Vivian Balakrishnan
Singapore
“The Ministry of Foreign Affairs does not issue advisories on wait times at overseas airports. Travellers may wish to monitor airline and airport websites, as well as news reports for real-time information on wait times and potential disruptions at specific airports.”
“When the conflict in the Middle East deteriorated and commercial flights were halted in March 2026, the Singapore Government mounted four repatriation flights from Muscat, Riyadh and Jeddah to bring stranded Singaporeans home.”
“The Government has stepped up public engagement to explain our foreign policy fundamentals and responses to key international developments to Singaporeans and to hear their views. We do this through dialogue sessions across segments of society, including students, youths, businesses and community leaders.”
“And the larger point during the Committee of Supply was that precisely, because the world is in such a difficult, prickly, volatile and dangerous state, actually, if we keep our wits about ourselves, we maintain unity and we continue to have this clear eye-realistic, but principled, approach, there are many opportunities for Singapore.”
“Well, in short, I completely agree with you. And that is why we have indeed been hosting these events and in your own capacity as a national athlete and also as an official now, you have seen how it works in practice.”
“Since 2022, about half of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) employees are women. The proportion of women in senior appointments has remained stable at about a quarter. We recognise that overseas postings are disruptive for officers with families, especially female officers who bear greater caregiving responsibilities.”
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“Second, this treaty also ensures that there is a more equitable distribution of the benefits that derive from the extraction and the exploitation of this natural heritage of all of us. Third, training capacity building, which will also require sharing between countries. And in the case of Singapore, one of the most important programmes that we run on the international front is capacity building; in the sense of uplifting, as many across the board that we can – officials, students, scientists – we will continue to do so. But I would also say, we do need transparency. Which actually brings me to the second point – how do you ensure compliance? Because these are the areas which are beyond jurisdiction. I will not trivialise how difficult it will be to hold people to account. But I believe that if there is broad-based public support in all countries and we have a system with sufficient transparency, so, you know which companies or which institutions, what they are doing, where and the impact of their activities, I think that transparency will help ensure compliance. So, again, I just want to say that I am grateful for Members' interest in this area and for Members' support, and I hope this is the same situation in parliaments all over the world.”
“Mr Tan is absolutely right. The challenge now, having concluded the negotiations on the text, is to get countries to ratify and, more importantly, to actually implement. It will require, at the domestic level, policies and legislation and programmes to do so. I will not underestimate the effort needed to persuade everyone to come on board. That is why I have dealt with this at some length because, in fact, we need not just within Singapore, but across the world for everyone to understand why the oceans and the marine biodiversity in the high seas and on the seabed, the natural resources in a sense – the natural heritage of all mankind – is important and worthy of protection. To be honest with you, this requires political support. I am glad that at least in the case of Singapore, I think in this House, I can say that it is unanimous support for the protection of the environment for dealing with climate change, for conserving marine biodiversity and, equally important, a fair and equitable approach to how we extract resources sustainably, in areas both within our own jurisdiction, as well as areas outside. The point is, I am very grateful for your support, but I am also saying that there will be challenges internationally. What will these challenges be? On a couple of fronts. Number one, the unequal capacities of countries already cause a challenge. Because there will be some countries who have the technology and, therefore, have a head start to exploit and gain even sometimes an unfair advantage over others. This is one reason why this treaty is so important – because it sets common rules for everyone.”
“We are, therefore, privileged and honoured to have been able to play a part in ensuring the conservation and sustainable use of our oceans through the BBNJ Treaty negotiations. We will certainly continue to support this crucial endeavour.”
“By codifying scientific best practices across jurisdictions and giving effect to the principle of open science, the BBNJ Treaty will augment our Institutes of Higher Learning as well as maritime companies' access to deep sea samples, thereby creating new opportunities for our research and development sector. Through the Treaty, our scientists working with repositories such as the Lee Kong Chian Natural History Museum in the National University of Singapore and agencies like the Agency for Science and Technology Research as well as the National Research Foundation will find it easier to obtain access to information and to samples of the marine organisms for their research. Singapore can also contribute to the objectives of the Treaty in a variety of ways. In the immediate term, we can work with other countries and regional and international organisations towards the early ratification and the effective implementation of the Treaty. In the longer term, we can support capacity-building efforts for developing countries by sharing our experience and expertise through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' Singapore Cooperation Programme. Singaporeans can contribute to combatting climate change and protecting our own environment and oceans by living sustainably and practising zero-waste lifestyles. To conclude, the oceans, whether they lie within exclusive economic zones or in the high seas beyond national jurisdiction, are all inter-connected. The waters and the marine biodiversity in them move freely across borders. This means that, whatever happens in the areas beyond national jurisdiction can and will have an impact on us in Singapore – be it in terms of biodiversity loss, environmental degradation or the ocean-climate nexus.”
“It will fill some of these regulatory gaps, it will promote coordination across the different regional and sectoral bodies and provide greater clarity on what is required for the assessment of environmental impacts for activities in these areas. Second, the Treaty seeks to address some of the inequalities among states in their ability to manage and use the resources of the areas beyond national jurisdiction. It provides for greater and more equitable sharing of the benefits arising from marine scientific research in these areas for all countries; and it will boost capacity-building efforts for developing countries to better conserve and to sustainably use their marine biodiversity and to implement this Treaty. We are proud that a Singaporean, the Ambassador for Oceans and Law of the Sea Issues, Ms Rena Lee, presided over the five Intergovernmental Conference sessions, which were held between 2018 and 2023; and that this successfully led to the conclusion of the Treaty negotiations. Rena's able and tireless leadership during this long and arduous process brought countries together towards achieving a consensus outcome and reaffirmed Singapore's position as a trusted interlocutor and bridge-builder as well as underlying our leading role in developing the international law of the sea. The successful conclusion of the negotiations is also a strong affirmation that multilateralism remains effective and relevant, and that a rules-based international order is needed more than ever before to resolve global issues. These outcomes are relevant and beneficial to Singapore.”
“Mr Speaker, I thank Mr Tan for that question, and I beg indulgence of the House to give a somewhat detailed answer. The Marine Biodiversity of Areas Beyond National Jurisdiction (BBNJ) Treaty is an international legally binding instrument under the United Nations Convention, on the Law of the Sea for the conservation and sustainable use of marine biological diversity of areas beyond national jurisdiction. There has been significant concern for many years about the degradation of the marine environment and the depletion of resources in the high seas and the deep seabed. This refers to the waters and the seabed beyond the 200-nautical-mile exclusive economic zone and continental shelf of countries and, therefore, it is beyond the jurisdiction of any particular country. There is an urgent need for collective action to address the urgent threats confronting our oceans, including the issues of climate change and biodiversity loss. The BBNJ Treaty is, thus, a historic achievement and a critical boost for global efforts to protect the marine environment. The treaty covers nearly two-thirds of the ocean. It is an important step towards achieving Sustainable Development Goal 14 – to conserve and sustainably use the oceans, seas and marine resources for sustainable development – as well as the global target to protect 30% of the world's lands, inland waters, coastal areas and oceans by 2030. First, the Treaty enables a more holistic regulation of the marine environment in areas beyond national jurisdiction. This has hitherto been fragmented across different regional and sectoral organisations overseeing individual issues, such as fisheries management and maritime shipping.”
“Women constitute about half of the staff and a quarter of the senior appointments at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.”
“Currently, half of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) officers are women. The proportion of women at superscale grades has doubled from 15% in 2010 to 29% in 2022. There is no significant difference in attrition between men and women in MFA. We acknowledge that the obligation to serve multiple postings overseas is especially disruptive for MFA officers with spouses and young children, particularly women, who bear a disproportionate burden of caregiving. The Ministry regularly reviews our human resource (HR) policies, including terms for overseas postings, to provide a more conducive environment for officers to realise their career aspirations and fulfil their family obligations. We expect more women to take on senior roles in the Ministry as we need all the talent we can recruit, nurture and deploy in the Foreign Service.”
“Singapore has made contributions through the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance and contributed over S$1 million in bilateral aid to meet the urgent humanitarian needs of displaced persons from Rakhine State. Unfortunately, the current situation in Myanmar has complicated attempts to help displaced persons. Despite the challenges, ASEAN has pressed on with efforts to facilitate the safe, voluntary and dignified repatriation of refugees. Singapore has strongly supported these efforts. ASEAN's work has primarily focused on helping to improve ground conditions in Rakhine State to create conducive conditions for repatriation, including through the Preliminary Needs Assessment (PNA) and the ASEAN Secretariat's Ad-Hoc Support Team established to monitor the implementation of the PNA. We are prepared to send further consignments of aid and stand ready to support future comprehensive needs assessments once repatriation commences so that we can be more targeted in helping displaced persons.”
“I am not going to give you a specific date. Ongoing discussions are occurring with Malaysia. So, I do not want to complicate it by making public announcements at this point in time. Just to reiterate what I had said just now, we are sure that our development work is necessary and that it is fully in compliance with international law and our rights, and we will proceed in due course. But let us continue this discussion with Malaysia for the time being. There is a deadline, but I do not want to make a public pronouncement yet. I am sure you will understand.”
“So, all in all, as far as this work example is concerned, there will be arguments, but generally, it has worked, and ASEAN has made progress and we have been able to continue negotiations with our external partners, we have been able to sign agreements and the work has gone on. When Myanmar has a government that is legitimate and recognised as such, I am sure they will sign on to the agreements that we have made as well. But that is all the more reason why there are no secrets. They are fully privy to, and we will listen to whatever views they have to share on the agreements and negotiations that we are engaged on.”
“Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the commander of the Tatmadaw, the Myanmar Armed Forces, attended that meeting. We did not view his attendance as conferring legitimacy upon him or giving him the status of a Head of State. Nevertheless, as far as we are concerned, the decision on the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus was made at that meeting. Subsequent decisions made, for instance, on the question of political representation, initially made at Foreign Ministers' level and ultimately affirmed at the Leaders' level. Again, the coup leader was not present at the table. As far as I am concerned, there was consensus from the ASEAN Leaders, legitimately recognised by each other, the consensus principle continues to operate. More importantly, we have not allowed Myanmar to hold us hostage and force us to expedite, for instance, recognising the coup outcome so that we can conduct business as usual. At the same time, we have been able to express a view that enjoys consensus amongst all the other members of ASEAN. In life, when you are dealing with complicated situations, be very, very wary about quick fixes and about resorting to simply raising hands. Sometimes, there are issues for which dialogue, engagement and/or arguments are better conducted, even if it is in a prolonged phase, but with honesty and good faith, I think we can make progress. You obviously have read the ASEAN Charter. In fact, the ASEAN Charter does envisage that there will be occasions where consensus will not be possible. In those circumstances, it hands over sufficient flexibility – at least in my opinion – for the leaders to decide how to move forward.”
“Thank you. No other regional organisation – if you just look at the 10 of us or soon to be 11 – has the great diversity in the economy, forms of government, you have got absolute monarchies, constitutional monarchies, democracies of various shades and, sometimes, even outcomes of coups. If you look at language, culture, religion – there is no other regional organisation that I can think of with that range of diversity. So, that is the first point – to understand that. Then, we go back in history – why the consensus principle? It has everything to do with diversity. In the midst of diversity, you must remember, it is very important to protect, especially, a community or state or body of opinion that may be a minority at that point in time. So, you are right. When consensus is abused, it becomes an avenue for everyone to take hostages and to, loosely, threaten a veto. I recognise that danger. But actually in practice, knowing that you have to seek consensus creates a whole level of additional consultations, negotiations, compromises, imaginative diplomacy, which would not be present if everyone had easy access to just majoritarian voting. 2.45 pm I explain this at some length, so that you understand why I believe there was good reason for the founders of ASEAN to design the consensus principle. Whilst I recognise the challenges, it is not something that I am keen to lightly abandon or change. Coming specifically to Myanmar as a work example. When the leaders gathered in April 2021, obviously, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the State Counsellor of Myanmar and President Win Myint could not attend; they were detained. The other nine ASEAN leaders were present or sent designated envoys who could act with their authority.”
“Like Mr Louis Ng, I have been at the refugee camp at Cox's Bazar in Bangladesh, but even that was some years ago. The first thing I should say is Bangladesh has, in fact, been extremely generous all these years in hosting and supporting the refugees. If you had gone to that camp, you would also have noticed that there are multiple agencies, multiple UN agencies and in fact, other countries also, who are providing assistance. Unfortunately, the real solution is not just assistance at the camp – even though that is urgent and essential. The real solution is national reconciliation and peace within Myanmar. Because without that, the refugees will not or will choose not to return home, because they worry about their safety for themselves and their family members. So, we continue to support and to work through ASEAN. For instance, we have the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance Package. We have a centre that sends teams on the ground to do needs assessment and depending on their reports, we will be prepared, if necessary, to step up assistance to the people on the ground in Myanmar. The answer is not "no". The answer is, we hope for a definitive solution. But in the meantime, assistance will be needed, humanitarian assistance would be needed, and we will continue to do so, primarily working through ASEAN.”
“For us, we are maintaining a principled position of disapproval. But whilst the political leaders of Myanmar are not represented at the Summit at the foreign ministers' level, it does not mean that there is no communication, no engagement. I think we need to maintain those lines. To give you a short answer, why did I not go for that meeting, which was apparently convened by Thailand? First of all, it was not an ASEAN meeting. It was a bilateral meeting between Thailand and presumably the junta leaders. He had opened the invitation to others. I did not think our participation in such a format would be helpful. But have I spoken to the people in the junta in the past? Yes, I have. Will I speak to them? Yes, I will. But what will I tell them? I will tell them what our views are and that we will not interfere, but we do not want to make things worse and our suggestion is – stick to the Five-Point Consensus, release the political detainees, allow Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint to sit down at a table and discuss the future with the military authorities in Myanmar. I hope you understand why there is a certain amount of restraint but, at the same time, effective engagement is necessary. Let us have no illusions. This is a very difficult and complex problem. I have no idea how long it will take to resolve.”
“In April 2021, when our Leaders met in Jakarta – there was a special ASEAN meeting called for that – that was the meeting that created the Five-Point Consensus, the consensus amongst the ASEAN Leaders present. Unfortunately, there has been no significant progress. Later on that year, we decided that Myanmar will not participate at a political level in ASEAN meetings. You can argue about why there is this distinction between the political level and the civil service. The reason for that is because Myanmar remains a member of ASEAN and we do want it to continue to enjoy the benefits of membership to the extent possible within the constraints of its own domestic politics. We want it to be able to access information which is available to ASEAN. That is why we say, "We are not keeping any secrets from you. You have a seat at the table." In fact, if you watch the videos of ASEAN leaders' meetings or the foreign ministers' meetings, there is an empty chair. We do not insist on an empty chair. We say, "Do not send a political representative because we do not recognise the coup and the military authorities; but by all means, send the most senior civil servant, the Permanent Secretary or the equivalent." Myanmar refuses and would rather keep the chair empty. Our Leaders met again in November and reaffirmed this decision, that at the summit and at meetings of Foreign Ministers, there shall be no political representation from Myanmar. We have maintained that position since then. I should also say that it does not mean that everyone views the problem in Myanmar through the same prism. Clearly, the immediate neighbours who face risks of refugee outflows would be in a greater hurry to see a resolution, and perhaps, may be prepared to compromise more on the resolution.”
“Thank you. Two good questions. Let me take a step back. What is happening in Myanmar is a tragedy. It is not something that can be fixed externally. If you think about Myanmar, since independence – if you go back 70, 80 years, the end of the Second World War – unlike the rest of us, they have never been able to forge a single, all-encompassing consensus on identity and bringing all the component parts together. That is why you, as well as everyone here, will know that Myanmar's people themselves are talented, hardworking, as motivated as anyone else to get ahead and provide for their families. But unfortunately, the political situation has not enabled Myanmar to create a situation that is conducive for its own people. This coup – two years now in the making – has not helped. If you ask me for my opinion, I think it is a dead end. It is not going to lead to a road where you will achieve national reconciliation, national reconstruction, the forging of a national identity, the protection of minorities, the uplift of its economy, of its capacity, of its people. Having said that, we must also be very clear that we do not believe in foreign interference in domestic affairs. So, nothing that we do can solve the problem if the key stakeholders within their society themselves are not prepared to sit down and have an honest-to-goodness conversation with each other, for the sake of the future of their people. We must understand that although we clearly disapprove of the coup and we do not recognise the current military junta in Myanmar, it does not give ASEAN a licence to interfere in its domestic affairs. I hope you agree with me that it is necessary for us to take this principled, but restrained, position on Myanmar. The Member's first question was about representation.”
“We do have good, deep constructive relations with both parties. I think we should also know our place. We are not going to be able to bring them together. But what I would say is, as a representative of Singapore, I do not have the luxury of saying one thing in Beijing and then a different thing in Washington. So, both Beijing and Washington know that when we analyse the situation and we take a decision, it is not for one side or the other. We are not a stalking horse, we are not a proxy. We call it the way we see it as a tiny city-state in the heart of Southeast Asia, dependent on world trade. They also know that we will be consistently reliable, we are good for our word. 2.30 pm Taking this kind of posture – thinking straight, being consistent, being very clear where we come from – in fact, I have found to be a very good and useful way to engage superpowers. So, we know our place but we also are useful and credible.”
“But the fact remains, we live in an increasingly fragmented world, with the erosion of shared rules for the global commons and where more frequent resort to unilateral action. It is, therefore, even more important for Singapore to strongly advocate adherence to international law and to actively contribute to shaping global norms.”
“The need for consensus is, in fact, a design feature, it is not a bug, precisely because of the great diversity within ASEAN. No other regional association has the level of diversity that ASEAN represents. Nevertheless, the ASEAN Charter does provide for decision-making at the Leaders' level, even if there are profound political problems in a member state. For example, we have not allowed the coup in Myanmar to paralyse ASEAN or to hold the rest of us hostage. As ASEAN Chair this year, Indonesia has an ambitious agenda to step up ASEAN integration in key areas, including the green economy and digital sphere. In particular, the ASEAN Digital Economy Framework Agreement promotes our economic integration and growth. Singapore has also committed to assisting Timor-Leste in its accession to ASEAN membership, which is to be achieved through an objective, criteria-based roadmap. We urge other ASEAN member states and our external partners to similarly support Timor-Leste. Singapore will also work closely with and support Indonesia in fulfilling its priorities as Chair this year. Mr Seah Kian Peng asked about the outlook in Myanmar and ASEAN's role in it. Two years after the coup in Myanmar, the situation remains grave and grim. Singapore and ASEAN remain deeply disappointed with the lack of progress in the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus. We will not interfere with domestic politics in Myanmar, but the solution must ultimately involve national reconciliation amongst all the domestic stakeholders living there. This will not be easy to achieve. Mr Liang Eng Hwa asked about the continued relevance of multilateralism. As a small state, the observance of international law is vital for our sovereignty and independence.”
“Singapore has always advocated engaging major players so that they all have a stake in the peace, stability and development of our region, and can create a stable balance of power in the Asia Pacific. This provides small countries, like Singapore, more room for manoeuvre than if there was only a single power dominating our region. Naturally, we do not want the major powers to make Asia their battleground or conduct proxy wars here. Instead, we want them to be engaged constructively – politically and economically – so as to enhance regional cooperation, development and security. This will benefit all countries, big and small, in our region. This is why Singapore seeks to forge overlapping circles of friends as embodied in the open, inclusive and ASEAN-centred regional architecture. ASEAN-led mechanisms like the East Asia Summit, ASEAN Regional Forum, ASEAN Plus Three, and the Plus-One summits bring major powers including the US, China, Russia, India, Japan, the EU and Australia to the same table convened by ASEAN. Our external partners also want to do more with ASEAN. Last year, ASEAN upgraded its relations with the US and India to Comprehensive Strategic Partnerships, after doing the same with China and Australia the year before. ASEAN also signed the Comprehensive Air Transport Agreement with the EU in October 2022. We, therefore, welcome the interest of major powers to take clear stakes in our region and in our prosperity, and to engage ASEAN on our own merits. For this to work, ASEAN must remain united, coherent and credible. Mr Gerald Giam asked if we are looking at alternative options for decision making, when consensus is difficult or hindered.”
“Nevertheless, in the spirit of mutual cooperation and good faith, we temporarily suspended the works in May 2022, to facilitate discussions on Malaysia's concerns and to comprehensively address Malaysia's queries. In December 2022, Singapore put forward proposals to Malaysia to resolve the issue and move forward with the works. Subsequently, we agreed to Malaysia's request for more time for them to consider our clarifications and proposals. Presently, the development works remain paused due to the monsoon season. We will manage our differences constructively and pragmatically, and not allow any single issue to overshadow the entire relationship. 1.30 pm With Brunei, our unique, long-standing, special relationship remains strong and mutually beneficial. We continue to sustain a good momentum of bilateral exchanges. Last year, we were honoured to welcome His Majesty Sultan Bolkiah on his fifth state visit to Singapore and His Royal Highness Crown Prince Billah for the eighth Singapore-Brunei Young Leaders' Programme. Prime Minister attended His Majesty's 76th birthday celebration in July 2022 and Deputy Prime Minister Lawrence Wong visited Brunei at the start of this year. Deputy Prime Minister called on the Sultan and the Crown Prince, and had productive meetings with many Bruneian Ministers. We look forward to working with Brunei to expand our cooperation in emerging areas, such as the green economy, agritech and energy. Second Minister Maliki Osman will elaborate further on these areas of cooperation subsequently. Mr Gan Thiam Poh asked about our efforts to deepen cooperation between ASEAN and the US, as well as our regional neighbours.”
“Many Singaporean Ministers have known our Malaysian counterparts for decades, and we have kept in regular contact. At the end of January, we welcomed Prime Minister Anwar on his introductory visit to Singapore. His delegation included four Ministers, the Sarawak Premier and the Johor Menteri Besar. It was a fruitful visit. We signed three government-to-government MOUs: the Framework Agreements on Digital and Green Economy, as well as the MOU on Personal Data Protection, Cybersecurity and Digital Economy. These signal our commitment to work on new and emerging areas of mutual interest. We look forward to welcoming Prime Minister Anwar back in Singapore later this year for the 10th Leaders' Retreat. Meanwhile, we also have significant ongoing cooperation projects, including the Rapid Transit System (RTS) Link between Singapore and Johor Bahru. This project will facilitate more convenient two-way travel for the tens of thousands who cross the border every day. It is making good progress and is expected to commence operations by the end of 2026. However, as with any friendship, problems will, from time to time, arise. For example, while the issue of sovereignty over Pedra Branca has been conclusively settled, Malaysia has raised objections to Singapore's development works at Pedra Branca. These works are needed to enhance maritime safety and security, and to improve search and rescue capabilities in the area. They also ensure that Pedra Branca is adequately protected against the threat of sea-level rise. Let me assure you that these development works are fully in accordance with international law and Singapore's sovereignty over the island and its waters.”
“These three agreements will bring tangible benefits to both our countries. Under the FIR Agreement, Indonesia will delegate to Singapore the provision of air navigation services in portions of the airspace, which are within the re-aligned Jakarta FIR, which are nearest to Singapore. This will ensure that the present and future air traffic to Changi Airport and nearby Indonesian airports continue to be managed safely and efficiently. The DCA will enhance cooperation and interaction between our two military forces. It will provide clarity for the SAF's training in Indonesian archipelagic and territorial waters and airspace, on a basis that fully respects Indonesia's sovereignty over its territory, while preserving Singapore's rights under United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Finally, the ET will strengthen cooperation between our law enforcement agencies to combat crime and to complement our existing cooperation with Indonesia. Taken together, the resolution of these three long-standing issues paves the way for us to advance our bilateral cooperation significantly in the years ahead. We look forward to welcoming President Joko Widodo to Singapore soon for the next Singapore-Indonesia Leaders' Retreat. This will be a good opportunity for our leaders to build on the strong progress in the bilateral relationship. Mr Don Wee and Ms Sylvia Lim asked about our relations with Malaysia. Our close relations with Malaysia are underpinned by strong people-to-people ties and frequent high-level exchanges. Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim became Malaysia's 10th Prime Minister after their 15th General Election. Prime Minister Anwar is an old friend of Singapore.”
“We have repeatedly stressed to both the US and China that Singapore and indeed, the countries in our region want to maintain good relations with both countries. We do not wish to be forced to choose sides. We participate in multiple initiatives that have overlapping memberships, but do not always include both parties, for instance, whether you talk about the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, or the Global Development Initiative. We have always put Singapore's national interest first and we take principled positions impartially, even if it does not always please one or the other superpower. We need the quiet confidence and the national unity to do so consistently, for the long term. Given the grave implications for the world, we, like most countries, hope that the US and China work out a modus vivendi between themselves. Senior Minister of State Sim Ann will elaborate on our cooperation with both the US and China later. Let me now turn to our immediate neighbours: Malaysia, Indonesia, Brunei. We continue to strengthen our relations with all three countries. Mr Vikram Nair asked about the significance of the Expanded Framework agreements with Indonesia. It is noteworthy that Singapore and Indonesia recently completed our respective domestic legal processes for the ratification of the three agreements under the Expanded Framework, namely the FIR Agreement, the Defence Cooperation Agreement (DCA), and the Extradition Treaty (ET). For the FIR Agreement, the next step is for Singapore and Indonesia to jointly seek approval from the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO). Once the FIR Agreement is ready for implementation, both sides will arrange for all three agreements to enter into force simultaneously, on a mutually agreed date.”
“These have profound implications for the rest of the world. There is a real risk that the steps taken by the US and China to reduce their mutual interdependence will adversely affect the global economy. Singapore will not escape such spill-over consequences. Our open economy is highly dependent on doing business with the entire world and we have benefited greatly from being a vital node in globalised supply chains. The US is the largest foreign investor in Singapore and our top trading partner for services. But we are also one of the largest investors in China, which is our top trading partner in goods. If the US and China get along, then Singapore will be ideally positioned to prosper. On the other hand, if things go wrong between them, these strengths can quickly turn into vulnerabilities for Singapore. The Taiwan Strait has become a more dangerous flashpoint. For China, Taiwan is a part of China and Taiwanese independence is an absolute red line. However, to the US and some other western countries, Taiwan is a vibrant democracy that they need to protect, just like Ukraine, which in fact, is different, because Ukraine is an independent country and a member of the UN. Meanwhile in Taiwan, more and more people are identifying themselves as exclusively Taiwanese. Whilst neither the US nor China seek a military conflict over Taiwan, missteps or mishaps can easily trigger a cycle of "tit-for-tat" actions and reactions that spiral dangerously out of control. A conflict over Taiwan will have global repercussions and a much more direct impact on Singapore than the ongoing war in Ukraine. Not only is Taiwan much nearer to us geographically, but our ties with the US, with China and Taiwan are much stronger and deeper, compared to our ties with Russia and Ukraine.”
“Both sides need to establish guardrails, as hardened, negative views against the "other side" increasingly become structural features of geopolitical discourse, in both the US and China. For example, there is a growing body of opinion within China that the US is a superpower in terminal decline, which is determined to contain China's rise at all costs. In the US, there has also been a deep shift in attitudes towards China. The US believes that China "is the only competitor with both the intent to reshape the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic, military and technological power to advance that objective". It is now a settled bipartisan US view that China's rising power is inimical to American interests and values. Both sides are now locked in an intense and sharpening strategic competition across multiple domains. The US has identified computing-related technologies, biotech and clean tech as force multipliers throughout the technological ecosystem and emphasised leadership in each of these arenas as a national security imperative. Consequently, the US has decided that it needs to maintain as large a lead as possible over China in these fields. To this end, the US is implementing systematic measures, including export restrictions on advanced semi-conductor technology. There are, in fact, ongoing discussions on an outbound investment screening mechanism. On its part, China is determined to achieve greater self-reliance and to prevent itself from being held to ransom. It is progressively onshoring segments of its supply chains in the tech sector. Collectively, these moves by both sides, increase the danger of a grand bifurcation in technological and economic systems, a deepening of tensions and an elevation of mutual suspicions.”
“For instance, our principled position on the Russian invasion of Ukraine – which, in fact, has just marked its first grim anniversary – illustrates this point. We defend the right of all nations, big or small, to have their sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity fully respected. Third, we must continue to make common cause with as many countries as possible by building overlapping circles of friends. The innermost circle, obviously, consists of our immediate neighbours and ASEAN. Fourth point, we must always, always uphold international law and rules-based multilateralism and the avenues for peaceful resolution of disputes – precisely because we are a tiny city-state. Let me now deal with the questions on the US-China competition. I believe Mr Vikram Nair, Ms Tin Pei Ling, Ms Janet Ang and the Leader of the Opposition have asked about the impact of the difficult and complicated US-China relationship on our region and on Singapore. This represents, in fact, a fundamental deficit of strategic trust, rooted in incompatible worldviews and aggravated by their respective domestic political pressures. Both sides wish to avoid conflict, but neither side can afford to be seen as weak. The "balloon incident" reflected this dynamic. It exacerbated suspicions and tensions amidst strong domestic reactions on both sides. The incident was a setback to the interactions between the US and China. But I am glad that Secretary of State Antony Blinken and State Councilor Wang Yi did meet in Munich earlier this month. It shows that both sides recognise the necessity for dialogue and diplomacy, especially at times like these. Effective communication between the US and China is vital to manage risks in global affairs.”
“Mr Chairman, 2022 was a very busy year. We handled close to 200 incoming and outgoing visits. We expect a higher tempo in the year ahead, especially with more countries reopening their borders. The demand for consular services will intensify as more Singaporeans travel overseas and sometimes get into trouble. But more critically, the world has become much more complex, with a perfect storm of multiple interlocking crises in the military, security, economic, public health, climate, technological and sociopolitical domains. The global order, which has served us so well for six decades, is under severe strain. Mr Henry Kwek asked how our foreign policy should adapt to these evolving trends. Let me highlight four points. First, foreign policy begins at home. I think the Leader of Opposition also agrees with that. If we are not united and successful as a thriving, vital city-state in the heart of Southeast Asia, we will quickly become irrelevant to the world. I am also gratified that if you listen to all the speeches by the People's Action Party (PAP) Members of Parliament, the Opposition and the Nominated Members of Parliament; in fact, if you all exchanged your speeches, it would not have been noticeable. This speaks well to the consensus on foreign policy in Singapore. 1.15 pm Second point, our foreign policy must be based on a clear-eyed understanding of Singapore's long-term national interests and our vulnerabilities in a volatile and dangerous world. We refuse to be a vassal state that can be bullied or bought. We will not be a proxy or a stalking horse for any superpower. We will uphold principles, but we will not choose sides.”
“Papua New Guinea was accorded the status of Special Observer in ASEAN in 1976 and has participated in ASEAN meetings in this capacity. ASEAN is presently not considering any new membership applications. Singapore and Papua New Guinea enjoy warm relations and close cooperation. As fellow Small Island Developing States, we share similar views on issues like climate change. Both countries recently signed a Memorandum of Understanding on carbon credit collaboration in November 2022 on the sidelines of the 27th Conference of the Parties of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in Egypt. Singapore remains committed to supporting Papua New Guinea's development journey, including by sharing our experiences through the Singapore Cooperation Programme (SCP). Papua New Guinea sends the second largest number of participants to our SCP courses amongst the Pacific Island States, with close to 800 officials having participated to date. Singapore also engages Papua New Guinea in multilateral forums, such as the UN, APEC and the Pacific Islands Forum, which Singapore has recently been admitted as a Dialogue Partner.”
“On the first supplementary question on what checks were made, I looked at the assertions of the Special Advisory Council. As I said, in fact, most of those assertions go way back in time – some were more than 20 years ago. So, within the limited access which I have now after two decades, what I can say, looking at Mr George Yeo's response is that we have maintained that same position and, therefore, there have been no defence sales for a very long time. We are talking more than a decade, decade and a half. Specifically to the Member's second question of what is our current regime, as I explained just now, although the UN General Assembly resolution is not legally binding, we have taken a decision to effect a ban on the sale and transfer of arms. And you must remember that that also includes the transshipment of arms. This is effected legally through our Strategic Goods (Control) Act. And that means we go through every submission of an import/export. If clearly there are military items there, we are going to flag up a red flag. But we have even gone beyond that. Where they are dual-use items, civilian items – but which in our judgement would also pose risks to unarmed civilians, we will also flag a red flag. So, I am informing you and I am also putting all companies on notice that we are taking a very firm line on this. I think Members in this House will share our sympathy for the unarmed civilians in Myanmar and we want to make sure that nothing we do aggravates the situation there. I am sure this is something which enjoys the Member's support and that of the Member's party as well.”
“This resolution called on the UN member states to "prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar". Whilst UN General Assembly resolutions are not strictly legally binding, nevertheless the Government has decided to prohibit the transfer of arms to Myanmar. We also decided not to authorise the transfer of dual-use items which have been assessed to have potential military application to Myanmar, where there is a serious risk that they may be used to inflict violence against unarmed civilians. We will not hesitate to take action against those who contravene our laws, including Singapore's Strategic Goods (Control) Act which controls the transfer and brokering of strategic goods and technology. Singapore remains committed to working with the fellow ASEAN member states and UN member states to facilitate peace and national reconciliation in Myanmar. I can only hope this comes sooner rather than later.”
“Speaker, we note that many of the assertions made by the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar pertains to economic activities which pre-date the February 2021 military coup. It is also worth emphasising that before the military coup, there was a legitimate government in Myanmar whom we fully recognised and whom we had constructive, comprehensive relations with. Specifically on military sales, I want to quote former Minister for Foreign Affairs George Yeo when he answered the question in 2007 on whether Singapore has supplied arms to Myanmar. He said: "As far as defence sales are concerned, it is established policy of the Government not to divulge details publicly. Myanmar is not subject to any UN arms embargo. If there is any UN sanction against Myanmar, Singapore will of course abide by it. Nevertheless, I can say that over the years, defence sales to Myanmar have not been substantial and have always been carefully limited to items that are not suitable for countering civilian unrest. There have not been any defence sales to Myanmar in recent years and, going forward, we will continue to behave in a responsible manner." This statement was made by Mr Yeo in 2007 and he said that there had not been any defence sales for some years. Today, 16 years later, this position still stands. Singapore complies strictly with our international obligations on international arms sales and transfers, as well as the United Nations (UN) sanctions and embargoes against any country. On the declaration of arms exports, Singapore submits regular reports to the UN Register of Conventional Arms (UNROCA). In June 2021, Singapore also voted in favour of UN General Assembly Resolution 75/287 entitled "The Situation in Myanmar".”
“Prior to their overseas trips, Singaporeans should monitor developments in the countries they are travelling to, especially if there are events that can affect their personal safety. Besides travel advisories, Singaporeans should check for other travel-related information on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) website such as the contact details of the nearest Singapore Overseas Mission and the local emergency services. Singaporeans can reach out to the 24/7 MFA Duty Office if they require consular assistance and advice while overseas. Singaporeans are strongly encouraged to e-register with MFA before going overseas. This will enable MFA to reach out to them to check on their safety and provide consular assistance in the event there is an emergency or natural disaster. Singaporeans should pay attention to unfamiliar weather and driving conditions, make adequate preparations for the activities pursued and purchase comprehensive travel insurance that includes emergency medical care and evacuation.”
“ASEAN has taken a firm and consistent approach to the situation in Myanmar following the 1 February 2021 coup. The Five-Point Consensus was formulated by the ASEAN Leaders and accepted by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing at their meeting on 24 April 2021 in Jakarta. However, ASEAN remains deeply disappointed with the limited progress in the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus. Accordingly, the ASEAN Leaders reaffirmed the Five-Point Consensus at the ASEAN Summits in November 2022, and agreed on a series of steps to send a clear signal to the Myanmar military, or Tatmadaw. ASEAN continues to urge the Tatmadaw to implement the Five-Point Consensus swiftly and fully, and to cooperate with ASEAN and the next ASEAN Chair's Special Envoy on Myanmar to make tangible progress, including by giving the Special Envoy access to all concerned parties in Myanmar.”
“The establishment of the ASEAN-India and the ASEAN-US Comprehensive Strategic Partnerships (CSPs) were sought by both Dialogue Partners and will build on their longstanding and multi-faceted relations with ASEAN to deliver more meaningful, substantive and mutually beneficial cooperation. Singapore welcomed both CSPs, especially the contributions by both India and the US towards an open, inclusive, peaceful, stable and prosperous region. Singapore and ASEAN will benefit economically from the CSPs. With India, ASEAN will commence reviewing the ASEAN-India Trade in Goods Agreement (AITIGA) to make it more user-friendly, simple and trade-facilitative to facilitate stronger trade and investment flows. With the US, ASEAN will benefit from new initiatives, such as the ASEAN-US Electric Vehicle Infrastructure Initiative and the ASEAN-US Platform for Infrastructure and Connectivity. ASEAN and the US will further cooperation in the ASEAN Smart Cities Network and strengthen ASEAN's public health infrastructure through the ASEAN-US Health Futures Initiative. Through these CSPs, Singapore can deepen collaboration with India in important areas, such as regional connectivity, cybersecurity and the digital economy to benefit our businesses and people. For the US, we hope to work together to support ASEAN's clean energy transition, strengthen the region's energy security and grid resilience, and establish low-carbon energy solutions and green energy infrastructure.”
“German Federal Chancellor Olaf Scholz was in Singapore for an Official Visit on 14 November 2022, during which he met President Halimah Yacob, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, both Deputy Prime Ministers and key political office holders. Prime Minister Lee and Chancellor Scholz endorsed a Joint Declaration titled "Partners for a Resilient and Sustainable Future", which takes stock of our existing areas of collaborations, and includes a comprehensive plan of action to strengthen cooperation in new and emerging areas, such as renewable energy, the digital economy and cybersecurity. Chancellor Scholz gave a keynote speech at the 17th Asia-Pacific Conference of German Business (APK), which was attended by over 600 participants, including C-suite business leaders. APK served to promote business ties between Germany and Singapore as well as our region. The Germany-Singapore Framework for Sustainability and Innovation was signed on the sidelines of APK, which aims to enhance economic collaboration at the government-to-government, government-to-business and business-to-business levels.”
“In practice, what that means is policies and programmes that will unambitiously support the traditional family and parenthood, including adoption rights, housing priority, Baby Bonuses and reproductive therapy. It also means our public messaging, our education, in schools, the mass media must continue to uphold these traditional family ideals. Having said that, in my earlier versions of the speech I tried to say we can do all these without discrimination. But actually, in life, if you uplift one form, if you prioritise one type of social arrangements, inevitably it means you have to choose and it cannot be completely equal. Having said that, I believe a spirit of mutual respect and perhaps more important than anything else, compassion, can allow us to find that hopefully safe landing zone where we can protect our families and protect our gay brothers. On that note, Mr Deputy Speaker, I support the amendments standing before the House today. [Applause.]”
“So, I agree with him and I support the repeal of 377A in that context. But I also support the amendment to the Constitution that makes it clear that the question of marriage will be decided here in this House. It may not be all of us in the future; it will be a different House, but it will be decided through the political process, with all the engagement, discussion, debate, negotiation and compromises which are needed. That is the way we need to move forward. Similarly, to my residents who have asked for it to be entrenched, two-third majority and lock it up. I have to tell them that actually, these are issues which no amount of legal and constitutional lock-ups will decide for the future. The values, the mores, the attitudes of our children and grandchildren – we can all do our best to instil values in them, but we have got to trust them. We trust them and entrust them with the power and the authority to make decisions in the future. So, I also accept this amendment which makes it clear that the current definition and if there is going to be any future amendment, will be decided in this House and not in a court of law. We do all these in full appreciation of the fact that difficult issues that go to the heart of identity, deeply held values and lived experience are best settled through careful, respectful, sincere discussions – without polemics, without win-lose outcomes. And so, it is in this spirit that I support the amendments moved today. We have to find ways to continue to protect this precious and fragile institution of the traditional family and marriage and we have to remember that the welfare and the rights of our children are paramount.”
“But beyond that, in fact, I am sure if you all speak to every single one of your gay friends, every single one of them has suffered the pain of rejection, of discrimination, sometimes, of violence. They have suffered that at home, in schools and in the workplace. They crave our understanding, our empathy, our support and our protection. Yet, I think, if many of us think back to our school days, I think we all fell short. I will confess to having fallen short and for that, I apologise to my gay friends. Unfortunately, this debate on section 377A of the Penal Code – section 377A has come to symbolise simultaneously two paradoxical imperatives. First, to protect the traditional family, which frankly is under considerable stress in modern days. But equally important, there is also a duty to protect our gay brothers from victimisation and the fear and the pain, the dejection and the rejection. There are no simple answers to such apparently contradictory social imperatives. Senior Minister of State Sim Ann, Deputy Speaker Christopher de Souza, Mr Edward Chia and I represent the GRC of Holland-Bukit Timah. To be frank with all of you, the majority of the feedback that we have received online and face-to-face, the majority has expressed great anxiety about families, anxiety about the repeal and a deeper anxiety about the future of families. Minister Shanmugam has explained – and I accept his explanation – that section 377A is at significant legal risk of being struck down. The amendments proposed today to repeal 377A, I believe, helps us avoid that abrupt and potentially disruptive confrontation in a Court of law with a binary outcome and perhaps unpredictable and sometimes uncontrollable social and political consequences.”
“My third point is that every child has a biological father and mother. It is not just a matter of biology and genes and chromosomes, but think back to your own childhood – our mothers and our fathers played essential, complementary but not identical roles. Complementary but not identical roles. When I served as the Minister in the Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports, I studied the problem of children in juvenile homes or with dysfunctional social circumstances. The single, most important factor I often found recurring was an absent father. That is why one of the things which I am proudest about was to have been one of the people behind the founding of Dads for Life. So, yes, I do believe, absolutely, with no apology and with no reservations, in the traditional family form as an ideal – one man, one woman, committed to each other to bring up their children in the context of a stable marriage. Having said that, we also need to acknowledge that not everyone will be so blessed and enjoy such a simple, straightforward life, that sometimes life does not go according to plan, and that all children, regardless of family circumstances, deserve our fullest support. In fact, some children, especially those in less ideal circumstances, deserve and need additional support, which this House agrees with, I am sure. Some of my friends whom I have known for the longest time are gay. My generation came of age in the early 1980s. The AIDS epidemic had not yet been named or discovered but it had started. Many of us were not quite aware of the threat. The veil of ignorance, the fear of embarrassment, in fact, contributed tragically to the cutting short of lives of some of my friends.”
“You see, it is this focus on the future, on protecting, nurturing, saving, investing, building; it is this future-oriented focus that affects the tone of our society. Frankly, even in Parliament, it is why, for me, there is no such thing as saving too much for the future – because it is for them and not for us. Even as we do that, we are simply, in fact, replicating what our parents and grandparents did for us. This is why I believe all societies, all religions, have always conferred a sacred status on the institution of marriage. This is why this is a key pillar, a key prescription, for human progress in societies everywhere since time immemorial. The second point is that a marriage is far more than a legally binding contract between two consenting adults for the sake of their mutual happiness. My wife has often reminded me of an aphorism – the best gift you can give your children is to love their mother. Initially, I found this advice bemusing, but the more I thought about it, actually, this advice makes perfect sense. Because, you see, children – in fact, think back to your own childhood – children need that reassurance, that sense of stability of knowing that both parents are in a committed, loving relationship for the long term and that both parents, will always be there for them. In fact, the way we approach our marriage is not and should not be about just optimising the happiness of two adults but really for the sake of our children and their future. Because if we are successful and if we are blessed, then, we are good role models for our children. But our mistakes or, sometimes, our wrong choices, have profound impact and implications on our children. So, my wife is right. Love the mother of your children.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, this is clearly not a matter of foreign policy, but my wife and I celebrate our 35th anniversary today. [Applause.] Thank you. I am the proud parent of four children and four grandchildren, so this was a debate which I saw the opportunity to share some personal perspectives and that of my residents. I start with three propositions. Traditional marriage has been venerated in all societies, all civilisations since time immemorial – first point. Second, a marriage is far more than a legally binding contract between two consenting adults. Third, the rights of children, in fact, are paramount and, in fact, triumph even the mutual happiness of parents. So, I start off with these three propositions for your consideration. My life was transformed the first moment I held my daughter in my arms. For the first time in my life, I held a precious, new, unique human being – utterly dependent on my wife and me. She may have been delivered by my wife but my daughter and now, her children – my grandchildren – have a future that goes, hopefully, far beyond me. That moment was also the time when I realised just how much my parents love me and, with some guilt, I realised that actually all of us cannot possibly love our parents as much as our parents love us. Every single one of you here who has been a parent, I think, has had that experience. What it shows is that love flows down the generations. It is actually mainly one way. So, parental love is about paying it forward. It is this focus on forward and the future that drives us – drives all parents – to give the best possible start to their children. This is what makes us so focused on leaving the world in a better state for our children to inherit.”
“After the International Court of Justice's (ICJ’s) judgment in 2008 awarding sovereignty over Pedra Branca to Singapore, both Singapore and Malaysia publicly announced that they will accept and abide by the Court’s decision, which is final. Under the Statute of the ICJ, an application for revision cannot be made after the expiry of 10 years from the date of the 2008 judgment, that is, May 2018. To date, we have not received any details from Malaysia regarding their intention to continue legal action at the ICJ. Nevertheless, Singapore stands ready to deal with whatever legal action Malaysia may pursue, so as to robustly defend our sovereignty over Pedra Branca. The development and land reclamation works at Pedra Branca are carried out within Singapore Territorial Waters and in accordance with international law.”
“The requests for assistance received by Singapore Overseas Missions over the last 10 years for overseas Singaporeans (OS) believed to be missing is around 30 cases per year. Some of the OS reported to be missing were later found to be hospitalised, arrested, passed on or were uncontactable temporarily due to lack of mobile connectivity. In some cases, OS chose not to be contactable due to family disputes or other personal reasons. MFA will continue to do what we can to provide advice and support to families in missing persons cases. We strongly encourage Singaporeans who travel or reside overseas to e-register on the MFA website.”
“The Foreign Service offers unique opportunities for our officers to represent Singapore on the global stage. Our Foreign Service Officers (FSOs) have to respond swiftly and astutely to emerging developments around the world that have consequential impact on Singapore's national interests and the well-being of Singaporeans. Young FSOs are given opportunities to represent Singapore early in their careers through engagement with foreign counterparts at international conferences like the United Nations General Assembly and ASEAN meetings and postings to Overseas Missions. It is thus critical that we continue to recruit top talent to join the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) with the necessary attributes to operate in a complex, volatile global environment. MFA continually reviews our career schemes to meet the challenges posed by the increased competition for talent. Foreign Service Officers are in demand in many other fields, including the private sector, because of their training, experience and versatility. We review our Foreign Service remuneration package regularly to ensure that we remain competitive. We will continue to actively recruit top talent through our outreach programmes and internships conducted in MFA's Headquarters and at our Overseas Missions. Beyond tangible elements, it is the honour of representing our nation and sense of fulfilment that motivates all MFA officers.”
“Taiwan is one of the most sensitive issues in the relationship between the US and China. No one wishes to go to war, but there is a real danger of an escalatory spiral of response and counter-response. Stable US-China relations are vital for regional peace and prosperity. We welcome efforts by both countries to communicate directly with one another, such as the recent meeting between US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and PRC State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi on the sidelines of the 77th United Nations General Assembly. The priority is for all sides to exercise restraint and de-escalate tensions. It is important for the US and China to maintain open channels of communication and work out a modus vivendi in order to move forward despite their differences. We hope that these engagements will reduce the risk of misunderstanding, mishap and accidents that would otherwise undermine regional stability.”
“On part (a) of the question, as of 2 October 2022, the number of Singaporeans that have registered with MFA in the stated countries are as follows. For: Armenia: four; Azerbaijan: one; Kyrgyz Republic: one; and Tajikistan: one. MFA reaches out to them to offer consular advice and assistance when there is an emergency or crisis. MFA strongly encourages Singaporeans who travel or reside overseas to e-register on the MFA website.”
“Singapore voted in favour of UN General Assembly Resolution A/RES/75/287 "The Situation in Myanmar" in June 2021, which calls on UN Member states to "prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar". Since April 2022, Singapore has not authorised the transfer of items assessed to have potential military application to Myanmar, where there is a serious risk that the item may be used to inflict violence against unarmed civilians. This is in line with our firm commitment to measures that will facilitate the de-escalation of violence in Myanmar and support efforts by ASEAN and the UN to achieve a negotiated political solution.”
“The coup in Myanmar was launched by the Myanmar military or the Tatmadaw on 1 February 2021. Since then, the tragic consequences arising from the coup, which include large-scale civilian deaths and injuries, have continued with no sign of abatement. The situation remains dire. The primary responsibility for the ongoing crisis in Myanmar lies with the Tatmadaw. The Five-Point Consensus was formulated by the ASEAN Leaders and accepted by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing at their meeting on 24 April 2021 in Jakarta. However, Singapore and ASEAN are deeply disappointed that there has been little progress in its implementation. This is despite efforts by successive Special Envoys of the ASEAN Chair – Brunei and Cambodia – and direct entreaties by current ASEAN Chair, Cambodia. Instead, aerial bombings of opposition-controlled areas and the execution of opposition activists have occurred. The timings of these actions by the Tatmadaw underscore their disregard for both ASEAN and the Five-Point Consensus. Myanmar’s peace, security and stability are not only in its own interest but also for the whole region. However, without political reconciliation and dialogue in good faith by all stakeholders, the necessary political solution cannot be found. The setbacks to ASEAN’s efforts are not a matter of ASEAN credibility, but rather of the Tatmadaw’s intransigence. The ASEAN Leaders will have to assess the progress of the Five-Point Consensus’ implementation at the ASEAN Summit this November. Depending on how the situation evolves, they will have to make some difficult decisions to guide ASEAN’s next steps.”