Vivian Balakrishnan
Singapore
“The Ministry of Foreign Affairs does not issue advisories on wait times at overseas airports. Travellers may wish to monitor airline and airport websites, as well as news reports for real-time information on wait times and potential disruptions at specific airports.”
“When the conflict in the Middle East deteriorated and commercial flights were halted in March 2026, the Singapore Government mounted four repatriation flights from Muscat, Riyadh and Jeddah to bring stranded Singaporeans home.”
“The Government has stepped up public engagement to explain our foreign policy fundamentals and responses to key international developments to Singaporeans and to hear their views. We do this through dialogue sessions across segments of society, including students, youths, businesses and community leaders.”
“And the larger point during the Committee of Supply was that precisely, because the world is in such a difficult, prickly, volatile and dangerous state, actually, if we keep our wits about ourselves, we maintain unity and we continue to have this clear eye-realistic, but principled, approach, there are many opportunities for Singapore.”
“Well, in short, I completely agree with you. And that is why we have indeed been hosting these events and in your own capacity as a national athlete and also as an official now, you have seen how it works in practice.”
“Since 2022, about half of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) employees are women. The proportion of women in senior appointments has remained stable at about a quarter. We recognise that overseas postings are disruptive for officers with families, especially female officers who bear greater caregiving responsibilities.”
The complete record
Every one of 2,437 lines we hold for Vivian Balakrishnan, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 16 of 49.
“Maybe that is something the Member should express rather than me.”
“So, I hope Members appreciate this fine line that I am trying to follow, to be resolute, but to be calm, to quietly but clearly protect our interests. It does not mean we do not have sharp elbows. And sometimes, if we have to do it, we will do so. But again, as I said, it is still early days, so let us see how this evolves. The other point I would make, especially for younger Singaporeans, is that the nature of the relationship between Malaysia and Singapore will always be unique and special. And we must never be surprised, both at the upside and the downside. It is, in psychological parlance, what you would call an “emotionally labile” relationship. We must not be caught surprised or flat-footed about it. I believe we should not aggravate the emotional angst but, at the same time, we must also firmly protect our interests and to tell the other side that there will be consequences for actions that are taken against Singapore.”
“Thank you. In popular parlance, it is called "good cop, bad cop". We do not play those sorts of things. I cannot speak for Malaysia, but I can speak for Singapore. I always say the same thing to all my counterparts that Singapore does not have the luxury of saying different things to different people. In any case, we believe it is this reputation for consistency and constancy that adds to our reputation of reliability and integrity. So, that is the way we deal. Sometimes, it may come across as we are boringly consistent, and we seem to studiously avoid chest-thumping and other manifestations of nationalism. But I would submit that this is the appropriate posture for a small, tiny nation-state like Singapore. Not that we are passive, not that we give in, but consistency. Now, specifically, dealing with a counterpart or another country which may not obey the same conventions and rules. In the case of the recent intrusion by the Johor Menteri Besar, in fact, he did that the day after the bilateral meeting with Foreign Minister Saifuddin, and as I said just now, is completely against the spirit of the meeting and against the spirit of the agreements. Could we just let it pass in the name of, well, we just had a successful meeting, we are getting along, let us not sour that? No, the answer is we cannot just let it pass. We had to take action. That is why we had to postpone the meeting of the 14th Joint Ministerial Committee for Iskandar Malaysia. So, my point is, do not take Singapore's consistency, and some would say even predictability, for granted. We will always take appropriate measures to safeguard our interests, and any country dealing with Singapore must not assume that it is cost-free to embark on any adventures or antics against us. There will be consequences.”
“I hope they also reflect a larger body of opinion within Malaysia. Understand that the long-term interest of Singapore and Malaysia is best secured by working together, resolving differences, expanding areas of collaboration, and looking for new things that we can do. One point which I also discussed with Minister Azmin who is, as Members know, in charge of economic affairs, I said, look, the world is changing at such a rapid manner. We need to focus on updating, upscaling, transforming our economies and working together, and not be caught using unnecessary bandwidth fighting unnecessary conflicts. So sorry to give the Member a long answer. But my short answer to the Member is that as far as the two whom I have interacted most intensively with, the answer is yes. I do detect sincerity on their part. But never, never make the mistake of assuming that personal ties can be a replacement for national interests, international law or complying with agreements. So, we always aim for good interpersonal ties, we always talk about friendship between countries. But remember that friendship between countries is to advance national interest. You never compromise national interest in order to have better relations. So, it is a discipline which I always maintain in all my relations with my counterparts. I am pretty sure if you spoke to Minister Saifuddin or Minister Azmin, they would say something pretty much the same. And I do my best to make sure I am never the cause, the source of a problem. I try to be helpful.”
“Thank you, Mr Singh. It is a salient question, but actually, more complicated than it sounds. First of all, we start on the basis that we are two sovereign nations. But we are two sovereign nations with a complicated history and, therefore, we must always expect problems to arise. We must never be surprised by problems. They will arise and, as I said just now, the only question is how we approach these problems and, as to the point behind the Member's question, the spirit behind our attempts to resolve this problem. When dealing with foreign policy, I find it very useful to clearly separate in my mind national interest from personal ties and personal relationships. Let me explain. In the case of Singapore, our top, paramount imperative is to protect our sovereignty and independence, and our national interests. Our second imperative is to abide by international law. Our third imperative is to fully honour all agreements which we have solemnly entered into. Because, after all, if you do not honour past agreements, what value do future agreements have? It is only after you settle these three things – national interests, international law, and abiding by agreements – then the individuals, the Ministers, the officials and the agencies come into it. I would like to share with Members a discussion which I had with Minister Azmin last night. We both concluded that it is important that Ministers and officials keep the attitude of trying to solve problems, not aggravate them, not make them worse. Specifically, to the Member's question, I can quite confidently state for the record that in all my interactions with Minister Saifuddin and Minister Azmin, I have found them to be sincere, constructive, helpful, and I believe both of them.”
“Well, first of all, our current actions are designed precisely to protect and assert our sovereignty and our sovereign rights. The second point is that we do need more bilateral consultations. We do need negotiations to resolve these issues. I believe these issues are solvable, but it needs to be a frank, open, candid, sincere exchange of views. As for Singaporeans, I mentioned just now that foreign policy begins at home, the unity of purpose, the calm way in which Singaporeans have responded to this. Calmness does not mean passivity. But actually, both countries, and I think especially the businessmen on both sides, are aware of how our economies are intertwined, and these sorts of disputes are unnecessary and unhelpful. So, calmly, resolutely, firmly asserting our sovereignty and our rights, and then quietly taking appropriate actions is probably the wisest course at this point in time. I do not want to speculate as to other measures which we would have to consider at appropriate times.”
“I thank the Member for her usual colourful allusions. What I will state is Minister Khaw and Minister Loke are due to meet, hopefully, by the end of this month. I do not want to engage in speculation as to the basis for his calculations and assumptions. I think it is best that both sides meet, set out their respective concerns and find a constructive way forward.”
“Mr Speaker, despite these current difficulties, Singapore still hopes to work with Malaysia for better relations, and for closer cooperation that will benefit the people, the citizens of both sides. But both sides must act in good faith, in compliance with international law and norms, and honour existing agreements. Mr Speaker, foreign policy begins at home. The strength of Singapore’s diplomacy depends on domestic unity and resilience, and the fact that we cannot be intimidated or bought. This is the foundation for our diplomacy even as we seek good relations with all our friends and neighbours within a rules-based international order. This is why Total Defence and our investment in the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) are so important. Resilience includes improving our water supply infrastructure, namely, NEWater and desalinated water, strengthening our food security by diversifying our food sources, and ensuring that we have a strong, diversified labour market. As a small state with limited resources, the quest for security and resilience has been a constant, relentless imperative for us since Independence. It is not something that we look at only in times of unease. I am confident that we can continue to rely on strong bipartisan support from this House, and the unity of purpose among all Singaporeans, as we strive to ensure that Singapore’s independence, territorial sovereignty, safety, security and prosperity are secured for this generation and those to come. Thank you, Mr Speaker.”
“Let me be very frank and let me emphasise that I do not expect a quick or smooth resolution to all these issues. As an example, Singapore was scheduled to host a meeting on the Joint Ministerial Committee (JMC) for Iskandar Malaysia this morning. The meeting was to be chaired by Minister Lawrence Wong and Malaysian Economic Affairs Minister Azmin Ali. This meeting would have involved Singapore and Malaysian Ministers and officials, as well as Johor officials, including the Menteri Besar Osman Sapian. But most regrettably, the Menteri Besar staged a publicised visit to the Malaysian Marine Department (MMD) vessel anchored in Singapore Territorial Waters off Tuas on 9 January 2019. This intrusion by the Johor Menteri Besar went against the spirit of the agreement between Foreign Minister Saifuddin and me just the day before. It undermined the goodwill and trust that are necessary for further cooperation between the two countries, and especially cooperation involving Johor. Therefore, it made it untenable for us to proceed with the JMC meeting this morning. Singapore formally protested the intrusion via a TPN, a diplomatic note, to Malaysia, and we proposed to postpone the meeting to a later date. Malaysia agreed. I also informed both Minister Saifuddin and Minister Azmin of this postponement, and I should add that my discussions with both Ministers, both before and after the Johor Menteri Besar’s actions, have been amicable and constructive, and we have focused on trying to resolve issues and not to wind things up. Minister Azmin met me yesterday. This morning, he also met Minister Khaw Boon Wan and Minister Lawrence Wong to discuss several bilateral projects which he is in charge of.”
“After all, this has brought great economic benefits and tourism to both countries and, indeed, to our region. As such, I look forward to the resolution of these issues in an amicable fashion. There are other issues that we have to deal with. Singapore will do our best to discuss all outstanding bilateral issues with Malaysia in a calm, reasonable and focused manner. This approach extends to other issues beyond the Johor Bahru Port Limits and the Seletar ILS procedures. For example, Malaysia had earlier expressed their intention to review the 1974 Operational Letter of Agreement on airspace arrangements in southern Johor, and we had responded that we would review their proposal when we received it. Such discussions on air navigation arrangements involve consultations with international stakeholders and cannot be done overnight. In the meantime, in the interest of civil aviation safety, air traffic operations must continue according to the current arrangements and in accordance with ICAO requirements. Another matter that Malaysia has raised is the price of raw water sold to Singapore under the 1962 Water Agreement. Prime Minister Mahathir raised this with Prime Minister Lee when they met last November. Both Prime Ministers agreed that the two Attorneys-General respectively would meet for discussions to better understand each other’s positions on whether Malaysia still had the right to review the price of water under the 1962 Water Agreement. The Attorneys-General subsequently met in December 2018. Unfortunately, their discussions were overshadowed by the new issues that had arisen over the Johor Bahru Port Limits and the Seletar ILS procedures. But the two Attorneys-General will meet again to continue their discussions.”
“CAAS, as the air traffic services provider for the area, was neither informed nor consulted even though these actions affected current civil aviation operations out of Seletar Airport. It cut through an established international aviation route, and it affected flight efficiency and safety. Malaysia’s declaration of a permanent Restricted Area escalated what was initially a matter concerning ILS procedures, which is a norm for many airports around the world, into a much more serious issue affecting all flights operating at Seletar Airport from the north. This was not helpful for commercial aviation in the area and, furthermore, damaged the overall tenor of our bilateral relationship. At our meeting last week, Minister Saifuddin and I agreed that Singapore would suspend the implementation of the ILS procedures at Seletar Airport, and Malaysia would also suspend the permanent Restricted Area, for a period of one month in the first instance. This mutual suspension went into effect simultaneously at midnight on 9 January 2019 and this has allowed normal operations to resume at Seletar Airport, with aircraft able to fly their normal established flight paths over Pasir Gudang in and out of Seletar. Unfortunately, Malaysia’s Firefly will still be unable to start operating at Seletar due to its own Malaysian regulator’s requirement. We also agreed that the Transport Ministers from both countries should meet soon for discussions on these measures and to resolve the issues. The Transport Ministers, I believe, have agreed to meet later this month. Mr Speaker, I strongly believe that both countries share a common interest in safe and efficient international civil aviation operations.”
“Ultimately, the purpose of the ILS procedures is to improve safety and facilitate flights and, in this case, especially for Malaysia’s own Firefly, which services many smaller Malaysian airports. CAAS met CAAM on 29 November 2018 to address their concerns. Following this meeting, CAAS published the ILS procedures for Seletar Airport on 1 December 2018. This was done in accordance with Singapore's responsibilities under the relevant ICAO requirements. So, it published the ILS procedures in accordance with our responsibilities under the relevant ICAO requirements as well as the bilateral arrangements between Singapore and Malaysia. And to give the aviation community time to prepare for the ILS, it set the effective date for the implementation of ILS as 3 January 2019, a timeline which is entirely in line with international norms. During this period, on 12 December 2018, CAAM issued a Notice to Airmen (NOTAM). And this NOTAM unilaterally declared the airspace over Pasir Gudang as an Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) operation area from 13 to 28 December 2018. This NOTAM was subsequently cancelled on 20 December 2018. But, subsequently, on Christmas Day, 25 December 2018, CAAM issued another NOTAM, this time, declaring a permanent Restricted Area over Pasir Gudang between 2,000 feet and 5,000 feet altitude, for "military activities" and that this Restricted Area would take effect from 2 January 2019. This Restricted Area would force flights operating to and from Seletar Airport to spiral up and down close to the airport in order to traverse above the Restricted Area at 6,000 feet. Malaysia’s action contravened established ICAO procedures. All over the world, and this is a point worth emphasising, aviation is, by nature, transboundary.”
“CAAM only replied in November 2018, objecting for the first time to the proposed ILS procedures, and citing alleged consequences on the future development of Pasir Gudang. Despite this delay, CAAS addressed all their concerns. It is important to note that the ILS uses exactly the same flight paths that aircraft landing at Seletar have used all along for visual flights. Flight procedures, such as those for the Seletar ILS, are a basic element of civil aviation, which inform pilots on what they need to do in order to land or take off safely. There have been claims that the ILS flight path will more strictly restrict the height of buildings below it. This is untrue. The ILS imposes no additional requirements or limitations preventing Malaysia from developing tall buildings in Pasir Gudang or operating tall ships in Pasir Gudang Port. There were allegations that Pasir Gudang will not be able to have buildings higher than five stories because of the ILS. But if Members drive across the Causeway and drive around Pasir Gudang, you will see that there are, in fact, already structures that are as tall as 105 metres, and this, by the way, is taller than many Housing and Development Board (HDB) blocks. You can see from the satellite photograph – which I want to emphasise was obtained from open sources – that there are, indeed, existing high-rise developments in the Pasir Gudang area. So, the ILS has not and will not prevent the building of tall structures, as alleged by Malaysia. And we have consistently stated that if Malaysia has any new plans for new developments, we are prepared to discuss and to adjust the ILS procedures, if necessary.”
“It has to be by mutual agreement: both sides have to agree to the terms of third-party arbitration or adjudication in the event that bilateral negotiations are unsuccessful. Singapore remains committed to finding an amicable resolution through dialogue with our Malaysian partners and this is what the working group led by the two Foreign Ministries will try to achieve. Next, airspace. On airspace, there have actually been two developments. First, the new Instrument Landing System (ILS) for Seletar Airport. Put simply, an ILS is an aid for pilots to land safely at an airport during bad weather or when there is low visibility conditions. Seletar Airport actually meets all the relevant requirements of the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) on airport design and operations. Planes have been safely flying in and out of Seletar Airport for decades, using the same flight routes. But we did not previously have an ILS. We now installed the ILS at Seletar Airport at the request of Firefly, a subsidiary of Malaysian Airlines. Firefly had agreed to move its operations to Seletar Airport by 1 December 2018. But Firefly informed the Civil Aviation Authority of Singapore (CAAS) that the Civil Aviation Authority of Malaysia (CAAM) required all Malaysian carriers to only operate to airports with an instrument approach. Ironically, CAAS was actually trying to facilitate Firefly’s operations at Seletar by installing the ILS, the same ILS which Malaysia has now objected to. CAAS sought early consultation with CAAM on the implementation of the ILS procedures at Seletar. CAAS formally approached the Malaysian agency in December 2017 but received no response for almost a year.”
“These intrusions do not help Malaysia's legal case. All they do is to raise tensions and endanger navigational safety in the area. There is a need to calm the situation at sea. It was in this context that I met Minister Saifuddin on 8 January 2019. Members would have read the Joint Press Statement that we issued after our meeting. In summary, we agreed to establish a working group, headed by the Permanent Secretary of Singapore's Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) Mr Chee Wee Kiong and the Secretary General of the Malaysian Foreign Ministry Mr Muhammad Shahrul Ikram Yaakob. This working group will discuss both the legal and operational matters in order to de-escalate the situation in the waters off Tuas and they are to report to both Minister Saifuddin and me within the next two months. Singapore believes that maritime boundary delimitation is best resolved through negotiations, to reach an amicable settlement acceptable to all parties. If negotiations are unsuccessful, Singapore is prepared to settle such disputes by recourse to an appropriate international dispute settlement procedure. However, the dispute settlement should be on terms that are mutually agreed to by both parties and it is for this reason that Singapore filed a declaration under Article 298(1)(a) of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). We filed this declaration on 12 December 2018. This declaration means that other States Parties to UNCLOS cannot unilaterally commence third-party arbitration or adjudication against Singapore in respect of maritime boundary disputes. Singapore likewise cannot unilaterally commence third-party arbitration or adjudication against other UNCLOS States Parties for such disputes.”
“Thank you. On 25 October 2018, Malaysia unilaterally extended the Johor Bahru Port Limits into Singapore Territorial Waters off Tuas. Members of the House, may I refer you to this map which is displayed, which reflects Malaysia's unilateral extension to the hatched area. The waters in this area are tight, less than 24 nautical miles wide. This purported extension goes beyond even Malaysia’s own territorial sea claims according to Malaysia's own 1979 map, which Singapore has consistently rejected. The inescapable conclusion is that the new Johor Bahru Port Limits transgress into what are indisputably Singapore Territorial Waters. Singapore has long exercised sovereignty and patrolled these waters without any protest from Malaysia. However, since late November 2018, Malaysian government vessels started intruding into these Singapore Territorial Waters. We have protested the purported extension and these intrusions. We have also increased our security presence in the area in order to safeguard our waters and sovereignty. I am sure Members of this House would join me in commending our security agencies which have been acting professionally, responsibly, and with restraint, in order to minimise the risks of untoward incidents at sea. In response to Malaysia’s provocative actions, on 6 December 2018, we extended Singapore’s own port limits off Tuas. Our extension was done in accordance with international law and remained well within Singapore Territorial Waters. On 10 December 2018, the Malaysian Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a press statement committing to "take all effective measures to de-escalate the situation on the ground". Despite this statement, daily intrusions by Malaysian government vessels into our territorial waters have continued.”
“Arising from Prime Minister Lee’s communication with Prime Minister Mahathir, I met Malaysian Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah last week to discuss these outstanding issues. We agreed on measures to help keep the situation on the ground calm in order to allow discussions to take place in a more conducive atmosphere. There has been strong public interest in these matters. So, today, I would like to set out the facts of each issue and highlight the steps that both countries have taken to find a constructive way forward. Let me, first, deal with the Johor Bahru Port Limits. With your permission, Mr Speaker, may I display some slides on the screen?”
“Prime Minister Lee hosted Prime Minister Mahathir for an official visit to Singapore in November last year, in conjunction with the 33rd ASEAN Summit. During the meeting between the two Prime Ministers, they acknowledged that there would always be elements of both competition and cooperation, but both of them saw a bright future for Malaysia and Singapore. In any close relationship with complex historical legacies, problems will arise from time to time. This is to be expected between such close neighbours. The only question is how we approach these problems. In the past couple of months, two sets of difficult issues have flared up between Singapore and Malaysia. These include, first, the maritime issues surrounding Malaysia’s purported extension of the Johor Bahru Port Limits, and second, airspace issues arising from Malaysia's objections to the new Instrument Landing System (ILS) procedures for Seletar Airport, and its sudden promulgation of a permanent Restricted Area over Pasir Gudang, that disrupted normal operations at Seletar Airport which, in fact, have been conducted safely and efficiently for many decades. Both of these sets of sudden actions upset the status quo that has been in place for many years. These actions did not bode well for our bilateral relationship. They created the risk of a dangerous downward spiral of measures and countermeasures. They were serious enough that Prime Minister Lee felt it was necessary to send Deputy Prime Minister Teo Chee Hean and Minister Heng Swee Keat as special envoys to call on Prime Minister Mahathir on New Year's eve to convey a serious message from Prime Minister Lee expressing his grave concerns.”
“Mr Speaker, Members of the House have posed several questions on Singapore-Malaysia relations. Let me start by sharing with the House and fellow Singaporeans the approach that we have taken in our relations with Malaysia under the Pakatan Harapan government. I had touched on this briefly in July last year, but I think it is worth restating some of these points. Since Pakatan Harapan's victory in the Malaysian general election in May 2018, Singapore has consistently expressed our hope for good and mutually beneficial relations with the new Malaysian government. We want to continue working closely with Malaysia, at both the federal and the state levels. We do so on the basis of equality and mutual respect. And this means working through any differences and outstanding issues amicably, constructively and in accordance with international law and international norms. We believe that both countries need to deepen our strategic trust and develop new areas of cooperation. A constructive and positive working relationship with our closest neighbour is also important for the region, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in particular, where Singapore and Malaysia have many shared interests. So, last August, when Malaysia sought Singapore’s agreement to defer the Kuala Lumpur-Singapore High Speed Rail Project up to 31 May 2020, we agreed to do so, and we concluded a formal agreement with Malaysia to achieve this deferment. We agreed in the spirit of good neighbourliness and hoped that this would set the tone for a positive and fruitful relationship with Malaysia’s new government. Since then, we have maintained this cooperative approach with several high-level bilateral visits and exchanges.”
“Mr Speaker, with your permission, I propose to address all the issues raised from Question Nos 1 to 14 during my Ministerial Statement at 1.30 pm.”
“These ground-up initiatives speak to the generosity of Singaporeans. The dire humanitarian situation will only improve once a durable ceasefire is in place, and reconstruction is only possible when the conflict is resolved. Singapore supports the work of UN Special Envoy Martin Griffiths in organising peace talks to reach a political solution, which is the real key to alleviating the humanitarian crisis in Yemen. We continue to urge all parties to exercise utmost restraint and to work together towards a peaceful resolution of the conflict in Yemen.”
“Yemen has been torn by strife in recent years. The underlying roots of the current conflict are deep and complex. Critically, the conflict has become a breeding ground for terrorist and extremist groups. More recently, the Islamic State has established a foothold in Yemen, which heightens the risks of radicalisation. Alongside the threat of radicalisation, the humanitarian crisis in Yemen generated by the ongoing upheaval is also of serious concern for the international community. Between March 2015 and August 2018, the United Nations (UN) Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights documented more than 17,000 civilian casualties, including more than 6,500 deaths. Prolonged fighting will worsen the humanitarian situation and create more security vacuums for terror groups to exploit. Therefore, we strongly encourage the key players involved to work towards a ceasefire and return to the negotiating table to find a political solution. There can be no lasting and durable peace without political negotiations and compromise. In the meantime, I am heartened to note that some of our community organisations have held various fundraising drives for the humanitarian crisis in Yemen. For example, the Rahmatan Lil Alamin Foundation, in partnership with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, organised a special fundraising effort at 71 mosques in July 2017 for the affected civilians in Yemen. Islamic Relief Singapore has an ongoing fundraising drive for Islamic Relief’s efforts to distribute food and provide emergency water. In 2016, the Arab Association Singapore partnered the United Nations Development Programme on the initiative "Yemen Our Home", in order to support the rebuilding of infrastructure, skills training and the empowerment of women in Yemen.”
“Thank you for covering my numerous absences. I must tell Members I travel almost as much as a cabin crew. I calculated, I took about 36 visits a year, so I thank you for your personal support. Actually, I should start off with an apology to the House for not mentioning AIPA meetings which the Member has hosted, and Speaker has chaired. That has been very important and useful. It has also been particularly eye-opening for the younger Members of Parliament to meet your counterparts from other ASEAN states and, more importantly, to see how these issues can paralyse us, can divide us and how difficult it is. I mean there were some resolutions that you cannot even get onto the agenda, much less agree on a resolution. So, I apologise for not mentioning this. I should have. But I want to congratulate and thank all Members who did participate in AIPA, and I encourage you to continue participating as it moves on to other destinations as well. On RCEP, the statement was very carefully crafted. We reported substantial progress on the negotiations for RCEP, in other words, not yet ready to declare conclusion. There are a couple of both negotiating as well as political considerations which have led to the current position where we can report substantial progress but not yet conclusion. On the Member's question as to what are the chances of it being done next year, well, based on the Leaders' pronouncement last week, all of them indicated their support for it to be concluded in early 2019. On the Member's next question are there potential derailers, of course, there are potential derailers, including the fact that there are several elections next year. I am not referring to Singapore.”
“They are three interesting supplementary questions. On further consignments of aid, yes, we are prepared to, but I would consider targeting the aid to the refugees when they return. What I saw in the refugee camps in Cox's Bazar – I know the Member was there, but he was there earlier last year – and according to the people on site, there is a vast difference now. The conditions the refugees are living now are much much better than when they first arrived. You know, I used to be the former Environment Minister, so I notice things like drains, latrines, water supply, food supply, cooking gas and energy, and actually there has been a lot of work that has been done, especially on the Bangladesh side of it. My greater concern will be when they return – the rebuilding programme and, ultimately, their livelihoods and making a living. I really do not want to get into the issue of citizenship because that is not for us, the Parliament of Singapore, to be debating or to decide on behalf of Myanmar. This is something which they have to sort out through their own political processes. Similarly, this issue of UN peacekeepers is a sovereign issue that has to be sorted out by Myanmar and, if I were Myanmar, I would be offended if a Parliament elsewhere were making pronouncements on such issues. So, with your permission, I am not going to get into those two specific issues. Always think about how we, in Singapore, would view others pontificating or prescribing how we should solve our own political problems.”
“The short answer is yes. The Member's second question was what steps we need to take. The first point is public education and people need to be aware that we will always be a target for campaigns and misinformation campaigns and deliberate online falsehoods. So, the first thing is to be aware of it. The second point is to be sceptical of what you receive through all your social media feeds. I remember this very good piece of advice that our former President Dr Tony Tan gave. He said when you receive a message, ask who it is from; second, ask who it will benefit and, of course, ask if it is accurate or not. I do not want to prejudge other issues which will be brought to this House. But let us get real. There will always be the danger of foreign interference. You will have to take it almost as standard statecraft of the digital age. And if you assume everyone is going to act with restraint, it will be very foolish.”
“Let me be very frank with the Member. Yes, it is true we have arrived at a single Draft Negotiating Text. But let me not raise false hopes that all the issues are simple to resolve. For instance, if you speak to the different claimant states, each of them will stand up and loudly proclaim, "Those areas are indisputably mine". In other words, even what is in dispute is disputed. Do Members see my point? "This is indisputably mine." Then another side picks it up and say, "No, this is indisputably mine". You cannot even agree on what areas are in dispute. I am just giving Members an example of a very thorny issue. Other thorny issues: is this a binding agreement? And then there are enough lawyers here who may quickly then ask: is this a legally binding agreement? And then for those Members who are familiar with international law: even if you get a judgment, how will it be enforced? Who will enforce it? So, I am just trying to give Members a flavour of the enormous challenges which lie ahead. Nevertheless, China has said that they hope that there will be a first reading of the Negotiating Text next year and they also hope that it can be settled in three years. My own view is that that is a very optimistic scenario. But let us not prejudge the issue. As I said earlier, the fact that patient, meticulous and constructive diplomacy has at least brought us to this point where the waters of the South China Sea are much calmer is still worth noting. It is still a positive step. But do not ever assume it is going to be an easy or short journey.”
“And sometimes just the delivery of humanitarian assistance on the ground and having people on the ground – it is not so much the specifics of what is in the package – but the fact that someone else was there. Someone else was there in goodwill and helping to build trust. This is another point I want to emphasise. You must remember that there are other minorities within Rakhine State. In fact, the indigenous people in Rakhine are the minority in Myanmar. They also need support. They also need to enhance their livelihood. Again, trust requires all communities to be confident and to have a hope that there is a better future. There is a lot more work to be done. I just wanted to clarify a little bit on the point that Ms Sylvia Lim raised. Let me just get this thing right. The Defence Cooperation Agreement and the Extradition Treaty that we signed with Indonesia – it was signed by both governments. Let me just state for the record: Singapore is prepared to proceed as and when Indonesia ratifies those two agreements. Let me just state that for the record.”
“Actually, there has been a global outpouring of support for the refugees. And even from Singapore, I think the Member would be aware that at the grassroots level, at the NGO level, there has been fundraising and there has been support extended to the refugees. We have also extended help directly to the refugees in Bangladesh. For instance, the Republic of Singapore Air Force (RSAF) conveyed a couple of shipments. I believe Senior Minister of State Maliki was there at the handover. Specifically, within Myanmar itself, when they go back – I myself have not visited Rakhine State – but the reports that I have received were that a lot of the homes and the farms were destroyed. Thay actually need to rebuild homes and a means of livelihood. Right now, for instance, I know India and China are helping with constructing prefabricated homes. But actually, what is important is for the refugees themselves to be able to construct homes of their design and at the standard they are accustomed to. I know one problem which I have been informed of is that there is a lack of labour within Rakhine State to do rebuilding. Therefore, there has been proposals by the Myanmar government to have a cash-for-work programme so that the refugees will be paid to rebuild and to engage in construction and reconstruction. There will be needs. There will be appeals. But actually, my sense of the issue right now is that the primary limiting factor is not money. The primary limiting factor is trust – confidence on the part of refugees and trust, and the ground conditions within Rakhine State itself. So, let us wait and see. But we, as ASEAN, should be prepared to help in whichever way possible.”
“So, I think suffice to say without getting into details, our position is this – there is a bilateral DCA and bilateral ET which were signed and witnessed by our Leaders, but not yet ratified. We will wait and see what happens with that. That, however, does not mean we should not be able to proceed with negotiations for an ASEAN Extradition Treaty on different terms. I want to emphasise that it is on different terms.”
“That is a good question, and I thank the Member for asking that. There are actually two separate matters. The Member has been in House long enough to remember that we had actually agreed with Indonesia on two agreements – Defence Cooperation Agreement (DCA) and an Extradition Treaty (ET). They were both signed in the presence of the respective leaders, Prime Minister Lee and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono of Indonesia. Those Agreements remain signed but unratified. We will have to wait for the political dynamics within Indonesia as to whether Members are going to see any progress on those two bilateral agreements. What I referred to was the ASEAN Model Extradition Treaty which, in a sense, forms a starting base to begin negotiations for an ASEAN Extradition Treaty. This will not be bilateral. This will be regional. Being a lawyer, you know that once it becomes regional, the scope and conditions will be quite different from that of a bilateral treaty. So, I would still keep this on two separate channels. The important point for the ASEAN Extradition Treaty is that we do want to emphasise the importance of rule of law and interoperability within ASEAN. But I would not conflate the two Extradition Treaties, because we are going to keep them separate. The specific terms and conditions will not be the same between the two. As a lawyer, the Member would know, for instance, if you want to extradite someone, you have to show that it is an offence on both sides domestically. Now, if we look at a 10 by 10 extradition treaty, you can imagine the permutations and the lowest common multiple will be quite different from what you would have had in a bilateral Extradition Treaty.”
“The other point I would emphasise is that the UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) and the UN Development Programme (UNDP) also have to do their part, both in terms of support and presence on the ground but also in building confidence. We should bear in mind that there are extremists on both sides who do not want this problem to be resolved and do not want the refugees to go back early. Because as long as this problem remains unresolved, it is a festering locus for extremism and for the recruitment of future terrorists. Which, ultimately, threatens not only their immediate neigbourhood but, in fact, threatens us all, across ASEAN. So, there are a lot more details that need to be sorted out. What I can say now, from my own interactions, is that there is sincere goodwill on the part of both Myanmar and Bangladesh. We need the UN to do more. And, of course, as ASEAN, we will also be willing to step up. And it is ultimately about confidence and trust. And the domestic lesson for us here is to understand why we are so focused on making sure inter-ethnic and inter-religious relations are looked after so assiduously. Because once those ties, the fabric, is torn, it is very, very difficult to put together again.”
“Thank you. We are talking about a current and still evolving situation. As I said earlier, the silver lining, having visited both Bangladesh and Myanmar and having spoken to the Prime Minister of Bangladesh and the State Counsellor of Myanmar, is that I can state with a fair amount of confidence that both sides sincerely do want a return of the refugees. The State Counsellor herself has acknowledged that they are residents of Myanmar and that they are entitled to go back. This is a brave position for her to take. Similarly, Bangladesh, as I said earlier, has done a fantastic job, a really admirable job, in looking after the refugees. But they also know that it is not sustainable and that, at some point, the refugees need to go back. The key point is this. It has to be voluntary, it has to be safe, and it has to be dignified. I cannot give Members a very specific date on which it will actually begin. Because apart from the preparations made by both sides, the refugees themselves have to agree and have to want to go back. Having spoken to some of the refugees, the refugees' key concern is security. Having to risk life and limb to get across to the refugee camps, their question is: will it be safe for me to return? How will my neighbours, the community and the other communities in Rakhine State view their return? They have asked what will be their livelihood? Because, in the end, nobody wants to be a refugee. Everyone wants to get a job, a good job, to be able to support their families. So, the point is that there are many, many details that need to be sorted out.”
“As we commemorate our Bicentennial next year, 2019, I hope Members will continue to work as a whole-of-Nation, to build a safe, secure and prosperous home for all Singaporeans and our neighbours. Thank you all very much. [Applause.] 2.06 pm”
“I told Members that the Prime Minister just returned last night from Papua New Guinea and we will soon be going to Argentina as well for the G20 meeting. On this trip, I will have to drag along Finance Minister Heng Swee Keat and I must tell Members, for those of you who really want to go, it will take you at least 30 hours to reach Buenos Aires and another 30 hours to come back. So, in conclusion, Mr Deputy Speaker and Members of this House, we recognise the uncertainty and volatility in today's world. But if we look at what has been achieved this year, we do not need to be pessimistic about its outcome. Even in times of significant geopolitical turbulence, Singapore has built up that very precious asset called "trust". Trusted by our neighbours and by the international community. They trust us because they know we are straight, honest brokers. We are sticklers for international law, a rules-based world order and free trade, and we believe in the sanctity of agreements and contracts. And they also trust our competence to be able to deliver when times are short and the outcomes are urgent and important. We will continue to be nimble to adapt, seize opportunities and to do our best. MFA will work closely with all other Ministries and agencies to keep our foreign policy balance sheet in good order. What is important – and this is a point I want to re-emphasise – is that foreign policy begins at home and we do need to maintain broad domestic support for our foreign policy. An effective foreign policy rests on this domestic consensus, a consensus built both within this House, and outside this House with fellow Singaporeans.”
“So, we now look forward to signing the Singapore-New Zealand Enhanced Partnership (EP) and the upgraded ANZSCEP next year. We have also launched the MERCOSUR-Singapore FTA negotiations in July this year. For those of you who do not know, MERCOSUR includes Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay. And we are also in the midst of negotiating an FTA with the Pacific Alliance. The Pacific Alliance is Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru. MERCOSUR and the Pacific Alliance are significant trading blocs in South America. They represent the fifth and eighth largest economies in the world. We are also having ongoing and encouraging discussions on the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU)-Singapore FTA. Again, for those who do not know, the EAEU includes Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia and Kyrgyzstan. I should make a shout out to Koh Poh Koon, who has been making a lot of trips to that part of the world, which many Members may not be familiar with. Significantly, Singapore ratified the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement on the Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) this year. With a combined market of 500 million people, CPTPP will enter into force on 30 December this year. In fact, if Members cast your minds back to January this year, and if I told you that the TPP minus the US, the remaining 11 partners, would agree to renegotiate and conclude the CPTPP, and that we would ratify and that it would come into force on 30 December 2018, you would have thought I was being completely unrealistic. Nevertheless, this has been achieved. It will produce substantial savings and improve market access for Singapore companies. We have also played an active and constructive role at APEC and the Group of 20 (G20).”
“The US remains committed to our region, and we will continue to do more with the US Administration in the years to come. Let me now turn to multilateral diplomacy. At the United Nations (UN) General Assembly this year, I spoke about the crisis of confidence in multilateralism and its institutions. But I also made clear that Singapore will double down on our support for multilateralism and the rules-based global world order. In a sense, we have no choice but to subscribe to that because we will always be a small, tiny red dot, and our trade volume is more than twice our gross domestic product (GDP). So, we have no choice but to subscribe and do our best to support multilateralism, a rules-based world order and international trade. Keeping a free and open trading framework and having recourse to third-party dispute resolution mechanisms are essential for a tiny city-state like Singapore. We have done our bit to help shape international norms on emerging new areas with transboundary impact, for instance, cybersecurity, climate change. And we have thus maintained our advocacy for Singapore's interests in international organisations, such as the UN and the World Trade Organization. MFA has also been closely supporting the Ministry of Trade and Industry's (MTI's) efforts to advance our agenda of free trade and economic integration. Just last month, the Prime Minister signed the EU-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (FTA), and now we will have to work hard to make sure it is ratified in the European Parliament by May next year. We have also just concluded the 3rd Review of the Agreement between New Zealand and Singapore on a Closer Economic Partnership (ANZSCEP). In fact, the FTA with New Zealand was one of our first-ever bilateral FTA for both of us.”
“It has progressed well under the four platforms. I will enumerate them. First, infrastructural connectivity; second, financial connectivity; third, opportunities for third-party collaboration; and fourth, professional services, including legal and judicial cooperation. There will be much work to pursue in the years to come. We will build on this year’s strong momentum to further enhance our bilateral cooperation with China, including at the provincial level, through the latest proposed Singapore-Shanghai Cooperation Council. Let me now turn to the US. Our relationship is robust. It spans defence, economic, security, education, scientific and people-to-people spheres. This year, we enjoyed a broad slate of high-level, substantive bilateral exchanges. President Trump was here in June, Vice President Mike Pence last week, and earlier in August, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. Secretary of Defence James Mattis was here for the Shangri-La Dialogue and National Security Advisor John Bolton was here last week as well. Several Ministers, including me, have visited the US this year to meet our counterparts and engage members of Congress. The Prime Minister has spoken with President Trump on several occasions on the telephone. We have expanded bilateral collaboration in new and emerging areas, such as tax information exchange, cybersecurity, financial technology (fintech), e-commerce, infrastructure development, smart city solutions, advanced manufacturing and robotics, and technology partnerships. The key takeaway is this. The current Administration may have a different approach to trade, but the fundamentals that undergird our longstanding relationship with the US remain strong.”
“This year is, in fact, an especially significant year for Singapore-China relations. It is the 40th anniversary of Mr Deng Xiaoping's visit to Singapore on 12 November 1978. Both sides have maintained a steady cadence of high-level exchanges. This year, Prime Minister Lee, Deputy Prime Minister Teo and Deputy Prime Minister Tharman have all visited China; whilst on their side, Premier Li Keqiang, Vice President Wang Qishan and Vice Premier Han Zheng have also visited Singapore in recent months. We continue to build on our deep and substantive cooperation with China. During Premier Li’s visit last week, we substantially, and I make that point, substantially upgraded the Singapore-China Free Trade Agreement. This will enhance bilateral economic cooperation between China and Singapore. We have also made good progress on all three Government-to-Government projects, the Suzhou Industrial Park, the Tianjin Eco-City and the Chongqing Connectivity Initiative (CCI). In fact, there is a new acronym in town. CCI now has a New International Land Sea Trade Corridor (ILSTC). This was formerly called the Southern Transport Corridor. The CCI-ILSTC connects the overland Silk Road Economic Belt with the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. It will enhance infrastructure connectivity and commerce within China, and between China and Southeast Asia. In fact, one of the reasons for the name change – and this suggestion came from China – was to make the point that they are talking about bilateral two-way flow of goods and services between China and Southeast Asia, and obviously we are at the heart of Southeast Asia and, from there, to connect to the rest of the Maritime Silk Road. Cooperation on the Belt and Road Initiative is a new highlight of our bilateral cooperation.”
“This was, in fact, the Prime Minister's third Retreat with President Joko Widodo. At the Retreat, we signed a Bilateral Investment Treaty and six other agreements across a diverse range of sectors, including tourism, the digital economy and culture. Our Leaders also announced a bilateral agreement between the Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) and the central bank of Indonesia, and this bilateral agreement has since been signed. This bilateral agreement provides for a US$10 billion package, that comprises a local currency swap and a US dollar repurchase agreement to support monetary and financial stability, and to strengthen investor confidence in our region. These agreements reflect our belief that Indonesia's economic fundamentals are strong and that Indonesia is a large and dynamic market, with many opportunities for Singapore businesses. Another initiative announced at the Retreat was the "RISING Fellowship". This is a fellowship scheme to deepen ties between Singaporean and Indonesian regional leaders. We wish Indonesia smooth elections in I believe April next year and look forward to continuing our mutually beneficial cooperation with them. In 2018, we also reaffirmed our special and longstanding relationship with Brunei. In fact, President Halimah made her first State Visit to Brunei in May 2018 at the invitation of His Majesty the Sultan. Earlier this month, we also welcomed His Royal Highness Crown Prince Billah and a delegation of Bruneian Ministers for the sixth edition of the Young Leaders’ Programme. This is a key programme that enables the younger leaders on both sides to deepen personal ties and enhance trust and confidence. Let me now turn to our relations with the major powers. Let us start with China.”
“But nevertheless, that ability to communicate instantly, quickly and appropriately helps to build trust. Issues will inevitably arise from time to time in our relations, and we will seek constructive ways to resolve them, while firmly protecting our national interests. On fundamental issues, and one key fundamental issue is the 1962 Water Agreement. On this case, our position is clear, consistent and has been articulated on many occasions, including in the Prime Minister's National Day Rally speech and, in fact, in my own Parliamentary Statement in July this year. On Pedra Branca, we welcomed Malaysia's decision to discontinue their applications for both a revision and interpretation of the International Court of Justice's original 2008 Judgment. I am glad that both sides followed due legal process and put the matter to rest. On the High Speed Rail (HSR) project, we reached an agreement with Malaysia to suspend the construction of the HSR up till 31 May 2020. The significance of that date is that it will be exactly two years from when the new government took over in Malaysia. We did so in a spirit of bilateral cooperation and goodwill and, at the same time, protected our interests and rights under the Bilateral Agreement. Overall, the outcome was balanced and reflected both countries' commitment to uphold agreements and to advance bilateral cooperation. With Indonesia, our relations are in good shape, underpinned by the robust and expanding economic cooperation, for example, in projects like the Kendal Industrial Park in Central Java and the Nongsa Digital Park in Batam, which, in fact, I launched with Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi in March this year. The highlight of the year was the Singapore-Indonesia Leaders' Retreat in Bali last month.”
“So, over two days in the first week of November, we witnessed the arrival of global business and political leaders gathered in Singapore to discuss the challenges confronting the world economy and possible solutions. The Bloomberg founder and former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, Chinese Vice President Wang Qishan, and former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger were all in town in that week. They joined some of the many other luminaries who came to attend the Forum. We were happy to be able to facilitate and to participate in these important discussions. And it is in our interest to add value and to make ourselves relevant to the global business community. Overall, both these major events enabled us to raise our standing in the world and fly our flag high. Let me now turn to relations with our immediate neighbours, in a sense, an update. With Malaysia, we have had a positive momentum of high-level exchanges with the new Pakatan Harapan government. We just hosted Prime Minister Mahathir to an Official Visit last week, and our leaders will meet again next year for the annual Leaders' Retreat. My Cabinet colleagues and I have built good rapport with our new Malaysian counterparts. Malaysia has a new, diverse and lively Cabinet – in fact, their ages range from 25 to 93 and I think that is a world record – but we do share many aspirations and challenges. And I can speak certainly for the younger Ministers, both in Singapore and Malaysia, that there is good rapport, there is good communication, we are all on Whatsapp and various other digital means of communication. This sometimes raises concern amongst the staff. But I can assure Members that we are not revealing state secrets!”
“There is still much more that ASEAN can achieve, and we will work with our counterparts to build a more united, resilient and innovative ASEAN in the years to come. ASEAN remains a cornerstone of our foreign policy. Let me now move on to areas beyond ASEAN. First, our standing as a trusted partner on a global level. There were at least two events which reaffirmed our reputation as an impartial, reliable and capable partner. The first was the Summit between US President Donald Trump and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) leader Kim Jong Un on 12 June this year. Much has been said about the Summit, and I do not want to go through all that again. But the point I want to drive home is this: that we are a small country, but we can be counted on to deliver when necessary. We did not volunteer to host the Summit between the US and DPRK, but we were asked by both sides, and when we were asked, we could not say no. And so, we are proud that it went well, and that we had played a small part in easing tensions on the Korean Peninsula. In fact, if Members just cast your minds back a year ago, the situation was extremely tense, rife with fiery rhetoric and provocative actions. Today, things are much calmer. And we hope that, given time and further negotiations and constructive diplomacy, there will be sustained peace and stability, and a fully denuclearised Korean Peninsula. Our region, and indeed the world, will be much better off for it. Another event that I want to highlight more recently is the Bloomberg New Economy Forum. Members may be aware that, in fact, China was originally supposed to host this Forum, but when that did not materialise, Bloomberg had to relocate the event very, very urgently. Singapore again was their obvious choice.”
“Myanmar has invited the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management to despatch a needs assessment team to Rakhine State in order to facilitate the repatriation, and ASEAN has agreed to do so. ASEAN stands ready to support efforts by all parties to address the root causes of the situation in the Rakhine State. Fundamentally, race, language, religion continue to remain live issues in our region and, indeed, across the world. Ultimately, it is the responsibility of the Myanmar government and its respective stakeholders to find a viable and durable long-term political solution. And as I have said before in this Chamber, we cannot expect quick fixes. Twenty-eighteen has also been about bringing ASEAN to our young people. For instance, we organised the first-ever ASEAN E-sports and music festival, we renewed the Singapore-ASEAN Youth Fund, and we launched the ASEAN Youth Fellowship. These schemes provide for shared experiences of sportsmanship, community service and entrepreneurship, and we hope that this will spur more youths to get involved in ASEAN activities and strengthen our ASEAN Community and, ultimately, even more important, to strengthen the ASEAN identity amongst young people across Southeast Asia. Our Chairmanship this year has been a whole-of-nation effort and it involves, as I said earlier, all Government agencies, our media, universities, think tanks, the private sector and the non-government organisations (NGOs). ASEAN has given us a collective platform to improve the lives of our citizens, and make our voices heard on the world stage. Post-2018, Singapore will continue to play the role of "Shepherd" for the ASEAN Smart Cities Network, and we will continue to bring new ideas to the table.”
“And perhaps at this juncture, I should say a few words about the humanitarian situation in Rakhine State. I visited both Bangladesh and Myanmar earlier this month, and I also made a trip to the refugee camps in Cox's Bazar. This was shortly after both countries had announced their intention to commence the process of repatriating a first wave of refugees. I must say that, based on my own observations at the camp, the Bangladesh government has actually done a really admirable job of providing humanitarian assistance for a very large number of refugees in a very short order of time. But having said that, having also visited the camps, the current situation is unsustainable. As long as the refugees remain in the camps, and have no jobs and means of livelihood, they will have no future prospects. Therefore, we have to welcome the fact that both Myanmar and Bangladesh are engaged in direct, detailed discussions on making preparations for the commencement of repatriations. This is a critical first step. It is not a complete solution and there are many, many details that still need to be sorted out. Nevertheless, we do need to witness the commencement of a process and to make sure it is done in a way that provides for the refugees to return in a safe, secure and dignified way. The situation in Rakhine State is of concern to all ASEAN member states. At the 33rd ASEAN Summit last week, all ASEAN Leaders discussed how ASEAN can support the efforts of both Myanmar and Bangladesh for the safe, voluntary return of refugees. We welcomed Myanmar’s commitment to ensure the safety and security of all communities in Rakhine State.”
“We also brokered an ASEAN consensus on an ASEAN-China Maritime Exercise after nearly three years of discussions, and we co-directed this exercise with China last month. On the economic front, ASEAN has stood against the tide of protectionism. We made substantial progress on the negotiations for the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). RCEP includes the 10 ASEAN countries and includes the other six which are China, Japan, ROK, India, Australia and New Zealand. ASEAN Leaders committed to conclude the RCEP in 2019, next year. We emphasised closer economic integration through agreements on the ASEAN Single Window, the ASEAN-wide Self-Certification scheme and the ASEAN E-Commerce scheme. Without getting into the details, the point is that these initiatives will facilitate cross-border flows of goods and services within ASEAN, especially as businesses increasingly go digital, and this will ultimately enhance intra-ASEAN trade and opportunities for small and medium enterprises (SMEs) to service the expanding consumer market in ASEAN. We established our flagship project, the ASEAN Smart Cities Network. This network will create a common framework for smart city development and the mutual exchange of action plans. The network will also connect cities with external private sector partners which will enable us to co-develop solutions for sustainable urbanisation, and members will appreciate that sustainable urbanisation is another mega-trend of our time. Collectively, these efforts will ensure that ASEAN remains vibrant, dynamic, relevant and will create bountiful opportunities for our businesses and our citizens. We have also contributed to regional humanitarian assistance and disaster relief efforts.”
“So, this remains a constant focus for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA). More specifically, this year, under ASEAN, we finalised the Model ASEAN Extradition Treaty, and work will soon begin on an ASEAN Extradition Treaty. In addition, the ASEAN Defence Ministers adopted the Guidelines for Air Military Encounters. These are the world’s first multilateral guidelines to manage unintended encounters between military aircraft. This will make for a safer and more secure aviation environment in our region. Terrorism and cyberattacks are, unfortunately, a clear and present danger. We enhanced regional counter-terrorism cooperation through the "Resilience, Response and Recovery" Framework and we also held a Symposium on a Collective Approach to Counter-Terrorism. ASEAN, for the first time, adopted a Leaders’ Statement on Cybersecurity Cooperation at the 32nd ASEAN Summit in April this year, and Singapore announced the ASEAN-Singapore Cybersecurity Centre for Excellence in September this year. In August, we completed our three-year term as the ASEAN-China Country Coordinator. A key milestone of these three years was the formulation of a Single Draft Negotiating Text for the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea. Members will appreciate that this is, in fact, a very sensitive and very difficult issue that we have been grappling with for many years. And not just us because, in fact, we are not a claimant state, but four ASEAN members are claimant states that have overlapping claims with China. Fortunately, we have witnessed patient, meticulous diplomacy and all the parties involved – China and ASEAN – have been able to lower temperatures, and we have been able to work constructively.”
“Let me start with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Chairmanship which we just concluded last week with a series of Leaders' Summits, including all the ASEAN Leaders, that is, 10 of them. As well as them, we also had Leaders from the United States (US), Russia, China, India, Japan, the Republic of Korea (ROK), Australia, New Zealand, Canada and Chile. Twenty Leaders present in Singapore last week. In addition to that, we also had Ms Christine Lagarde, Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). We sought to strengthen ASEAN's Unity and Centrality and, in particular, to turn challenges, existential challenges into opportunities. And that is why, during this year, when we were ASEAN Chair, we focused especially on enhancing ASEAN Centrality, unity and coherence; second, to accelerate ASEAN's economic integration; and third, on equipping people throughout ASEAN with the skills needed for new jobs in the digital revolution. Members can see that actually we have focused very much obviously within Singapore on SkillsFuture. But in fact, this is a need in all countries – skills for new jobs in the digital revolution. Furthermore, we have also sought to enhance interoperability of digital and trading systems within ASEAN. I have also asked the Clerk to distribute an infographic which summarises the variety of initiatives that we launched this year. Whilst it is circulating, let me continue to address all Members. Strengthening a rules-based world order has been key to regional security and peace. In fact, it is this post-World War II liberal economic global environment and adherence to a rules-based multilateral system that have given us peace for 70 years. And, in particular, created enormous opportunities for a tiny "red dot" like Singapore.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, thank you for giving me the opportunity to address Parliament. This has been a very busy year for Singapore on the foreign and global stage. Prime Minister Lee, who by the way has just returned from the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) meeting, suggested that I address Parliament because after all, foreign policy begins at home. It is essential that all of us are privy to all the activities that we have been conducting, and I will be happy to take questions from Parliamentarians after this Statement. We have witnessed – in fact, we are witnessing – a global order in very rapid transition. It is marked by big superpower rivalry, rising protectionist sentiment, xenophobia and, in the midst of all this, an ongoing technological digital revolution. As a small country, we have to respond, and we have to respond nimbly in a very volatile global environment, we have to make ourselves relevant to all powers big and small, and we have to enlarge, to the maximum extent, the political and economic space for all Singaporeans. To this end, Singapore has worked very hard to make progress on several diplomatic and economic initiatives, and we have redoubled our efforts to support a rules-based world order and also to buttress the international trading system. This year also happened to be the year that Singapore chaired ASEAN, and we had, therefore, to host a large number of regional and international events. I want to thank all those who have been working so tirelessly over the past year, and especially our staff from the Civil Service, entire Government as well as the private sector and, of course, our fellow Singaporeans. Without this whole-of-Nation effort, we could not have achieved all that we have achieved this year.”
“I thank the Member for that supplementary question. Actually, Singaporeans have been. It is not just the Government. We typically set aside seed funding. But I think the Member may be aware that there has been fundraising. I think more than a million dollars have been given. There is probably a lot more that we are not even aware of. Singaporeans do care. They do express their care. Whilst in the totality of it, we are probably a drop in the ocean. But I just wanted to commend that the attitude that the Member has always espoused, in fact, is being practised. I would expect that more assistance will flow. And we will work together with the people sector on this. As I have said, this sort of situation should not be happening in this day and age. It is a stark reminder that we do not live in a perfect world. But let us not make things worse. That is why I do not take an unnecessarily provocative and combative approach to this issue. Second, have sufficient levels of transparency and accountability. Third, address humanitarian assistance in the short term. And fourth, try to promote a longer-term political solution. But again, for Members who go back in history, this problem has been there probably for about 200 years. It is not something that will be resolved even in 200 days. So, you do need a sense of realism, without giving up on hope and without giving up that sense of solidarity with fellow human beings. So, we will continue to do our best.”
“I think there was a related question that Member Christopher de Souza also had asked. Is there force of law? Can Myanmar be compelled? And the short answer to that, as far as ASEAN is concerned, is no. But what we can do is through moral suasion, persuasion, transparency and keeping this on the agenda. And also telling the Myanmar government that we want and hope for a long-term viable, good outcome, and that ASEAN stands ready to help. Specifically, what we said last week to Myanmar was that we expect the voluntary repatriation to begin soon, and ASEAN stands ready to help to facilitate that in any way possible. But Members also need to understand that ASEAN is an association that makes decisions by consensus. Once you understand that every decision requires consensus, it effectively means every single country has a veto. So, that acts as a constraint to the legal options available. As I have said, in any case, ultimately, the long-term solution for this is a political solution. And politics must involve discussion, disagreement, dispute resolution if need be, and hoping that, in the long run, cool heads will prevail and people will do the right thing. Compulsion, tempting as it is, usually almost never works in these sorts of situations.”