particularly across the north-west. <BR /> <BR />Addiction is not a lifestyle choice; it is an illness.”
“The result is predictable: more lives lost, more families broken and more communities living in fear of what drugs do their streets. <BR /> <BR />We cannot talk about addiction in isolation. Too often, those struggling with alcohol or drugs are also battling mental health issues, depression, anxiety and trauma, yet, in Northern Ireland, there is no proper dual diagnosis system that treats both conditions together; instead, people are pushed from one service to another and fall through the cracks at the very moment when they need joined-up, compassionate care. <BR /> <BR />Drugs are destroying lives in every community. From Strabane to Belfast and Omagh to Derry, we see young people being robbed of their future and neighbourhoods being destabilised.”
“I rise to discuss the blight of alcohol and drug addiction in our communities. It is one of the greatest social challenges facing our society. Behind the statistics are real people, families and communities that are being torn apart. Every week, I meet families in West Tyrone who are watching loved ones spiral into addiction. Too often, their stories are stories of despair, not because they have given up hope but because they feel that the system has given up on them. Our services are failing. They are underfunded, fragmented and, in many cases, completely inaccessible to those who need them. Waiting lists are far too long. Community organisations are stretched to breaking point, forced to pick up the pieces with little or no support from government.”
“It is a bit insulting for the Member to suggest that the delivery of the A5 represents special treatment. What about the 57 people who have been killed on the road and those who travel on it daily to take their kids to school and to go to work? It is an absolute insult and spells out exactly why the Member's party will not grow or survive west of the Bann.”