Zulkifli bin Baharudin
Singapore
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the Minister spoke about concessions Singapore has made. But it appears like surprises to me. My question is: on the issue of land, bridge, etc, did the Malaysian government inform us earlier that these are to be part of the deal or did these matters surface just during the discussions with the Senior Minister?”
“We need to help companies and workers to cope with this restructuring. The right way to do it is by upgrading industries and training and retraining workers.”
“Sir, I am enlightened to hear the response from the Deputy Prime Minister. But I seem to have gathered some feedback that as and when people say that they have a criminal record, they do not even get an interview.”
“Sir, my wish really is that the Foreign Ministry should make the forging of good relations, understanding of our neighbours, the personal responsibility of every citizen because we have an important role to project our way of life and values to the people in the region.”
“My suggestion is that oversight should be from the inside. Government should encourage self-help groups to appoint more members of other races to their boards of directors and advisors.”
“Sir, I am asking the Minister really in privatising some of these GLCs, for the GLCs to take on a role where they can lead, bring along other SMEs together with them, not just a corporate or business mission, but other objectives as well, the larger objective of bringing along the SMEs as they grow, prosper and develop in the region.”
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“It can be a place where they can all meet together with one another. Because for entrepreneurs like these, they need a whole host of people, network, in order to work together to synergise and compete with major corporations like GLCs or MNCs. But now they have to make multiple trips to many Government departments to get their businesses registered and going, from EDB to TDB, to PSB, and a host of many other licensing agencies, just to get their businesses going. Apart from the other legal, financial and secretarial services that are essential to start and run a business, the centre could serve as a place where they can get information and other administrative service from the Government, for example, all under one roof. They can also share cost. For example, a centre like this where they can share administrative cost of rental, which is very expensive, and other secretarial services. In the process, I think it will help lower the start-up costs and barriers of entry for these entrepreneurs. And I hope a centre like this, if properly done, can also help symbolise the strong support and importance that Singapore gives to budding entrepreneurs.”
“Sir, ask any successful entrepreneur today what are the problems they face when starting their business venture, you will hear a very familiar story. Among others are: (1) the lack of support and market; (2) it is expensive to start a new business in Singapore; (3) too many rules and regulations; (4) problems getting loans from local banks; (5) not many people wanting to work on new ventures or local companies; and (6) Government incentives which are generally not targeted towards new ventures like these. And most people rely on their savings or family support system to help them, and on their own, with plenty of guts and big appetite for risk-taking. In the US, for example, there is a very strong and well-developed venture capital market. They are on the look out for good bright ideas. In fact, it is possible to make a lot of money just selling ideas in the US. Here, more often than not, it is not worth anything. In the US, there is also a very strong culture among major corporations to outsource portions of their business to their employees who then, in turn, become independent contractors or consultants, service providers to the company. This will help ease the burden of entry. These companies can then leverage on the infrastructure provided by these major corporations. In Singapore, sadly, we do not have such a culture or practice here. While I am very happy to note that there are new initiatives being announced earlier to help, and I am referring to the Committee to promote technopreneurs and the changes in the law on bankruptcy, I would like to propose to the Minister that we set up a one-stop business centre for budding entrepreneurs to help them overcome some of these problems that we have mentioned earlier.”
“Unfortunately, whenever this issue is being discussed and featured in the media, the same prominent commanders and pilots are highlighted, perhaps giving the false impression that the Malays have not made sufficient progress over this period of time. Perhaps, the Minister could elaborate this and hopefully enlighten the House on some of the progress Malays have made and to allay some of their fears that there are peculiar policies applied to the Malays with regard to the enlistment, recruitment and deployment of Malays in the SAF. Some still feel that there are many Malays who are exempted from National Service and the various high training programmes available to them in the SAF. In this regard, Sir, in connection with the other policies, especially defence expenditure policies, I wish to highlight the fact that we cannot go on expanding our defence policies and putting more effort into it if racial issues are allowed to divide us. I think it should not. The other point is that there was an earlier suggestion in the House that perhaps UN intervention could be one alternative to preserve peace and security with us. I pray safe that they will not come because when that happens, this is the end of the country.”
“Sir, the position of Malays in the SAF is now a widely discussed issue amongst members of the Malay community. I think this is a good development because it shows that we can discuss this matter quite openly and objectively. In the past many thought that this is a sensitive matter not to be discussed. But this is also an internal matter. I think the Malay community has demonstrated their strong views about the need to maintain this as an internal matter. The debate also highlighted a number of important points which I wish to raise here. (1) The Malays see their participation in the SAF as crucial in reflecting their role in Singapore. They want to be called up for National Service and prefer in fact to be enlisted in the SAF than even in the Police or Civil Defence. (2) The Malays see the SAF as a key institution and have a strong desire to see sufficient number of Malays occupying positions in the highest level. However, there are some who believe that to recognise the vital role the Malays play in the SAF, there may be a need to help them accelerate the process by giving them some special positions to occupy top positions in the SAF. I personally have a similar wish to see suitably qualified Malays holding high positions in the SAF, not because he is a Malay, but because he is good and who happens to be a Malay. I want to see a Malay General because he is a good General who has earned his stripes. I would like to see a Malay President's Scholar prepared to serve full time in the SAF. Therefore, we must make sure that, while this remains our desire, they must earn it and meritocracy must be the main determinant of the selection process. Perhaps, there are others who are also unaware of the progress Malays have made in the SAF over the years.”
“The recent debate on discrimination faced by job seekers, if not well managed, can lead to problematic race relations. We have agencies like the CDCs that are now tasked to forge community bonding amongst our people. Perhaps we can have programmes where self-help groups are encouraged to come together; all this for the purpose of exposing our people, especially our children, to have more contact with friends of other races, religions and economic backgrounds.”
“Why not make the Ministry of Manpower a first-stop placement agency and help search or find another job for all types of employees? Why not training for managers and executives too? They too need to be retrained, retooled and reskilled. Where can they turn to? Can the civil service and statutory boards, for example, take in more part-time or outsource most of their work to these self-employed professionals, not only to support these people in times of economic crisis but perhaps to make Government lean and, hopefully, develop a whole new industry of self-employed people? This is becoming increasingly common in some countries like the US, but I suspect will be more significant in Singapore too in the future. Encouraging positive attitudes towards conservation Recently, the issue of water supply has brought about greater consciousness amongst Singaporeans about the need for conservation. I would therefore like to see, in fact, in the Budget, a more specific attempt to motivate and incentivise, eg, property developers and industrialists to invest in energy conservation programmes and equipment as part of our consistent and long-term effort to make energy conservation a way of life. However, in reality, some of these equipment tend to be more expensive than conventional ones and, until and unless we help develop a local market that is large enough to support conservation efforts, energy conservation will continue to remain expensive and inconvenient. Developing social cohesion We have seen recent attempts to test social cohesion and multi-racial understanding of our people. Fortunately, Singaporeans are determined not to let foreigners interfere with our social issues or agenda. However, we cannot take this for granted.”
“I hope to see a more focused and determined effort to nurture and financially motivate SMEs so that they can enhance their capacity and capability to be truly regional players. Assisting the retrenched and unemployed The retrenched or unemployed are not just unskilled or poorly skilled workers. It affects also the skilled managers and executives. Even good and hardworking staff can be retrenched. For most of these people, the need for help is urgent and immediate. Not many have enough savings to help them cope with long periods of unemployment. With depreciating asset values, selling off their homes and cars may no longer be a viable option. They cannot think of retraining or other long-term solutions. To them, the most pressing need is to get a job and ease the pain of their financial burden. The subsidies for rental, utilities and S&C charges are timely. But I hope the Minister would be more generous in allocating funds for welfare, bursaries and scholarships and to make them more accessible. We should do more to help their children and families. The Government can also help lessen the burden in other ways by being more understanding in the collection of various Government and statutory board charges and fees. We must ensure that deficit spending does result in either job creation for Singaporeans or helping them ease the burden. Deficit spending does not necessarily translate to higher GDP growth because of the large import content of our spending. But as long as it creates jobs or helps them pay their bills, it would improve the welfare of Singaporeans. While the Manpower Ministry and NTUC have done quite a lot to help retrenched workers, we can do more to help a higher level of managers and executives.”
“We can create long-term goodwill, for example, by increasing the number of students under the ASEAN scholarship programme, or perhaps offer training and scholarships not only in educational institutions but to broaden the scope of this programme, eg, to train other professionals in the region. Government institutions, eg, hospitals and social agencies, can all participate in this effort to strengthen relationships and reinforce ties with our friends in the region. Enhancing the capacity and capability of SMEs A large number of SMEs are traders and distributors. They have strong entrepreneurial skills, but many do not own their own unique product of service. Most of them are suppliers to MNCs. We need to do more to help our SMEs. They must be nurtured to be a strong base of our economy, very much like in Taiwan, because an economy that is too dependent on MNCs can be vulnerable. If these companies decide to withdraw from the region to support their local industries back home, our economy can be severely affected. While the Local Enterprise Finance Scheme has been expanded, it is still primarily to finance plant and machinery and for investment in Singapore. What is needed is to help SMEs to strengthen their presence and operation in the region, and to support initiatives to explore new markets in other regions. We need to do more to encourage SMEs to merge and form bigger companies and be better able to withstand increasing competition. GLCs can take the lead by forming strategic alliances and partnerships with local SMEs. This may be a difficult task but one that we cannot run away from, because it is extremely important that our SMEs are strong and large enough to be regional or perhaps global players.”
“Can businesses and economic relationships not be based on mutually rewarding principles continue to survive the occasional and, of course, of late, a little bit more frequent, political challenges? Like it or not, we cannot change our geography. The region will continue to be our major market for our products and hinterland to expand our industrial base. It is still the region we know best where our relations are still strong, where our best hopes lie. Our forefathers brought prosperity to this country as middlemen. With only goodwill and friendship with neigbours as tools of trade, now, more than ever before, we need to re-establish this goodwill between our people and our businesses to be strong enough to withstand the occasional political hiccups. We need to strengthen and deepen this relationship with our neighbours beyond political relationships, which can be uncertain, but between businesses and between people. We should send a strong signal to encourage and motivate companies to develop and reinforce this relationship. We should not let failures to discourage us from continued commitment to this region. The financial policies and budget allocation can reflect this by making the necessary provision to assist these companies to establish their presence and infrastructure in the region. The economy in the region may be bad, but there are still good companies out there. We can help local companies to develop strategic relations through mergers and acquisitions, as this may be the right time to forge such relationship. On the humanitarian front, we can do more to help and assist our neighbours, through food aid and other social projects.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise in support of the Budget. I would describe this as a strategic budget, one for the long term and one that would allow us to take advantage of the opportunities when the region recovers. Because we can expect some intense competition from neighbours when and should their restructuring efforts succeed in making them more competitive and efficient. It is a predictable budget but, in this case, it is good because it demonstrates that we are not distracted by short-term challenges and remain focused on fundamental principles that have proven to be successful. I would like, however, to highlight five main areas which I think deserve more attention from the Minister: (1) strengthening our commitment and presence in the region; (2) enhancing the capacity and capability of our SMEs; (3) assisting the retrenched and unemployed; (4) encouraging and motivating positive attitudes towards conservation; and (5) developing social cohesion. Strengthening our commitment and presence in the region Despite great efforts in regionalisation, we still face many problems. We hear of many failures than success. What has happened to our Growth Triangle? Our investments in China continue to throw up many surprises. But such is the nature and risk of investment despite the fact that we are most familiar with the region. One of the problems we have today is the inability to reconcile the dichotomy between political and economic relationships, that when political relationship goes through a bad patch, it seems to discourage many companies from committing themselves or investing in the country. Should this be so?”
“This programme provides support through learning support coordinators to children who have difficulties in English and it provides them additional teaching and coaching in English so that they increase their reading age in English and that will help them in all their other subjects.”
“Can I ask the Minister whether, that being the case, a CL `B' equivalent in this case may not be necessary for Malay students and, secondly, if Mathematics, Science and English are some of the weaker subjects faced by Malay students, would the Minister consider introducing special programmes and syllabus to enable Malay students to cope with these subjects? RAdm Teo Chee Hean: Whether or not ML `B' is required is a matter of continuing discussion which we are having. We have made no decision on that yet. Whether or not we want to have special programmes for Mathematics and Science and a special syllabus, perhaps a Mathematics `B' or Science `B'? We already have at the secondary school level Mathematics and Science at various levels. For example, we have Additional Mathematics and Mathematics D. We have the pure sciences, Physics, Chemistry and Biology, and we have the combined sciences, Physics with Chemistry, Physics with Biology, etc. So students can take a combination of subjects which suits their aptitudes and which they think they can do well in and which would be most appropriate considering what further education they want to go on to. For Mathematics and Science, it would not be beneficial to have a separate syllabus, particularly if it is tailored for Malay students, because it would not serve the purpose of providing a solid foundation that is necessary for progression, particularly in technical and science courses, in further education. But, say, in English, for example, for the EM1 and EM2 students, although we do not have a different standard, we do have a programme which is beginning to show quite good success at the lower primary level, Primary 1 and Primary 2, and it is called the learning support programme.”
“Sir, I would like to ask the Minister, compared to other subjects, for example, Mathematics, Science and English, are Malay students facing problems in learning the Malay language? RAdm Teo Chee Hean: The Malay students in our schools have done progressively better over the years. But there is still room for improvement. Our Malay students can get more out of our education system than they are getting today. But their performance in the Malay language is not the factor that hampers their progression through our education system. In fact, it is the other subjects, English, Mathematics and Science, for example, which hamper their progression through our education system.”
“We can have a paper that mirrors the diverse views of our society, yet not with the self-appointed watchdog of Government. If we do not have it now, we should work progressively to have it in the future. But press reform must be made part and parcel of this process.”
“In the UK, for example, there is a Press Complaint Commission which is a voluntary non-statutory body established and funded by the newspaper and magazine industry, which considers, adjudicates, conciliates and resolves complaints of unfair treatment by the press, and ensures that the press maintains the highest professional standards with respect for generally recognised freedom, notably freedom of expression, the public's right to know and the right of the press to operate and free from improper pressure. Newspaper and magazine conduct is judged against a code of practice. This has been drafted by editors and agreed by the industry and ratified by the Commission. Its members are editors of national, regional and local newspapers and magazines and also from other fields, including Members of Parliament. In the US, libel laws and self-appointed press monitors act as checks and balances against journalistic excesses both inside and outside the industry. Some newspapers appoint ombudsman to investigate public complaints and publish self-criticism and enforce internal standards. While there are those in Singapore who view that the media in US is dangerously adversarial, very few mass circulation newspapers, magazines and broadcast stations are in fact affiliated with political organisations. In fact, purposeful non-affiliation has been the hallmark of American press characterised by both professional pride and independence arising from self and economics sufficiency. Considering the state of our society, Sir, we can and should have an independent press, though not necessarily unregulated. We can have an ideological non-partisan newspaper, though not one with political affiliation. We can have a sparkling debate, as Mr J.B. Jeyaretnam says, though not an adversarial one.”
“(4) There is also the fear that competition may lead to an adversarial press and Government relationship, as in some foreign examples, leading to being a watchdog of Government. The press is constantly on the lookout for mistakes of Government. But we must view debate quite differently from adversarial arguments, debate as a necessary value in the search for a solution to common problems. It presupposes that the debaters are worried by the same questions. It brings new life and ideas and facts and makes possible a better solution. (5) While the press in Singapore is generally credited for a reliable and accurate source of information, it suffers, quite unfairly, some credibility problems when it comes to coverage of local domestic issues. Readers have learnt to read between the lines. Unfortunately, bad news about opposition are often regarded as politically motivated even when they are not. Having an alternative or independent newspaper can do much to remove this credibility gap. Press reforms can also lead to a more vibrant community-based newspaper, something which I believe is much needed here in Singapore as part of our effort to forge a stronger community spirit amongst neighbours. This is especially relevant in Singapore as housing redevelopment has uprooted families to new neighbourhoods. A community-based newspaper is able to make people aware of their surroundings and the changes that are taking place. They can do things that national newspapers do not. They can help instill a sense of belonging. If these are not sufficient to assure the Government, I suggest that we can introduce other relevant measures as applied in some other countries.”
“Jeyaretnam's view, I think journalists in Singapore have placed a high level of importance on public service, impartial reporting and balanced opinion. But the Government must ask itself, even if the original reasons for media controls have to do with national security, is this the way media controls are actually applied today? There is the danger that the present situation may in the future lead to the press being managed to make Government officials' job easier because decisions can be made with a minimum of fuss or debate. If this is so, then it is time to review our media regulations. I would like to raise a number of issues, hopefully, to persuade the Government to review the present laws. (1) The concern that the local market is not big enough for a second or third newspaper company to survive. I think it is more appropriate for a private enterprise to decide and should be left to market forces. Readers as citizens and consumers can decide for themselves the newspaper that is worthy of their trust and patronage. (2) Competition can bring about not only diversity of views but generate creativity and efficiency in management and operations. As the bulk of revenues from newspaper companies comes from advertising, increased competition is more likely to bring about more benefits to consumers. We must be aware of the dangers of monopolies as they are seldom efficient. (3) The belief that ideas must be able to conflict with one another and given a chance to be heard because participation and disagreement in shaping public policy is an important part of our nation building process and, certainly, an important concept of publication, otherwise newspapers will not be able to fulfil adequately their role as mirror of society.”
“If controls were lifted tomorrow, I doubt that they will go and start a riot. As the Chairman of the feedback group on mass media, I frequently receive feedback that we should have another newspaper outside the SPH. But Singaporeans are still generally concerned about the negative repercussions of extremism and chauvinism. In this regard, I support the existing laws that limit what can and cannot be printed or broadcast in Singapore. This will ensure that a racially chauvinistic press will not emerge. Furthermore, there are provisions within the legal framework to handle undesirable or subversive press. For example, the Sedition Act which prohibits publication or speeches that exhibit seditious tendencies, the Undesirable Publications Act which can ban publication contrary to public interest, and the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act which can restrict the circulation of any publication sold in Singapore. These provide adequate safeguards against chauvinistic tendencies. In essence, Sir, what the reader wants is an independent press or, on the other, the Government may want a press that is fully accountable to the state. This appears to be fundamentally irreconcilable. But my contention is that it is not necessarily mutual or exclusive as it may first appear. What is generally misunderstood is the role journalists play in maintaining independence in ethical principles in respecting the conduct of the press. This means recognition of the importance of fair and balanced reporting in which opinions that differ from the writer or the newspaper or the Government officials are nevertheless accurately portrayed. It means to be disciplined in deliberately separating one's own opinion from the objective presentation of facts. Contrary to Mr J. B.”
“Government intervention of the press can also be justified in terms of the influence to ensure that the Straits Times, Lianhe Zaobao, Tamil Murasu, Berita Harian play a broad-based national role and not succumb to ethnic and communal roles. Having said that, I support the proposal raised by the NCMP to allow the establishment of another newspaper company outside the SPH and urge the Government to review the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act, which currently allows the Government to appoint management shareholders of Singapore Press Holdings. This has brought about an undesirable consequence that the Board of Directors and, through them, the editors who are appointed by the Government being generally perceived as biased or pro-Government. The question is: when does Government influence become Government censorship? The danger of Government having too much power over the press is, instead of winning arguments by persuading editors, which settles its case by force, the media must fall in line. This is not only unfair to the press and to the public, it is also wrong because it can make Government lazy. It removes an important check in policy discussion and debate. After a while, Government officials may believe that they are always winning all the arguments because they are always right and forget that the real reason is because the press is not allowed to counter argue too strenuously. Therefore, press reform may be necessary to check against the possible abuse of power by future governments. The usual justification for media laws is the need to be careful with racial, religious and regional sensitivities. Today, most media professionals in Singapore have by now already internalised the sensitivities.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I give my qualified support to the motion that we should be ready to grant a licence to a newspaper company outside the Singapore Press Holdings and suggest reducing the current laws for management shares and special holding rights under the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act. However, I disagree with some of the proposals made by Mr J.B. Jeyaretnam. I am personally in favour of certain controls. I cannot support the motion that no government control be extended over the publication of news. We should maintain the present controls against foreign ownership and control of local news organisations. Even in the US, while there is no ban on foreign ownership of newspaper or cable system, a foreign entity may not control a radio or television outlet. While an unregulated press is very much a feature of the media in the US, the Voice of America is still government-owned or controlled which, by law, is not allowed to broadcast within the borders of the United States. In Singapore, it would be better to be more protectionistic and not allow a completely unregulated press because foreigners may not understand our unique nation building process, making it easy for media to tear society apart. They may not be aware of the state of our democratic and political culture which means that a completely free exchange in public can lead to extremism. The vulnerability of our small nation still needs a coordinated national effort by the Government. I also accept the view that the Government can and should bring its influence on news organisation. The Government has a mandate to set a broad agenda. It is right for it to want the media to support the agenda and do what it can to persuade editors that it is right.”
“I would like to ask DPM whether there are presently regulatory restrictions preventing foreign banks from tapping on the local ATM network which today is the widest but serving only local banks. If there are, would this be removed or made more accessible to foreign banks? BG Lee Hsien Loong: The local ATM network is a private sector initiative. The local banks are the shareholders. So it is really up to them whether they will bring in a foreign partner. If he had read their sentiments, I think they are not very favourably disposed to this idea. We do have restrictions on foreign banks establishing off-premise ATM machines. This is one of the things which we will be actively reviewing.”
“They have brought in new personnel. They have announced new plans. They have focused on returns to shareholders. They have focused on new services and new ways to deliver these services. I think that competition is doing its work. Singaporeans often say that they should be allowed to flower on their own and, in the next breath, ask what is the Government doing to help them to flower. I think we just allow it to happen.”
“Sir, I like to ask the Deputy Prime Minister whether there is a need to help local banks now to cope with the consequence of liberalisation that is going to come sooner than later. Do they need Government assistance, for example, to face the competition? Because there is a fear that with foreign competition, they may lose out their market share. BG Lee Hsien Loong: Sir, I am not sure what the Member means by "assistance to cope with competition". The Government does not operate banks, not even DBS that operates commercially. And the best spur to banks to compete, to upgrade and to improve is competition. You just look at what has happened in the telecommunications business. There was a long discussion just now. It has arisen because we have opened up the market and a tremendous energy has developed, and innovations, new trials. Once in a while, people have to be reined back but it is good that we are reining them back, rather than having to prod them forward. Banks are slightly different because if there is too much excitement, some mishaps may happen and a lot of depositors will get hurt. So we have to be more careful. What we can do is to give due notice, make our policies quite clear, liberalise, make sure that the rules are fair and not overly onerous to local banks, because sometimes the local banks point out that in some respects, we are even harder on them than on foreign banks. So we have to be even handed and then we have to allow the market to do its work. And if you read what the local banks have been planning, announcing and changing over the last few months, I think that the transformation has begun, because there have been some mergers. DBS has gone with POSBank, Keppel Bank with Tat Lee Bank. There have been changes in their strategies.”
“The communities would indeed be interested to know how different these students are compared to Chinese students in coping with, say, Malay or English. This brings me to another point about the peculiar problems of children from mixed marriages. They, like me, do not have the benefit of having both parents competent in the same second language. These students need a scheme similar to CL `B' in Malay and Tamil - a development, Sir, which I personally wait most eagerly. As mixed marriages become more prevalent, a multi-racial and multi-cultural family is a natural phenomenon of our society. CL `B' and, hopefully, ML `B' or TL `B' should be seen and be made part of this phenomenon.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I am personally delighted by the changes contained in the Ministerial Statement. I am assured by the spirit and commitment to bilingual policy. It has served us well. Sir, the problems confronting the Chinese community which necessitate these changes are not peculiar to the Chinese community. It is a nationwide phenomenon affecting both the Indian and Malay communities although these communities have been far more successful in insulating themselves from otherwise negative consequences to their culture, language and tradition. And I think this is how other communities should see these changes. However, I hope that references to China as a dominant economic power does not detract from the fact that Malaysia and Indonesia today remain one of the largest trading partners, that Malay and Tamil still possess strong economic value so that Malay students and Indian students are not unnecessarily tempted to learn Chinese for the wrong reasons. It is just that businesses with these countries are concluded in English, especially among MNCs, and in Chinese among the smaller SMEs simply because Chinese businessmen are still the predominant business community in the region. The Malay community, for example, should feel assured that proficiency in Malay language is not only important for culture and tradition but has important economic implications and value to Singapore. They must continue in their stride to excel in these languages. Plans to better accommodate non-Chinese students in SAP schools are indeed very reassuring. I am therefore encouraged by the assurance given by DPM that similar reviews would be done for the learning of Malay and Tamil because the issues of language are also important and sensitive to the Malay, Indian and Eurasian communities.”
“Sir, it appears that the Singapore Government has not been consulted on matters of mutual interest and, at the same time, we have been accused of not consulting the Malaysians on other areas of mutual interest. Would the Government then consider referring this matter, as a matter of protest, to the Malaysian Government to make sure that we are equally consulted on matters of mutual interest?”
“Can I ask the Minister what is the status of the matter now being handled by the International Court of Justice?”
“This being a sovereign issue, which I think is not up for negotiation, would the Minister consider referring this matter to the International Court of Justice?”
“Of course, one can argue that this suggestion may mean giving political parties or individuals a leeway to criticise and defame others and later get away by merely apologising. But I would say today, Sir, that it would be foolish for any politician seeking office to think that he can get elected if he has the habit of frequently having to apologise to his political opponents. At the end of the day, Sir, defamation, especially the one Mr Jeyaretnam mentioned, is a very personal matter. I think the Prime Minister has demonstrated that avenues have been made available, which is relevant to this case. At the end of the day, the two parties must explore those personal avenues available to settle what is essentially a personal matter. But I hope the Minister would consider the suggestions that I have referred to in the wider context.”
“Sir, in the past, political leaders who have been defamed, quite rightly have taken strong actions to protect their reputation. Although monetary compensations were given, as in most cases quite large sums, these do not seem to be the objective of those seeking remedies, as charities have been the main beneficiaries of such monetary awards. Again, the intention here is not to bankrupt anybody but to redeem one's reputation. However, the consequence is that, as it stands today, because of the monetary compensation given, some people stay away from political controversies of criticising on public policies or politicians because of the fear that it may lead to financial ruin. What in fact happens is those who have been found guility, and I said guilty, are certainly liable for defamation. In this case, they may find themselves paying a heavy price or penalty for it. I now move on to elections where some of these issues have cropped up, especially during elections, and it can be expected that during the heat of elections, statements that can be made may be construed as defamatory, not in its intent, but in its environment and the situation that is found. Based on past cases, one has to be extremely careful and one should in making speeches during election rallies. While care must always be exercised, the law should not cause unnecessary restrictions, especially during elections. One suggestion is perhaps to exercise more tolerance before resorting to legal suits. Of course, this works both ways for all parties taking part in election rallies. Another, Sir, is to provide for limited privileges during elections, especially to cover cases of unintentional defamation.”
“Because of that, some people are reluctant to speak up and comment on controversial public policies or on public office holders because of the fear that they may be subjected to legal suits. Generally, most people have no problem giving their views to local newspapers because they feel that the local press will exercise care and caution not to defame public officials. But this is not in the case of foreign publications or journalists because of their past experience of being involved in defamation suits themselves. Quite frequently, foreign journalists have problems getting enough people in Singapore willing to express their views. "No comment" or "Don't quote me" are common responses. As such, we may unnecessarily be sending a wrong signal to Singaporeans who are afraid to speak up. But to be fair, Sir, a lot depends on the person himself to exercise caution when commenting on personalities and public policies. While it is quite easy to determine whether a person making defamatory statements has been malicious or reckless by exposing the person to hatred, contempt or ridicule which, in my view, is what the Act is intended for, it is quite difficult to determine intent and impact of other less damaging statements which may arise out of mistakes or negligence or, at the spur of the moment, reliance on wrong source of information. I do not necessarily condone this. But perhaps in view of that, it may be useful to consider amending the present legislation to give more weightage to apology in mitigation factors or in assessing damages. Perhaps one suggestion is to consider limiting or specifying the quantum awarded in a different type of defamation cases, especially parties who have relied on the process of mediation or in settlement are prepared to make public apologies.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I would personally agree with the call to review the Defamation Act but certainly not the formation of a commission. I do not wish to comment on the personal experiences of Mr J. B. Jeyaretnam except to say that the law must apply if defamation is proven. But it is another completely different matter and outside the present law if the Prime Minister offers him avenues to help lessen the burden and consequences brought about by the decision of the court. Personally, I am encouraged by PM's gesture of tolerance and forgiveness. But I would like to ask the Minister to consider the wider implication of the Defamation Act. Article 14 of the Constitution clearly guarantees every citizen the right to freedom of speech and expression. But this certainly does not mean the right to defame. We can speak freely, but certainly no one can defame freely. The other thing that I would like to highlight is that the Defamation Act is not necessarily for politicians only or political parties. It is available for any citizen, corporation or organisation. The law of defamation essentially attempts to strike a balance between the public's freedom of speech and the individual's right to the protection of his good name, and that certainly must be a very sensitive and important matter of somebody who holds a high public position like the Prime Minister. Unfortunately, in Singapore, people tend to associate defamation laws with political figures and politics, because of the series of legal suits involving politicians and the high profile publicity given to such suits. My concern is that it has brought about, like what my colleague, Mr Simon Tay has mentioned, the unintended consequences and some negative implications on civil society.”
“Few would attribute the same characteristics to a 30-year old as they would a 60-year old. Why then should the 60s and 90s be classed together as one group? It is very easy to assume that all the elderly want this or feel that. It might be more realistic to generalise if people are divided according to how they appear in behaviour, attitudes and thoughts. "As old as you feel" is one approach. And if to act old is to be sad in one way, to lack flexibility of thought and to generally look old fashioned, then, Sir, there are many people in the 20s and 30s who will qualify. With that, I support the Bill.”
“Grandparents today are the most ideal choice of care-givers for our children. Yet, how often do we see grandparents in kindergartens, in childcare centres where they can be effective not only as tutors, but in passing down the right values and attitudes to the younger generation. This also applies to many of the jobs in service counters in Government Ministries and statutory boards. They are especially suited to community organisations, for example, the CDCs, the town councils, which require a high level of human relationship, skills and patience. The elderly make good counsellors because age may bring maturity of judgement and the weight of experience. (4) We must expand the Skills Development Fund. It should be enlarged to allow for the training of older workers for their second careers. The fact is that blue collar workers will have fewer opportunities compared to white collar workers in finding jobs where their skills and experience can be fully utilised in later years. Therefore, programmes to train workers should also be extended to older or retiring workers. Unfortunately, technological innovation may also induce obsolescence in an ageing workplace. Sir, indeed, the current economic crisis will pose a great challenge because of falling demand for labour. Despite the wage cuts and reduced CPF contribution, employers may still prefer to employ younger workers. We must do more to change this. In Singapore, today, sadly, becoming 60s is a watershed because to many, it is an end of employment and the beginning of a loss of income, status and sometimes independence. Retirement may not necessarily mean an end to this. I would urge the Government to do more to change the attitude people have of older workers. Sir, think about this.”
“In 1978, the US introduced a legislation to outlaw discrimination on grounds of age among workers up to the age of 70. Perhaps, it is timely that we should incorporate such legislation here. Many of the older workers want to continue to work, especially if they can find less stressful, less physically demanding work. They want to live independent lives. Many prefer not to depend on their children as a source of income. Many simply cannot afford to remain unemployed without suffering a substantial loss of income and fall in living standards. Even for the increasingly affluent group, work will provide more than just income. But status, interest and companionship and the need for these does not necessarily become less important on retirement. I would like to propose four specific suggestions for the Minister to consider: (1) Prepare workers for retirement. Many are ill-prepared to cope what maybe one third of their lives. We should have programmes that will prepare them and enlighten them of the choices that they can make. For example, volunteer, part-time work, or even a change that will lead to a life of leisure, especially at a time when we are calling for more active people sector. We can also establish more adult education programmes in the existing tertiary institutions to cater to this need. (2) We should encourage and prepare workers for second careers. We must fully utilise aged workers. Their capacities and long job experience are human resources in which tremendous public and private investments have been made. These are reliable resources that have to be effectively utilised not only for their sake but for the community and the society. (3) We must reserve some jobs which are most suited for the elderly.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, with the rapid ageing of our population, the mapping out of an employment policy must be one of the most urgent tasks, arguably more urgent, than any single employment policy. The Bill to reduce wages of employees above 60 years old must be supported as part of the steps to expand the employment potential of older workers. We should also give priority to efforts to encourage and facilitate employers to retain workers as long as they possibly can. Sir, but the greying of Singapore requires effort that goes beyond legislation. Far from being a relatively young country, Singapore will enter the 21st century with the fastest rate of ageing ever experienced on earth. In the nine years between 2012 and 2021, the proportion of our population above the age of 60 will rise from 10% to 15%. The same process took Japan 15 years. One of the biggest obstacles we face today is the inherent prejudice and wrong perceptions that people have about older workers. We have read recently how difficult it is for a 45-year old young man to look for a job. Quite frequently and wrongly, he is seen as being in poor health, difficult to manage, not strong, does not present an image of dynamism, not adaptable and would stifle the promotion prospects of younger colleagues. Evidence from advertised job vacancies shows the incidence of age qualified vacancies is fairly widespread. They fail to realise that older workers cannot be neatly grouped into skill, ability and physical strength. Although physical strength does decline with age, chronological age is by no means an accurate indicator of one's ability to perform a task. Age does not necessarily affect productivity. But, Sir, we must ensure that older workers are not exploited or discriminated.”
“Sir, money cannot be the main determinant whether a case is heard by a more experienced Judge. There could be cases where the amount involved is small but may have very important and wide implications to society. Are we discounting the fact that mistake in judgement and decision could be one of the possible outcomes and consequence of decision at the lower Court? Why make it difficult for parties to appeal? If any, we must make the appeal process accessible, convenient and affordable. I urge the Minister to review and clarify these matters, especially on the limits of appeal, so as not to make it excessive. Based on this qualification, I support the Bill.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I would like to raise my concern on one of the two proposed amendments to the Bill, that is, the monetary limit for an appeal to the higher Court. One of the main rules of natural justice is the quick resolution of disputes. The fat of the proposed Bill may be just that. But many cases may not be referred for appeal to a higher Court and therefore it removes potentially the backlog of appeal cases. But equally important is the accessibility to a right of appeal. The Bill, by increasing the limit from $5,000 to $50,000 for an appeal to the High Court from a District or Magistrate Court, and $30,000 to $250,000 for an appeal to the Court of Appeal, is, in my view, excessive. The public, whose disputes and claims may be small in quantum, may feel that they have no access to appeal to a higher Court simply because the claim involved is small. In fact, it may appear that commercial cases are more likely to qualify for appeal because of the higher limit as quite naturally, cases involving commercial disputes involve large sums of money. But the right of appeal, Sir, is for everyone, not just corporations. For an ordinary man, it is not just the quantum, it is the principle and the law that is involved that is equally important to him. For parties that go to Court, especially when they have used up all the avenues of mediation, his case and dispute could be the most important thing to him, whether the amount is big or small. A more accessible right to appeal also means the opportunity for any person seeking justice to have his case heard before a more experienced Judge, especially when many of our Judges in the District and Magistrate Courts are younger and less experienced.”
“Next, the Minister for Manpower touched on foreign talent. While it is appropriate to expect Singaporeans, including top level executives, to make the symbolic sacrifice in difficult times, we have to be careful that these do not affect our attempts to attract foreign talent that is perhaps even more necessary now to boost competitiveness. They may not come here if the total package of remuneration is inferior to what they get elsewhere. We must be careful and ensure that we do not single them out for not willing to bear the same sacrifices that we, as Singaporeans, shoulder. Next, SMEs. The crisis has shown a trend for greater orientation towards Europe and America in the way they conduct business. Not only in terms of markets, but global MNCs now require suppliers to adopt corporate discipline and values that are consistent with their attitudes, for example, the respect for intellectual property, labour rights, environmental concerns, free from graft and corruption, absence of age and gender discrimination. If we want to go global and be a major partner to European and American companies, SMEs must be assisted to help them deal with some of these issues which many SMEs may otherwise consider an unnecessary intrusion into their business affairs. Mr Speaker, Sir, I support the recommendations of the CSC and compliment the efforts of the CSC but also urge that the efforts they put in be made part of an ongoing process. We have heard calls for reformation in Singapore. I hope we have similar reformation in wanting to change mindsets and to ensure that we have to place whatever it takes to put our economy back on track. With that, Sir, I support the motion in the name of the Minister for Trade and Industry.”
“We can do a number of things to ensure that we really are the best hub in the region, not only in terms of geography, but in our ability to work with our neighbours and friends. For example, having more Asian students studying and working in the country, increasing exchange at all levels of society and Government and introduce the teaching of Asian languages and cultures in our education system and allowing more access of the Asian media, both print and broadcast, into Singapore. We want to be relevant to Asia. But we must first ensure that Asia, its people, culture, history and language are all relevant to everyone of us here. Next, we must not lose sight and be distracted by the cost competitiveness alone as we benchmark against the newly industrialised economies. We must attract higher value added operations to locate in Singapore and try to invite more foreign talents to this country. But the qualitative factors that help to make Singapore livable becomes also increasingly important. Competitiveness includes more human dimensions, such as good schools, vibrant entertainment, pollution-free environment and the intellectual and creative stimulation, the buzz that is present in any global city. For example, if we want to develop Singapore into a media hub, it is essential that we have a media into and out of Singapore that is accessible, affordable and convenient, that is not unnecessarily obstructive. This would mean easier access to Government information and an intellectual environment that protects and values expression, disagreement and exchange, though not necessarily dissent, and an active civil society and a strong people's sector. In other words, Singapore is not only a home for Singaporeans but a much desired destination for foreigners.”
“Industrialists can provide the greatest value adding potential. But this requires private sector experience which, I believe, is quite lacking at certain levels of Government. Perhaps, as a long-term strategy, the Government can try seconding some of its officers to the private sector and encourage more recruitment from the private sector to the civil service and statutory boards. Otherwise, we will hear more calls for committees and commissions. True, I think we need to relook and re-examine our regionalisation process. I support the CSC's recommendations to extend our external wing. We need to go global. But we need to critically examine our past efforts at regionalisation and our cooperative efforts with Malaysia, Indonesia, China and India where we have presumably had the best chance of success in exporting our software, the Singapore's recipe for success. What can we learn from these challenges? How can we share with other Singapore companies? What happens to guan xi in China? Should we remain engaged in these regions or try to diversify our very limited resources globally? My fear, Mr Speaker, Sir, is that the crisis may have exposed the myth about our relevance and understanding of our Asian neighbours that we are the best partners or agents for western companies who want to invest in the region. What the crisis had shown perhaps is that Asia is indeed very diverse. Sometimes, we really have very little common with a Thai, Filipino or Cambodian as would an American or European. We behave differently. We do not speak the same language. And sometimes, some of our neighbours are not so quite friendly with us. But we really need to examine this and maximise our similarities and make ourselves more relevant to the region.”
“Let me just touch on a few other long-term strategic recommendations covered by the CSC. I am quite pleased that the Committee comprises many people in the private sector. It demonstrates the importance of a healthy state of participation and consultation in decision-making in Singapore from experienced and expert people in the industry. Without participation, any attempt to critically examine current policies and strategies will be futile because it is not only difficult to persuade workers to accept the painful wage cuts, it may also turn out to be a worthless paper exercise. If every citizen matters, we must also accept the value, suggestions or inputs of every Singaporean. But I really wonder how much of this model of private sector participation is present at the implementation level in the Ministries and statutory boards. The CSC Report quite rightly observed that the current economic crisis highlighted the importance of Government as a business facilitator. But it should go beyond just being the regulatory authority and providing the environment that is conducive to business. It should also promote prudent and sound business practices and initiate change as an ongoing process. Take the case of JTC, for example, where the minimum criteria for investment in building, civil and machinery run counter to the preference and practices of many businesses. Why invest in brick and mortar that do not generate income or not vital to the operating requirements of businesses, compared to the investments in people, plant and machinery and technology? Why use the price mechanism to control design of buildings? Are the architects not supposed to do that? We should instead support industrialists who can extract the maximum return for minimum investment.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, during the good times, we want to clamour for the five Cs - car, condominium, credit cards, career and cash. Yesterday, we saw DPM Lee giving away five Cs in not so good times, in terms of cash, care, career, credibility and, finally, competitiveness. Let me try and respond in this manner. (1) Cash. I think the real cost reduction package is much welcomed to businesses. There is certainly no bail-out, no company buy-outs. Those who ask for handouts are certainly disappointed. But I agree with the DPM that the question is not how much more we should give now, but whether there is more to give if the situation worsens. (2) Care. I am happy that the package contains measures and rebates to help the lower income groups to ease the pain of wage reduction. (3) Career. I am happy with the Minister for Manpower and the DPM for stating that the package, hopefully, will kick in fast to save jobs. The Minister for Manpower has demonstrated commitment of the Government to retrain workers and help them find jobs. I hope, given the cost reduction, employers remain committed to train their workers. (4) Credibility. The reduction in Government charges and pay cuts of Government Ministers and civil servants, in my view, are equitable and proportionate, if seen as a whole. I would think that the Minister's salary would be affected two years from now if the formula takes place. But any kind gesture is welcomed. I can only assure the Minister that what he gives in cash, he gets more than equal measure in credibility. (5) Competitiveness. I think we expect more measures to come in the coming budget. But I urge, and I think I have some commitment that the CSC mechanism can be made part of an on-going process to make sure that we remain competitive now and in the future.”
“I would like to ask the Minister of State whether he would consider asking the Malaysian Government to withdraw, change or clarify its position with regard to the recent expression of better relationship. How can we go on with cooperative efforts when these threats are existing at the moment?”
“I would like to ask the Prime Minister whether Singapore has been asked to provide funds directly or provide guarantees, or is it to be raised through private institutions, or whether we are also looking at the resolution of bigger issues like the CIQ and release of CPF funds belonging to West Malaysians. Is this part of the comprehensive agreement that we now have in place?”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, generally I support the Bill as it aims to provide for better administration of the Act. However, I have some reservations regarding the amendment to provide for the taking and recording of fingerprints of persons issued with work permit and for the records to be given to the Police. I must say that the Minister has been persuasive and convincing of the need and necessity for fingerprinting of work permit holders and that it is not made simply on the connotation or prejudice that work permit holders are more predisposed to crime and that they are harder to track down because of their sheer numbers. However, I would like to bring up a point that there appears to be unequal treatment of employment pass holders and work permit holders. Yet one can argue that while we have not seen crimes committed by those with employment pass, some that we have seen have caused serious financial consequences. Arguably, we can also say they are more mobile and more difficult to track. While it is understandable that based on the explanation given by the Minister that the employment pass holders have not caused the kind of problems that we are faced with, with regard to work permit holders, it is necessary that we demonstrate equality of treatment in the sense that I would think it is necessary at this point perhaps to even consider fingerprinting all employees who want to work in Singapore. After all, Singaporeans are also fingerprinted as far as their identity cards are concerned. I am simply raising this point because we must be careful of the problematic perception that they may cause and generate, that while the effect of such a regulation may be unequal for good reasons, the objective is certainly not discriminatory.”
“I am not making a moral judgment here but I think we can guarantee travellers/visitors free and unobstructive access to travel in Singapore so long as they do not cause danger to Singaporeans.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I support the Bill, especially on the provision to impose penalties for those involved in illegal immigration and entry into Singapore. The deteriorating economic and political situation in the region could turn Singapore into one huge haven for refugees if we do not have stringent and punitive measures to deter illegal immigration. This little country can ill afford to accommodate or hope what could potentially be a bigger problem than we have ever thought. I am, however, concerned about something quite different about amendments to section 8(b) and would like to seek the Minister's clarification on the matter for two reasons: (1) on the effects of tourism and visitors; and (2) on justice should a visitor find himself in breach of a law after he has entered Singapore. Section 8(b) terms a person suffering from AIDS as a protected immigrant. I would like to draw a difference between a person visiting Singapore and subsequently an AIDS patient finds himself to have breached the law as against a person or AIDS patient who enters Singapore and engages in activities that certainly bring danger to Singaporeans. I agree that while we should have thorough and stringent medical examination as a pre-requisite to allowing someone to work in Singapore or stay here for a long period, such precautions are necessary to ensure that AIDS patients will not cause health and other problems. However, I seek clarification on the following. First, does the clause impose unnecessary barriers and prohibition of travel of AIDS patients amongst our visitors and tourists? Secondly, are we not discriminating against AIDS patients by making travel and access in and out of Singapore difficult for them?”
“I would like to ask the Minister what is the prospect of graduates from universities and polytechnics, whether there are specific plans to help them to get jobs, and whether the Government departments and statutory boards will consider increasing their intake of these graduates in view of the shrinking job market in the private sector.”
“Am I to understand that the remarks do not represent the views of Indonesian people and because of that, we will continue with our commitment to humanitarian aid to Indonesia?”