Zulkifli bin Baharudin
Singapore
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the Minister spoke about concessions Singapore has made. But it appears like surprises to me. My question is: on the issue of land, bridge, etc, did the Malaysian government inform us earlier that these are to be part of the deal or did these matters surface just during the discussions with the Senior Minister?”
“We need to help companies and workers to cope with this restructuring. The right way to do it is by upgrading industries and training and retraining workers.”
“Sir, I am enlightened to hear the response from the Deputy Prime Minister. But I seem to have gathered some feedback that as and when people say that they have a criminal record, they do not even get an interview.”
“Sir, my wish really is that the Foreign Ministry should make the forging of good relations, understanding of our neighbours, the personal responsibility of every citizen because we have an important role to project our way of life and values to the people in the region.”
“My suggestion is that oversight should be from the inside. Government should encourage self-help groups to appoint more members of other races to their boards of directors and advisors.”
“Sir, I am asking the Minister really in privatising some of these GLCs, for the GLCs to take on a role where they can lead, bring along other SMEs together with them, not just a corporate or business mission, but other objectives as well, the larger objective of bringing along the SMEs as they grow, prosper and develop in the region.”
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“Mr Speaker, Sir, the Minister spoke about concessions Singapore has made. But it appears like surprises to me. My question is: on the issue of land, bridge, etc, did the Malaysian government inform us earlier that these are to be part of the deal or did these matters surface just during the discussions with the Senior Minister? The other question is, if that is the case, are there enough consensus and provisions in the discussions to prevent further surprises from cropping up?”
“Sir, as in the US, which has announced a bail-out package for its airline industry, would the Minister consider bailing out SIA should this become necessary, at least to save jobs because SIA has announced plans to retrench some workers? BG George Yong-Boon Yeo: On the issue of insurance, Government has already taken a quick decision yesterday. On preserving jobs in the airline industry by Government subsidy, I think that would be a very bad principle. I do not see at this point in time any request for a bail-out of SIA. Mr Leong Horn Kee: Sir, I am not asking for a bail-out package but I want to ask the Minister whether he would target specific industries that would be more affected particularly by this impact of the terrorist attacks on the US, for example, airline-related industry, tourism, insurance and others that are more badly affected. BG George Yong-Boon Yeo: Mr Speaker, Sir, I do not think we should be reacting to what might be transient changes because of the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington. There is naturally an over-reaction and many people have reduced their travels. Many meetings have been cancelled and this has had an immediate impact on airlines, hotel and convention business. The dust will settle and things will assume a certain normality and we will have to analyse the situation then and decide what our appropriate responses should be. OFF-BUDGET MEASURES 3. Mr Leong Horn Kee asked the Minister for Finance, in view of the deteriorating economy, when will the Government announce and implement further off-Budget measures to assist Singaporeans and local industries affected by the economic downturn.”
“In particular, the Bill tries to force a distinction between public communication and private communication that simply does not apply in the Internet world. The Bill excludes individual to individual e-mail. But it says in clause 2(c) that Internet communication to any section of the public will be treated as publication. Like many others who have commented earlier, does this mean that if I have a mailing list with 100 friends, I can be prosecuted under the law if I e-mail my views on the election to my mailing list? Will I be penalised for having too many friends? So, Sir, how do we deal with such practical issues? How do we draw a line between those who set out to cause damage and mischief and others who do not have such intentions, although I would agree that the e-mail or Internet makes it possible the consequences of such action to be equally damaging? It is for this reason, Sir, that I suggest perhaps the Minister describe an appeal procedure to be heard by the SBA before referring such matters for prosecution under the law. SBA, with its representatives from a good cross section of the population, can play a delicate balancing role in this matter. Only in this way, Sir, we can preserve the special feature of the Internet, while at the same time safeguarding against real abuses.”
“So the question really is whether we should allow advertisements made anonymously. The Internet gives us the freedom to inform. But one can also agree that we need to inform truthfully and responsibly. If we have to legislate to prevent the irresponsible use of the Internet, then in the overall interest, Sir, it is worth it. But like Prof. Chin who spoke earlier, I would have expected the Bill to be more specific in detailing the forms of advertising allowed under new section 78A(1)(b) because I suspect the interpretation of the details can be controversial and problematic. I would also like to ask the Minister whether he would think it more appropriate to have this responsibility delegated to the SBA, as the Minister himself may perhaps be seen as partisan when having to make such a regulation, especially during or before general elections. So we have seen examples in the region how political candidates have to do battle on the Internet sites where the more juicy and damaging news were anonymously circulated when the real battle should be on the ground, in the constituencies and with the electorate. There is a real danger that others without vested interest in the election can dictate the political campaign during election. However, despite these provisions, we cannot regulate Internet sites posted outside Singapore. So although we have laws to take on errant publishers through libel and defamation law suits, the question is: is monetary compensation a sufficient remedy for someone who had lost the election because of rumour-mongering or false allegation? On this basis, Sir, I would agree to the general provisions of this Bill. However, there are some specific issues which I am quite uncomfortable with.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, many who disagree with this Bill see there is an attempt to curb perhaps the only available and accessible avenue for anyone, big or small, who can have their say without fear or retribution. More often than not, the Internet provides the only level playing field as other channels sometimes tend to be more accessible and biased towards the bigger man. This is a special feature, a sacred quality of the Internet. The basic question, therefore, is whether the Internet should be regulated like in other news medium. Indeed, it is ironical that in new section 78A(1)(b), the Bill makes an exception for election news for newspapers, on TV and radio, but no exception is made for election news on standalone Internet site. Is the Internet then not a legitimate news medium? I hope the Minister would clarify this matter. Sir, the Bill does not prohibit Internet advertising, as many have misunderstood, but it makes it mandatory for a person to register with the SBA to identify the name, publisher and printer of the advertisement. In my view, Sir, if the purpose of the advertisement is to promote a candidate, to inform its electorate about the good work he is doing, and it should be, I do not see why there should be a strong objection to identify the name of the publisher and printer as they would ultimately be the beneficiary of this advertisement. But if the purpose is to speak negatively about someone else, spread wild rumours and allegations, then I can see the objections in revealing such identities. If you look at past elections in and around the region, advertisements and publications issued are seldom about the good work of one person but more about the bad things others have done.”
“The Minister mentioned earlier about some specific programmes to help ease the burden of workers and companies. I would like to know when these programmes will be introduced because timing is of the essence here. Secondly, talking about children, I would like to ask the Minister whether he sees it appropriate now to be more generous with helping families cope with some of the problems with their children. For example, I am alerted to the Straits Times' project for the School Pocket Fund. It shows a lot of demand. So should the Government not put money to help children cope with some of these problems that their parents may face? BG George Yong-Boon Yeo: Sir, the details of the package will be announced at the end of the month, so I should not go into those details now. As to programmes to retrain workers and upgrade them, many are already in place. We will have to give more emphasis and, if we need to allocate more funds, we will. As for helping children with scholarships and bursaries, there are already so many in place, and many of us in the various constituencies have funds which are available. So when we hear of cases which are deserving of help, we should let the MP or the CCC Chairman know and I am quite sure those funds will be found.”
“And if we continue to do that, we should be able to hold our own in the sectors that we are very good at. For example, if you look at the wafer fabs, I think we remain very competitive, and there are a number of investments on stream, they will probably be delayed, but I think our basic competitiveness in semi-conductors remains unchanged. For disk drives, we face a challenge, and the more labour intensive lines we are losing to Penang and China. But last year, when Seagate decided to close down its disk drive operation in Penang and shed off 5,000 workers, they reconfigured their production so that the labor intensive portions went to Wuxi and Shenzhen in China, while the higher value-added and the more automated bits were reconcentrated in Singapore, where we have been helping them to build the 'factory of the future', which means highly automated lines, you design a product with a view to producing it, and therefore enabling you to automate many of the processes. So sector after sector, we have got to keep on pushing on with restructuring and ensuring that despite competition from other countries, we are able to maintain our high wage levels. This cyclical downturn may accentuate the process but we should not mix up the two separate tendencies.”
“Sir, the Minister mentioned that this problem is cyclical in nature. I would like to ask the Minister whether this could, in fact, lead to more severe structural problems as there could be more hollowing out of our economy, and therefore lead to more severe unemployment and retrenchment than earlier expected. BG George Yong-Boon Yeo: The structural shifts have been going on for some time. This is the reason why we have been pressing on with investing in R&D and worker upgrading. Part of the reason is, of course, the emergence of China into the global market. And as hundreds of millions of Chinese workers who are hardworking and not without ability join the global labour market, there will be downward wage pressure all around. Those who are unable to upgrade find themselves under great pressure. For example, in India, Chinese consumer products are really cutting the ground from under Indian manufacturers. When I spoke to the Vietnamese Trade Minister recently, he was quite worried about the way Chinese products are fast entering the Vietnamese market. They told me that a Chinese motorcycle with as good or better quality cost only one-third of a Vietnamese motorcycle. And we see this now all over, how Chinese products are lowering the cost of clothing, of handbags, of all kinds of things. All over Singapore now, you are seeing sprouting up $2 stores and they are carrying mostly Chinese products. While this keeps cost down, this also presents challenges to some of the industry sectors. So the only way for us to maintain our high wage levels in Singapore is to press on with the education of our young, with worker training and upgrading, improving system efficiency and investing in R&D.”
“The other point I want to raise is that for a journalist, it is sometimes very difficult, even for those who are not ideologically partisan, to differentiate what is fact and opinion in times like this, and we cannot always assume, with the new type of medium, that the existing practice and operation of the media that exist in the print media in a newspaper like the Straits Times also exist in the other types of media. They are fast, they are easily accessible, people can write stories now and get published in the very next minute. There is a clear possibility of honest mistake to be made. This is where a certain sense of balance got to be exercised. It is good if the Minister is advised by a committee so that such a balance and fair play can be seen to be exercised by the Minister and the Government. EXEMPTED BUSINESS (Motion) Resolved, That the proceedings on the item of business under discussion and the remaining items on the Order Paper for today be exempted at this day's sitting from the provisions of Standing Order No. 1. - [Mr Wong Kan Seng]. SINGAPORE BROADCASTING AUTHORITY (AMENDMENT) BILL Debate resumed.”
“If a foreign broadcaster were to portray a particular candidate or opposition candidate in good light, would that tantamount to interference with local politics, even if it is just a factual story? We have seen that by attending briefings given by opposition parties in some cases may tantamount to interference with local politics. We have to be very clear about the definition. There is also the other question that earlier Members raised, ie, how do you term "broadcasting service" where it involves the print media and how this is available on the Internet. The other concern I have is how the foreign media will have an impact on the public opinion of our citizens, and I think the best person to decide is the public themselves whether they have been affected by the kind of reporting that is brought about by the foreign media. I think it is entirely appropriate in this case to have a committee to look at it. Of course, the procedure may mean that the Government does not always win. The committee may side with the foreign news organisation and decide that there should be no case for gazetting. When I talk about credibility problem, there is precisely the possibility that the Government does not always win that perhaps may give itself the credibility, but otherwise the perception is that just because the Government is involved with a particular foreign media, the foreign media has got no chance, it would always lose because the final arbiter is the Minister whose decision is final, and he does not have to give any reasons for his decision.”
“Sir, I agree with the general intention of the Bill because it is not the interest of foreign media to interfere or engage in domestic politics. But the proposed amendment, as it stands before the House, appears to be very confusing to me. Under the Bill, the Government is simultaneously the plaintiff, judge and executioner in disputes with foreign media. I agree that the Bill, as it stands, is very efficient in dealing with media who we can prove to have interfered with domestic politics. But is it really effective? Because as it stands, it may create a very serious credibility problem simply because of the conflict of positions that the Government will be placed upon. Quite often, this negative reporting is directed and intended possibly at the Government who would be most affected, and if it is for the Government itself to make such a decision, I think that is going to be very confusing. Therefore, one possible improvement to the Bill is to get an advisory committee, comprising respected members of the society involved. MITA has several such committees advising the Minister in dealing with the various media. An existing committee or new committee can be roped in to advise in the application of gazetting powers. The Government can submit the available evidence to the committee. The committee members can then decide first whether the offending broadcaster or publication amounts to an interference in politics, and, if so, what the appropriate sanctions would be. In reality, it is very difficult to decide. I hope that the Minister would clarify what tantamount to interference with local politics. Take the case of elections.”
“In view of the many problems facing technology start-ups, I would like to ask if the Government is going to review its long-term plans in nurturing entrepreneurship or technopreneurship for such a programme.”
“We need to help companies and workers to cope with this restructuring. The right way to do it is by upgrading industries and training and retraining workers. For the retail sector, we need schemes to raise the standard of retailers, through better management and customer service, as well as incentives to encourage marginal retailers to exit the business. The Government is already doing this. These focused measures will be more effective and appropriate than an across-the-board package of cost reductions and rebates, like the November 1998 package. We should therefore be measured in our response, and ride the present slowdown until it passes. The Government is keeping a close watch over the economy. If the situation deteriorates (I say "if" the situation deteriorates), and further measures to help businesses and workers become necessary, we have the means and the will to implement them.”
“The Government will decide later in the year whether to restore further part of the remaining 4 percentage points of employer's contributions in January 2002, and, if so, by how much. Meanwhile, I urge companies and unions to speed up the implementation of the monthly variable component in their wage structure. This will promote greater wage flexibility, and help companies to manage costs and save jobs during a downturn. Although the outlook has turned less positive, all is not gloom and doom. The Euroland economy is still growing steadily; likewise, China and India. Our companies should take advantage of these pockets of growth, while they await the broader recovery associated with a turnaround in the US economy. Despite the slowdown, we still expect to achieve positive growth this year. It is not possible for the Government to fine-tune its economic policy to even out every dip in the business cycle, and keep the economy growing at a constant rate regardless of external conditions. Our economy is too open, economic prospects are too uncertain, and Government pump priming and cost cutting cannot completely make up for a loss of external demand and a slowdown in the developed countries. The present situation is unlike that we faced during the Asian crisis. The problem this time is a cyclical downturn in the US, not a systemic crisis in Asia. If the US economy recovers by the end of this year, as most experts expect, Singapore should recover with it. However, this cyclical slowdown is superimposed on the continuing restructuring of the Singapore economy. Some workers are being retrenched in the manufacturing sector, even as new jobs are being created. The SMEs, especially retailers, are also having a difficult time.”
“These factors have dampened exports and growth of the regional economies which are highly dependent on electronics exports and the US market. The weaker external environment has caused Singapore's economy to slow rapidly. In the first quarter, our economy is estimated to have grown by 4.6%, down sharply from the 11% in the fourth quarter of last year. On a 3-month moving average basis, manufacturing output growth eased from 19% in December last year to 7.3% in February. In view of the less favourable economic conditions, MTI has revised down the 2001 growth forecast for Singapore to 3.5-5.5%. In November 1998, in response to the Asian crisis, we introduced major cost-cutting measures. Several of these measures have not been fully lifted, as we had expected the economy to take some time to recover fully. These include (a) restoration of the remaining 4 percentage points of employer's CPF contributions; (b) the 25% property tax rebate; (c) lower foreign worker levies; and (d) the 13% JTC and HDB rental rebates. In addition, SMEs continue to benefit from easier financing through the Enhanced Local Enterprise Financing Scheme. The FY 2001 Budget contains several new measures. These include lower corporate tax rates, especially for the small and medium enterprises, a property tax cut of 2 percentage points, and measures to help HDB retailers. The property tax rebate expires in June this year. However, this will be offset by the reduction of the property tax rate, from 12% to 10%. JTC and HDB will take the prevailing economic outlook into consideration when they review the industrial rental rebates. On CPF, it is premature to commit to the next steps of restoration now.”
“My own personal experience, as a Board member of the Singapore Cooperative of Rehabilitative Enterprises, shows that for job placement, most of the participating companies are from Singapore's smaller private companies. And the Government being a large employer, would the Deputy Prime Minister consider asking GLCs and Government companies to play a more active role and engage more ex-inmates? BG Lee Hsien Loong: I think we have to leave the GLCs to look after themselves. It is not our business to tell GLCs whom to employ, whether people with criminal records or otherwise. For the Government proper, we have stated our position. The policy was laid down last year. So far, a small number have been taken in. But it has only been a few months. I think we should let the policy run for a while and see how it works out. ECONOMIC SITUATION IN SINGAPORE (Assessment) 10. Mr Tay Beng Chuan asked the Deputy Prime Minister (1) what is his assessment of the economic situation in Singapore having regard to the current US economic slowdown and regional uncertainty; and (2) what measures are being planned or taken by the Government to save our local businesses and jobs in anticipation of the worsening economic situation. BG Lee Hsien Loong: Mr Speaker, Sir, US economic growth has slowed rapidly from 5.6% in the second quarter of 2000 to 1.0% in the fourth quarter of 2000. US growth in the first quarter this year has also been marginal. The consensus view is that the US economy will grow by about 1.9% this year, down from 5.0% last year. More pertinently for us, the US economic slowdown is driven by a major correction in the high-tech sector of the economy. This has affected the global electronics industry and caused a sharp worldwide decline in electronics production.”
“Sir, I am enlightened to hear the response from the Deputy Prime Minister. But I seem to have gathered some feedback that as and when people say that they have a criminal record, they do not even get an interview. I would like to ask, for some jobs, whether the declaration can be exempted, so that they have at least half a chance of getting a job. BG Lee Hsien Loong: Sir, I do not think we can do that. You have to be transparent. We have to know what the position is. Our policy is for some jobs, we will take you. It is a two-year arrangement. At the end, we will review. If you do not tell me and I find out later on, then where do we stand? Things become very complicated.”
“While we think about all the big things, there are many small things that we can do in our neighbourhood that can make individuals, young boys and children, to enjoy sports in a more casual manner.”
“Sir, I have a very simple request and appeal to the Minister. When we think about sports, let us not just think about the structured facilities and the stadiums. They are very important. But sports is enjoyed and played by people, amongst friends and neighbours, in a very casual way, before they get into something more serious. And this is where I think facilities must be accessible, and close as possible to our people. Therefore, I think the HDB is important. The parks and recreation areas are important. While we are trying to promote sports, I feel, as a soccer player, as if there is a war against soccer players. When you look at a piece of very nice ground which looks very inviting, you just want to put on your boots and kick a ball around. There is always a suspicious looking mound or some trees somewhere. What could be a goal post, they put two trees and some other obstacles. And sometimes more blatant, they put a signboard which says "No Ball Games". Sir, I think we have to be very consistent about this, because we really want to encourage sports at the casual level, at the grassroots level. People just want to run around. If we go to the NIE and Chinese High School - these are two very excellent examples - on a weekend, there is a whole sports community that is being developed here, simply because the institutions allow people from the neighbourhood to come and play at no charge. At other places, it is more difficult. And I sympathise with the principals of schools where on weekends, boys will climb over the school fence or break into the fence just to get into a piece of ground where they can play soccer together.”
“Sir, my wish really is that the Foreign Ministry should make the forging of good relations, understanding of our neighbours, the personal responsibility of every citizen because we have an important role to project our way of life and values to the people in the region.”
“But we have to do more so that Singapore, our values and our way of life become better understood by our neighbours. And this should be done at all levels. For example, we need to enhance efforts through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and through its diplomatic missions, who can play a key role to really reflect our way of life and our values. Two, we also need to do more to learn and understand about our neighbours, learn about their culture, appreciate their way of life, their customs and tradition. More of our people should learn and speak the language of our neighbours. For example, some simple suggestions. We can issue guides to our citizens about simple dos and don'ts when they travel to the region which could create a lot of goodwill and good image for our people as they travel abroad because people do complain about Singaporeans when we travel abroad. Here, I want to give a simple experience I had. It did not happen in Malaysia, but, recently, in Chiang Mai. I was there. I was at a night market and I observed a Singapore family trying to bargain with the handicraft stall vendor. And unaware to the Singaporean, he was making bad remarks about the poor quality of the product that he intended to buy. He was about to walk away from the stall thinking that, by doing so, he would get a much better discount, but all this while, not realising the vendor was extremely displeased with his behaviour. I do not think that the Singaporean couple really understood what it meant. And I wonder what the vendor thinks of Singaporeans because these scenes are played day in, day out at Chiang Mai night market.”
“Sir, there are two dimensions of Singapore-Malaysia relations. One is at the official level between governments which, I think, is very close and strong. But I would like to touch on the other dimension which is a personal level between people to people which, I think, is somewhat more complex and problematic. And this is because of the perception gap that exists between what we think Malaysians think of us which can be very vastly different from what Malaysians really think of us. This applies to some other countries in the region as well. It is precisely because of that, relations with Malaysia can be quite unpredictable because, more often than not, it depends on the domestic political climate and environment. Therefore, the forging of people to people relationship between the two countries must be adopted as the most sustainable strategy for us. Here, we have a number of problems. One is how do we progress in our relationship, one from a state where we share many common things together, our historical heritage, our culture, our way of life, to one where increasingly these common factors will diminish as we become very different people and evolve our own way of life, sometimes conflicting but in competition with our neighbours. Then can our relations with Malaysia, and maybe the region in general, be strengthened precisely because of our differences? Would the erosion of these common factors indicate, like many have interpreted, as a deterioration of our relationship? Many would like to view Singaporeans as being more Western and Asian, being legalistic, not warm, too sensitive and too serious. But the answer is that, precisely, we have no other choice because we are what we are.”
“Sir, I am asking the Minister really in privatising some of these GLCs, for the GLCs to take on a role where they can lead, bring along other SMEs together with them, not just a corporate or business mission, but other objectives as well, the larger objective of bringing along the SMEs as they grow, prosper and develop in the region. The GLCs must then take a big brother role and assist the SMEs. Only then their feelings about SMEs and GLCs can be improved.”
“Sir, we have heard in this House how GLCs are being viewed by SMEs as very big, strong, but can be more friendly, because they leave very little room for others to do business and somehow enjoy some special position in securing contracts and Government business. I think the Minister for Trade and Industry has clarified this matter. My own view is that SMEs feel like this about GLCs because they somehow feel uninvolved, uninvited, to take part in the larger process of privatisation, as GLCs go on to expand their business or take part in some very big projects, which is very important to make SMEs feel a sense of ownership, a sense of belonging. They must be the ones to participate in the expansion of the airports and all that. I think the sense of being uninvolved, unattached, uninvited, unappreciated must somehow be changed. Why should the SMEs not, on the other hand, feel that GLCs are some of the most admired companies, someone that they can become partners with, can do business with, as vital organisations that they can link up with, as strategic partners, who can bring them forward as they expand into the region. I think we should do that. I sometimes wonder, as an illustration, Phua Chu Kang Private Limited may be number one in Singapore, Johor and Batam, but if the GLCs were to go into home renovation business, whether they would be interested in the likes of Phua Chua Kang. Because they are seen to be completely different types of people, irrelevant, and incompatible. But on the one hand, I think we see that some of the SMEs are very entrepreneurial. They have close relationships in the region. They can help GLCs negotiate the very difficult business practices.”
“My suggestion is that oversight should be from the inside. Government should encourage self-help groups to appoint more members of other races to their boards of directors and advisors. These people, of course, should have an understanding and empathy of the particular ethnic group, but they will be also able to bring in some other perspectives. For the longer term, Sir, some would urge Government to consider setting a sunset clause to the self-help groups. I think there is some sense to think about this, because while there will always be people in Singapore who need our help, if our multi-racial efforts succeed over time, all of us as Singaporeans will be able to help them. Perhaps that is the view for the longer term, but I think it is important to prepare for that by step-by-step efforts. Sir, I hope the Government will consider these suggestions.”
“Prime Minister Goh has recently encouraged them to work together. I think we all stand, in that sense, between these two extremes of segregation on the one hand, and merger on the other. And we are seeking ways, like the speakers before me, of how to help these separate entities become more cooperative, so that they have the conviction about their own ethnicity, but also the willingness and understanding to compromise when need be. So I want to focus on how we can offer incentives rather than merely exhortations. The first suggestion I have for the Prime Minister's Office is that the Government should give funding. Government already funds dollar-for-dollar schemes for most of the self-help groups. To encourage multi-racial cooperation, Government should establish a new and additional fund. And where two or more self-help groups work together for programmes and events, this new fund would give them an extra dollar to match the expenses. In this sense, we should create financial incentives to help them work together. Exhortation works by moral suasion, but I think, additionally, practical measures to work together are important, because cooperation does take more time. It sometimes is more costly to cooperate because there are meetings, more administration, etc. The second suggestion is to encourage people outside of a racial group to help. They can already give funds to that group, ie, if I am Chinese, there is nothing to stop me from pledging part of my CPF, etc, to another racial group - Indian, Eurasian or Malay. I think more should be done to encourage this and perhaps Government should give a tax benefit to encourage this. The third suggestion I have is one of oversight. Some have suggested that oversight be from outside, from the Prime Minister's Office.”
“45 pm So far, it is good to hear the various community organisations responding, saying that they will do more to enhance racial and ethnic activities. But it is one thing to have an agency like this to monitor and ensure that the state of race relations in Singapore continues to remain very healthy, very much like what the People's Association is doing to ensure that community centres do actually organise such activities, and perhaps penalise those who do not. To such organisations, we can ensure that channels for racial integration are always there and adequately protected. We can have national education programmes in our neighbourhoods - in schools and in workplaces - to mobilise participation of all Singaporeans. The multi-racial agency can also be a body to manage the various accommodation and compromises that are necessary as we proceed towards racial integration. It is necessary to deal with such issues, because people who promote culture, tradition and sometimes religion have a missionary evangelical zeal towards their own culture and tradition, and makes accommodation and compromise very difficult. Finally, Sir, our cultural diversities, including the role of ethnic and minority groups, are factors which, I believe, have and will continue to enrich and strengthen our society, both in culture, politics and economic prosperity. But there is no doubt that this very diversity can also become a very weak factor, and become a threat to social stability in Singapore. And it is for these reasons, Sir, I thought that greater attention should be given to this matter. Mr Simon S. C. Tay (Nominated Member): Sir, I want to join those who have raised concerns that race-based self-help groups may inadvertently lead to segregation.”
“We have heard how and certainly felt very uneasy during recent talks of marginalisation of the Malay-Muslim community. There were concerns of discrimination in the past faced by job-seekers, or of older Malay-Muslims who feel especially vulnerable as they face future structural change in employment. These are extremely explosive issues which can be manipulated. Some countries like UK have race relations Acts to deal with such discrimination on racial grounds. It provides for avenues where people who feel aggrieved or discriminated by employers, for example, can get the necessary protection. It provides for a Code of Practice to ensure equality of opportunities in employment and education. It gives powers to investigate and provide for enforcement and prosecution of offenders. Other than the legal framework, it deals with how, for example, newspapers and magazines can reflect the diversity of arts, culture, even in promotional advertising. But, Sir, I am not suggesting that we have a Race Relations Act in Singapore, because I think nothing can be more damaging than to have such emotive issues being contested in court. So far, we have existing mechanisms to deal with such issues, and mainly through the goodwill of our community and political leaders. However, the essence of these provisions found in the UK Race Relations Act, I think, is useful to us, because we need to find new mechanisms to handle this in a more transparent way. And I repeat the call for setting up of a multi-racial agency, perhaps under the Prime Minister's Office, to deal with issues like this. Or it can be through the Presidential Councils for Religious Harmony and Minority Rights, which can be enlarged and strengthened to take a more proactive stand towards racial integration. 12.”
“Sir, there are Singaporeans who still wonder today why after more than 35 years of harmonious co-existence amongst the various races, the recent public discussions, especially on the recent Malay-Muslim issues, seem to suggest that we are having a more fragile state of race relations in Singapore. Many, I think, have been lulled into thinking these issues are mainly related to our past, the historical baggage that our older generation carries. Younger Singaporeans, however, must be aware that they also need to better understand and manage the diversity of race, language and religion, not only in terms of our past experience, but how they will handle newer issues that will have ethnic implications and how evolving geo-political realities will affect us in ways different from our past. Younger Singaporeans will have to find their own personal relevance and experience and the meaning of racial harmony in their effort towards greater social integration. I fear that many young Singaporeans do not understand that the new and emerging issues can be far more divisive and serious than past threats and challenges. People and groups are now better connected. Minority groups and racial and religious extremists can find comfort and safety with groups elsewhere outside Singapore. Already, we have seen how some domestic issues like education brought about reaction from people outside Singapore. What about issues that are potentially more divisive? For example, what if the digital divide that we talk about would also divide us along racial and ethnic lines? What if a particular ethnic community continues to feel left behind, in terms of education and other opportunities? There have been concerns about stereotyping of minority groups on radio and TV.”
“Like the frog in the slowly boiling water, we would be dead before we even realise we are in danger. That cannot be what the silent majority wants. That cannot be what the Government wants. I urge the Government to act now, as preventive medication is always better and cheaper than curative medication and treatments.”
“As moral standards slide, the regulators are standing by inert. The sins are not serious enough yet. And that convenient cop-out: we already have this and that and other committee. In any case, in the age of converging media, we can no longer have different agencies governing different categories of media. This agency for print, that authority for broadcasting, that board for films, etc, etc. It is indeed time for a Media Watch Council (MWC) with powers to impose penalties on infringements of morals, ethics or bad taste, regardless of the medium. Merely making recommendations for future change, such as what the Publications Advisory Committee and other advisory councils currently do, is a mockery. No one takes note. The penalties imposed by the MWC can range from censure to withdrawal of the programme or, perhaps funding where relevant, or cancellation of the advertisement or modification and amendment. The MWC should also have power to order corrections to be made with the same prominence and in the same space as the original error-ridden publication, and the power to fine those whose infractions are already too late to remedy or too serious to ignore. The MWC can be composed of a mix of lay persons and the pillars of society, as is presently the case in the various advisory committees of MITA. In this way, we can allow for some room for changing value systems in the society at large. I am mindful of the fact that some people say we used not to be able to look at ankles of ladies, now we can. Sir, without such a Council, it is every man and media owner for himself/itself. It is not a pretty situation. If we do not act now, we will slowly but surely acclimatise to the lower standards.”
“And then there is the question of deception and misrepresentation to obtain news stories. Recently, the Straits Times ran stories on the MPs of 1997 who are rising, or who are grassroots MPs. I thank them for listing me as one of the five grassroots MPs. But I agree with my colleague, Mr Leong Horn Kee, that public speeches are no way to measure our work as MPs. What I am more concerned about today, however, is that they got me to send them my curriculum vitae with this letter: "Dear Sir, we need to update our database to ensure it is accurate" and not "Dear Sir, we want your updated CV because we want to write a story about you after comparing your CV with other MPs' CVs." If they did that, they would not have got their story. Who can I complain to to stop what I see as the first step down the slippery slope to yellow journalism? There should be a neutral, independent watchdog body for this. As for advertising ethics, that is supposedly covered by a self-regulatory scheme called the Singapore Code of Advertising Practice (SCAP). That document was last drafted in 1976 and hopelessly out of tune with the times. It is also a code imposed only on members. The new media owners, the electronic publishers, the print publications and the broadcasters - they are all out of reach because they have not joined as members. Besides, the code has no teeth and works as long as the media owners cooperate. In 1997, as CASE President, I presented a proposed new SCAP for the industry body, the Advertising Standards Authority of Singapore, to consider. They are reportedly still considering. There is no will to change and unlike Mr Zulkilfi, I have a dimmer view of media self-regulation. I think there should be, at the very least, co-regulation with the Government.”
“Unrepentant radio programmers even urge critics to switch off the radio if they do not like the programmes. That, to me, Sir, is akin to saying, "Let us allow Playboy magazine to come in and, if any one objects to it, don't buy it." The Straits Times, Today, Streats, Wanbao - what have you - they have all cut close to the fringes of bad taste, murky morals and dodgy ethics. Advertisements masquerading as staff-written feature articles. Here is another example. Today's Today, page 34, a full-page feature on the glories of Dubai and a full page advertisement, next page, on Dubai itself. Coincidental? Not related at all? Tell me another one. Sir, what is wrong with journalists praising their advertisers? Well, for one, deception, or, at the very least, breach of trust. Journalists are supposed to write investigative pieces from an unbiased angle, uninfluenced by monetary inducements. Their views are trusted. Another problem, and I think opposition politicians think they face this alone, is refusal to print corrections to errors in news stories, or printing corrections in obscure inside pages when the erroneous news story appears in banner headlines on the front page. 5.15 pm I remember once when I was CASE President, a certain newspaper published a series of articles laden with errors. Another time, they had a sensational front page story that was based on misinterpretation of what I said, and this is before liberalisation. Both times, I asked for the right to reply. Instead, the Editor negotiated with me for an apology. I had to give in. Why? Well, as CASE President, I needed to be in their good books. They can lionise you, even give you credit for things you did not do, or they can shut you out. As CASE President, I really needed their support for my cause.”
“But I jump ahead of my story. Some years ago, I sat down to watch a television programme which my newspaper TV schedule proclaimed to be a documentary. It was called "The Making of Perfection". I should have known better, as that title was the advertising slogan of a luxury brand of cars. It was 15 minutes of shameless self-praise. For such a programme in America, there are laws requiring the insertion of a footer on the screen stating that it is a paid commercial. Well, sometimes we make mistakes, errors of judgement and, in that case, the TV station admitted it was their fault, and apologised for the wrong labelling of the programme. Still, a legally-mandated footer on screen for such programmes, as also for TV shopping programmes, would have been proper. Some days ago, I saw the gory picture of a girl with 70% burns, in full colour, on the front of two evening newspapers. No surprise to many of us, I suppose. But that picture appeared too in the English tabloids and - take a deep breath - in full colour, on the front page, of a so-called "quality, family newspaper" (but greatly reduced in size, as if that reduces the offence). Newspapers, magazines, television programmes, radio programmes - no one is apologetic these days that there is an increasing supply of sex, blood, scanty clothes and prurient "news stories" - the kind where sexual organs are cut by furious wives, sexual offenders whose offences are described in graphic detail, transsexuals who play volleyball - you name it, they have it. And, in case you want me to give you an example, this is what Mr Zulkifli mentioned [indicating] - on the pretext of reporting the decline in the morals of fashion shows - full colour, scantily-clothed ladies. Sir, would you like a closer look?”
“I suggest that a Press Commission be set up with members from the media representatives and lay persons, and given powers to take complaints from the public and to judge the behaviour of its members according to an agreed code of practice. If need be, this autonomous body can still report to the Minister. The Commission can, for example, settle disputes on unethical practices and unfair behaviour by the media. For example, the recent revelation of the financial circumstance of a TCS actress raised in some people the legitimate fears of media intrusion into what should be the private lives of individuals, especially of persons who are neither officials nor public figures. Secondly, it could pave the way for further liberalisation, if the system proves media capability to sustain responsible and ethical behaviour. Sir, I think there are adequate laws and provisions that currently exist to ensure that self-regulation will not lead to a free-for-all situation or an adversarial or ideological partisan media environment. I, for one, would agree that the existing defamation laws, for example, must remain in force to ensure that the media continue to strike the appropriate balance between the protection of regulation and freedom of expression. But I am hoping that the Minister acknowledges that in the long-run, self-regulation is a necessary step in the on-going process of media liberalisation. Assoc. Prof. Toh See Kiat: Thank you, Sir, for letting me join in the debate, and thank you, Encik Zulkifli, for the teaser. We live in a liberal age and our various monopolistic and cartelistic businesses are being introduced to competition. Telecommunications, power generation, you have it. and, now, television and newspapers. We are also becoming very liberal in our values.”
“However, I find it very ironic that while the local media is trusted to serve the general good of Singapore, protecting our culture and religious values, and recognised as important partners in nation building, yet it is not good enough to regulate or self-regulate or look after some of its internal interests. My own view is that the press has earned the public trust to be self-regulated, and we should encourage this, at least for two very important reasons. 1. Further liberalisation can be expected. New technologies will mean greater availability and accessibility of all kinds of news media being delivered right into our homes. We must, therefore, start paving the way for the media themselves to establish some of the rules and regulations in which they operate. It would be increasingly difficult for the Government to continue to regulate the media in its existing form in the face of new and ever-increasing information channels brought about by new technologies. A responsible media is ultimately better placed to decide what is desirable and what is not. If we can achieve this, just like some of the regulations on Internet, then regulations on our media can be administered with a lighter touch. 2. We still need to do a lot more to overcome the unfortunate negative perceptions associated with the local media implied by the statutory regulations - that of heavy-handed control of censorship, or the encouragement of censorship, and the fear that the very organisations which are more often the subject of hard news, ie, Government and institutions, are judging the rules on how they should be covered.”
“Sir, I am a bit more optimistic about the experiment on media liberalisation so far, compared to the previous speakers, and rise to urge the Minister to allow and consider some regulation of the media to keep pace with the expected further liberalisation down the road. Sir, at a recent meeting of the feedback group on mass media, participants expressed the view that media liberalisation has brought about greater choices and variety of news reporting, with newspapers and broadcasting stations targeting on specific niche markets. This is very good because readers can now choose the papers and TV channels that would best cater to their own needs. And, fortunately, despite the competition and availability of free newspapers, we have so far escaped the much-feared negative impact that media liberalisation could bring, as experienced in some countries. Newspapers, in general, have not been tempted or distracted to sell sex, sleaze and crime as a means to boost circulation, but there is one qualifier. This afternoon, I am tempted to change my mind after Prof. Toh See Kiat distracted my attention and showed me the centrefold of today's Today newspaper. A large part of the success, except for this exception, is primarily due to the restriction on ownership of the media that still remains in the hands of trusted Singapore Government-owned companies, which carries with it special voting rights. Generally the press has been responsible in balancing its rights and responsibilities, trusted for its role in public service, and impartial in balancing reports and views - sometimes, I notice, taking pains to separate information from opinion.”
“Not all will succeed, except the fact that the ideal and necessary pre-conditions for research may not be there in many SMEs which are usually under-staffed and may not have the specialist talents one would find in MNCs; (3) Expertise from local tertiary institutions, especially from the polytechnics, are a potential source of research expertise. Make them available to these enterprises. Allow and encourage them to take up secondary appointments in SMEs; (4) Government research institutions should allocate part of their research for the specific benefit of SMEs, especially on the softer aspect of research, like marketing intelligence and development, helping companies to enter new markets, cutting costs and developing right marketing strategies which are certainly more urgent and important to these SMEs than hard research. I therefore encourage that the Minister review some of these criteria in allocating R&D grants for SMEs.”
“2% in MNCs, it does not seem to bring about the desired result, if you consider the number of patents being awarded arising from these R&Ds compared to research conducted by higher institutions, Government and public research institutions. If one looks at the criteria for applying these grants for R&D, it is clear that it is targetted to assist companies that will conduct research to create and discover new knowledge that will perhaps revolutionise the industry. However, the fact is that R&D in SMEs is not about these things that would revolutionise the industry. It is a lot more basic. It is about process improvement, finding and making that little improvement and differences that would allow the company to go one step forward and for many, to survive another day, to fight another challenge and to win the next contract. It is not likely to emerge a new patent, which is one of the three criteria in allocating R&D funds. Therefore, R&D funds should be made more easily available to SMEs to conduct basic research which, I believe, in any case forms a small but an important part of a larger research network that would create a healthy R&D environment of knowledge creation. I have a number of suggestions for the Minister: (1) To make these funds more accessible for such basic research, because the aim is to encourage research activities within the company and hopefully to spur bigger attempts in the future; (2) We should be realistic about the goals.”
“Sir, I rise to ask the Minister to do more to help SMEs to improve their R&D activities. Companies must innovate in order to thrive. R&D is not only a luxury of Government, huge corporations or large MNCs, but a necessary survival tool for most companies. In the face of increasing competition brought about by a more open economy, R&D is a vital competitive edge, one that determines whether a company wins or loses a contract, between making or breaking the company. In the last couple of days I was involved in a major tender, one where the incumbent is a local SME, but it was unable to retain the business because it was unable to help the client grow the business in the region and has a lack of business process. This really typifies the kind of challenges that SMEs face as they try to grow their business in the region. R&D is crucial to creating, innovating productivity and process improvement which are prerequisites for SMEs in preparing for the challenges ahead, ie, (1) facing an unfamiliar country and market condition; (2) adapting its products and services to consumers of different backgrounds, tastes and preferences; (3) confronting a very complex business practice overseas that is more likely to be very protective of the domestic market and interests, and more often than not we are seen as very suspicious aliens. Yet, despite all these, SMEs are spending too little time and perhaps effort on R&D. According to the National Survey of R&D 1999, although some SMEs spend an average of 3.5% of their total expenditure on R&D, compared to, say, 2.7% in large corporations and 1.”
“At any point in time along this scale should he commit an act whereby a certain penalty is attracted, he will be given notice. Like I have said in my speech, he will be given notice that this action is impending and then to explain to the Minister or to plead his case. So that is the spirit behind the points scheme. It should work well because it would mean that people can operate their businesses more effectively and more efficiently. Mr Simon Tay asked whether or not the Speakers' Corner can be extended in concept to indoor stadiums. Again, this is not a new point. I think he will know that. But like I have said just now, there is no need to do that because if you have a talk inside a hotel or other premises, you apply for a licence, you will get it. It is better in fact not to restrict people to one venue. In fact, under the present scheme, there are so many venues. You want to have a talk inviting the public, you apply for a licence, and the point, like I have said, is the ease with which applications are granted. Prof. Chin asked about the timeframe. Yes, in an earlier answer, we have said that for establishment licences, the current target is eight weeks; for ad hoc licences, the current target is three weeks. All these will be lowered. Because now with the improvement in the Act in terms of administration, with less applications coming to the PELU officer, these timings would be lowered. So PELU will work towards lowering the timeframe taken for application. I am quite certain that with all these improvements, the time will indeed be lowered. So that is something that all applicants can look forward to. I think those are the main points that I have answered.”
“Let me assure the Members that this scheme is not something to catch the applicants or make it more difficult for them to comply with conditions. You must understand this scheme and the spirit of the Bill, which is to liberalise it, which will make punishment more transparent, more certain and more graduated. This demerit scheme only applies to establishment licences, not ad hoc licences. So there is nothing to fear that with a demerit system, ad hoc applications for performance of the arts or meetings or talks will be affected. The scheme cannot fit into an ad hoc mould, but only for establishment licences, because there is a standing relationship where the licence is granted for one year, two years, three years, and the person runs the pub. And there will be conditions given to him when he is given a licence to run the pub, for example, closing hours, maintenance of register of employees, he must not employ illegal foreign workers or there must not be gambling or drug taking. So these are conditions. Some of the conditions, of course, are more serious than others. So not maintaining a register may not be so serious. So just like the Driver Improvement Points Scheme (DIPS), all these will be set up, and then the points will be allocated. So he will know where he is at this scale, and what he must not do. Because he will then know that if he breaches these conditions, then this number of points will be added on and this penalty will then befall him. Even in terms of penalty, this demerit scheme gives flexibility to PELU because new penalties will be added, like imposition of a security deposit - that is a penalty that will be added on this list - or curtailment of closing hours.”
“For example, PELU will look at the suitability of the applicant, whether he has got an adverse record, and also look at the suitability of the place. If it is an establishment licence, is it in a residential area? PELU will look at what is the nature of the entertainment being provided. So these are some of the factors PELU will look at. I will say that in practice, especially for establishment licences, when there is this to-ing and fro-ing between PELU and the applicant, and ultimately if the application is turned down, he will have a sense as to why his application has been turned down. And indeed, if he does not, he can ask for reasons. Mr Zulkifli makes a point - why not PELU give the reasons upfront. So let me assure him that PELU has nothing to hide. The Act provides for the applicant to ask for reasons within seven days and when he does that, reasons are given, after which he has 14 days to appeal to the Minister. So even though the licensing officer does have a discretion, ultimately should there be a rejection and an appeal, it is the Minister, a representative of the Government, who will determine according to policies that are laid down, in particular public interest, public safety, public order, whether or not the event should go ahead. And I think that is constitutional and proper because the Minister is an elected representative and he has to bear in mind all these wide considerations. If the appellant is still unhappy, he can go to court. He can ask for judicial review. So the courts are always there. Mr Jeyaretnam seems to allude that there is no recourse to court. He is not correct. Prof. Chin Tet Yung makes this point about the demerit scheme which I think Mr Zulkifli also makes.”
“A suggestion has been made whether or not PELU is the correct agency to do this. PELU currently is a one-stop agency for all these activities. Prof. Chin makes the argument, and Mr Simon Tay makes a strong pitch, that the arts should be treated differently because it may not be strictly law and order. There may be a need to balance the need for artistes to express themselves against the wider public interest. Let me first say that there is reason for PELU to be involved because there could be law and order considerations. For example, if a play does invoke racial and religious sensitivities and does agitate a community, it may lead to unhappiness in the community and disharmony in society. Having said this, in the specific area of arts performances, there is some basis for a review to be done by PELU on whether it should be the one-stop agency. Let me assure Members that the point is taken and PELU will do a review and MHA will consult MITA on what is the best position for Singapore, taking into consideration the development of the arts and also the need to preserve public interest and public safety. Back to the licensing officer's discretion. He does not exercise discretion in vacuo. Because if you look at the Act, section 14 states the broad grounds on which his discretion will be exercised, whether it may lead to a breach of peace, whether it may be offensive, immoral or subversive, or whether it would lead to any injury. So these are the broad factors. Within this framework, there are also specific factors, both for ad hoc licences and for establishment licences. Indeed, Mr Simon Tay has raised a parliamentary question on this, asking what these factors are, and we have replied. So it is no secret.”
“Mr Jeyaretnam makes a song and dance about it. Again, he makes no new points. He repeats old points and he does not make correct points. Worse, he does not stay in the House to listen to what is the correct position. He is not here. As Mr Zulkifli, a layman, points out, section 14 does not say that every Singaporean has a right to free speech and he can say whatever he wants, wherever he wants, whenever he wants. If that happens, what happens in some other countries where there may be freer speech will happen in Singapore. The courts have in fact decided that the Act is constitutional. That is the main point. This is really a red herring. How about the discretion that is exercised under the Act? Mr Jeyaretnam again makes a song and dance about it. Mr Zulkifli mentions it. The Act does give discretion to the licensing officer. But let us not forget that he does not act alone. He acts in consultation with relevant agencies. For example, he will consult, if it is an establishment of a pub, the local police division, and look at the suitability of the site. He will consult the NAC. In fact, except only in those rare cases where, for example, there may be racial and religious sensitivities, NAC's views have prevailed. That is what PELU tells me because NAC is, in fact, the body to advise on arts topics. But all of us would agree here that in those instances where there may be higher overriding considerations, as happened in the recent Talaq example, where MUIS had come out with very strong objections on the performance of the play, even with the conditions that were proposed by NAC, PELU ultimately decides. It takes all these views into consideration. It may accord greater weight to some of these views. But ultimately it will decide.”
“But the real question is: has the regime hindered the giving of talks? Here the answer is a clear no, because PELU has all these years administered the Act with a light touch. Indeed, in 1999, out of about 6,000 applications processed, only 64 applications, ie, 1%, were rejected. These were rejected for good reasons. The point I want to make is that some of these perceived hardships that people very loosely talk about do not exist. In fact, even Opposition party members will know that though they are required to apply for licences from PELU, these have been very freely granted. They have organised many talks and forums. If they apply in good time they are also approved in good time. Indeed, the class exemption will also benefit Opposition MPs on the ground because in a community event some of these activities like karaoke singing and so forth will now be exempted. That is an important point to note. The Act is not to catch targeted groups of people. Mr Zulkifli talks about civil society groups. Civil society groups will, if they put hand to heart, know that the Act also does not inhibit them. Indeed, some will even say that over the last two or three years there has been a renaissance in this area because many talks have been organised by many civil society groups over this time, including Mr Jeyaretnam's Open Singapore Centre. The Think Centre has organised some forums. Other groups like the Partner for Active Community and the Working Group Committee on Civil Society, and those Members who are in the societies will know that they have been able to secure licences for these talks. There is no question that these amendments or PELU or the Public Entertainments Act inhibit the growth of civil societies. A fundamental point is this. Is the Act unconstitutional?”
“As Members read in the amendments, certain categories have been removed from the ambit of the Act, events that are already covered in other Acts like fireworks display and also events that do not pose law and order problems. This shows an active mindset on the part of the Ministry, the police and PELU to see which activity can be taken out. Indeed, with class exemption, even more activities will be taken out. But the question then arises: can more be taken out? A point has been made by many speakers whether or not talks and meetings should be regulated, in particular indoor talks and meetings. Mr Jeyaretnam may call for the total taking out of all talks and meetings. But I think many Members in this House will agree that for outdoor talks in particular, it is very important to have the public entertainment licence because in outdoor settings, law and order problems can arise. But does it therefore mean that in an indoor setting there is no need to regulate these talks? The answer is no, because in multi-racial and multi-religious Singapore, there is still a need to see what are the talks being conducted on the ground, in particular talks that may be subversive or inflammatory in terms of race and religion. There may be also other topics, for example, one of the indoor talks that PELU rejected was a talk on picking of locks. This was rejected in January 1999 because police felt that this is not a very good topic. It may attract all kinds of people who may want to learn how to pick locks. We learn, for example, over the Internet how to make bombs. That is coming on stream. If we allow people just to give talks without some regulation in compact, multi-racial and multi-religious Singapore, that is not advisable.”
“Indeed, getai will be exempted from the Public Entertainments Act. Already this year a lighter touch was used to regulate the Seventh Month Festival where there were exemptions given under the Miscellaneous Offences Act for auctions. But if we do this for auctions and do not do that for getai, there will be anomaly. For this year, public entertainment licences were still required for getai. But under the class exemption approach, public entertainment licences will not be required. So Seventh Month Festival operators will know that there is a regime here where there is no need for exemptions but they will have to satisfy certain conditions, which is fair. As long as they satisfy those conditions, they will be allowed to organise their functions. One condition would be for them to notify police at least seven days in advance of the event. This is not to hinder them or to put a blanket on their activities. It is good for police to know where some of these getais will be operating because in the Seventh Month Festival period many will be performed all over Singapore. So Police will have pre-knowledge of where possible problems may arise. It is not that they will arise but it is good for the local police division to know that. That is something which I am sure all Seventh Month Festival operators will be very happy about. This year's event went off well despite the fact that many people had to adjust, including the operators, grassroots leaders and so forth. When we take this approach, it will be a win-win situation. Sir, another point is the scope of the Bill. Here again, these amendments signify the fact that the Ministry, Police and PELU know that the Act cannot be over-reaching.”
“I agree that there must be some control where public safety, health or order is threatened by such activities. It may be right in such situations to expect licensing. But there must be many other situations where we should be able to enjoy the public performances of our multi-talented population and others with a minimum of red tape. The need for the Public Entertainment Licensing Unit to take a balanced view is critical and I hope that the new measures will not be a step back from cultivating a vibrant art and culture environment in Singapore. Sir, on this note, I support the Bill. Assoc. Prof. Ho Peng Kee: Mr Speaker, Sir, first, let me thank all the speakers for speaking on the Bill and thank all the other speakers, except Mr Jeyaretnam, for supporting the Bill. Sir, the speakers have caught the spirit behind these amendments. PELU does not stand still. The Public Entertainments Act does not stand still. It has been fine tuning its regime over the last few years. For example, some Members who know will realise that now for rock concerts, dancing is permitted provided safety conditions are satisfied. Also, in some of these pubs where jazz music is played, if the space is appropriate and if the operator is confident that there will be no law and order problems, members of the audience can also join in. Indeed, over time, not so much in a major way, certain activities have been exempted from the Act, for example, films that are shown in cinemas. This is a big exercise because the time is ripe to look at how the Act can be further amended to make regulation even lighter, a lighter touch to regulation. One approach will, of course, be class exemptions. Mr Goh Choon Kang has asked whether or not getai will also be exempted.”
“The question is: why are they not because they too have on occasions put on public shows? On the other hand, it is odd to find the inclusion of the Professional Engineers Board or the Board of Architects on this list. In fact, not all professional bodies are on the list. For example, the Law Society of Singapore, which regularly runs meetings and road shows to advise people of rights and so on, is not on the list. Perhaps the Minister of State can clarify how this list came about and whether it would be revised at regular intervals. I come now to the problem I raised earlier in January concerning the time taken for processing applications. In January this year, the Minister for Home Affairs answered a question relating to this matter and his answer was as follows, and I quote: 'Police has publicly pledged to process 90% of all establishment licence applications within eight weeks and ad hoc licence applications within three weeks.' It further added that in 1999, more than 50% of all applications were processed within a week while 91% were processed within three weeks. This may suggest a situation that is relatively under control and that the police acted reasonably speedily and they should be congratulated for that. But I hope that the Minister of State can reassure us that there will be a better effort made to expedite licensing procedures and also ultimately to cut down on the number of activities for which a licence is necessary. Sir, creative talents require a certain space where involvement of people should be spontaneous and immediate. Such situations are not likely to occur in Singapore if we exert too much control over the expression of creativity in public.”