Zulkifli bin Baharudin
Singapore
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the Minister spoke about concessions Singapore has made. But it appears like surprises to me. My question is: on the issue of land, bridge, etc, did the Malaysian government inform us earlier that these are to be part of the deal or did these matters surface just during the discussions with the Senior Minister?”
“We need to help companies and workers to cope with this restructuring. The right way to do it is by upgrading industries and training and retraining workers.”
“Sir, I am enlightened to hear the response from the Deputy Prime Minister. But I seem to have gathered some feedback that as and when people say that they have a criminal record, they do not even get an interview.”
“Sir, my wish really is that the Foreign Ministry should make the forging of good relations, understanding of our neighbours, the personal responsibility of every citizen because we have an important role to project our way of life and values to the people in the region.”
“My suggestion is that oversight should be from the inside. Government should encourage self-help groups to appoint more members of other races to their boards of directors and advisors.”
“Sir, I am asking the Minister really in privatising some of these GLCs, for the GLCs to take on a role where they can lead, bring along other SMEs together with them, not just a corporate or business mission, but other objectives as well, the larger objective of bringing along the SMEs as they grow, prosper and develop in the region.”
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Every one of 331 lines we hold for Zulkifli bin Baharudin, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 4 of 7.
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I would first like to refer to the comments made by the hon. NCMP saying that the number of opposition is an indicator of the state of Parliamentary democracy in Singapore and that the number of backbenchers or NCMPs does not matter. I would like to say that what is more important is to have a free and fair election. We have seen that in the region. You cannot predetermine the outcome of elections if you have a free, fair and transparent election like what we have here. Speaking for the NMPs, I would like to perhaps remind the hon. NCMP that the NMPs, representing a non-partisan section of the population, has played a useful role not only in Parliament but in the whole range of social and community institutions and developing and supporting a very strong people sector which certainly must be a very important and strong indicator of the state of democracy in this country. Coming back to the motion, Sir, I would like to say that one of the objectives of GRCs is the ability of the other elected members in the GRC to carry out its function and duties of another member in the absence which may be caused by either death, disability or other unforeseen circumstances. What is more difficult in this case is that the constituents in Whampoa have lost their elected Member, not by an act of God, but by an act of crime. I suppose in most cases a reasonable voter is a lot more understanding and can be persuaded to see the practical arguments against by-election because of the current economic crisis and the ability of the other elected Members to carry on with the additional responsibilities brought about by the loss of an elected Member. However, there are others who place a much greater moral obligation to replace the MP with other elected representatives.”
“It is strange and absurd to me, Sir, that while some Malaysian leaders are angry against a certain newspaper in Singapore, namely, the Business Times, and accusing it of interfering in Malaysian domestic affairs, the media in Malaysia have almost simultaneously and blatantly interfered in the internal affairs of Singapore. Sir, we have our heritage and we have every right to preserve it. And just as the various communities in Malaysia, I am sure, can look after themselves, we can look after ourselves and protect our interest. Outsiders should not interfere. And worse still, Sir, if they employ misleading reports to create an air of distrust and suspicion of the Malays here towards our Government. From what I know, following our separation from Malaysia, there was tacit agreement that we do not try to influence each other's domestic ground. And for that reason, our respective newspapers do not circulate in each other's country. It may be necessary to say that greater care should be applied to television which can transcend borders. It is also a more powerful medium in influencing and affecting the emotions of its viewers. That is why the recent TV3 programme is a gross interference in our domestic affairs. I thought the tacit agreement between the two countries in 1965 was a sensible one and should be adhered to closely, especially as it concerns matters of race in two closely linked independent states. I hope that the media in both countries will bear this in mind. Sir, I support the Bill.”
“When it is ready, I believe, a visitor could practically walk into our past and get a feel of it. Sir, I think it is most unfair and misleading on the part of the media in Malaysia to portray the project in the most negative light. What they are saying is that because Singapore is not a Malay-majority state, it is only natural that the Government here will erase any trace or symbol of history linking this island to the Malay rulers of the past. Sir, if at all it is true that the Government is race-biased and has ill-intentions against the Malays and their historical position in our country, I can assure you that I, and most likely all my Malay MP colleagues, would not be here in this House as a member of the Government. The question is: is the Malaysian media trying to provoke the Malays in Singapore to be angry against our Government over this issue? Why are they against the fact that a Chinese-majority Singapore is making the effort and is willing to spend millions of dollars to set up a Malay Heritage Centre? If a similar effort is regarded as unthinkable in Malaysia, why should they say it is bad for us? Why are they saying we want to eradicate Malay history and culture in Singapore when we are actually taking a step further to conserve Kampong Glam into a heritage centre and giving it the pulse it deserves? If a similar effort is regarded as not do-able in Malaysia, why should they say we should not venture into this? Sir, the fact that almost all the media in Malaysia were saying about the same thing in this matter seems to suggest a planned salvo against Singapore. While such a wayang may be useful for a certain party to regain its lost ground, it is most unkind that in the same breath it tries to undermine that of another.”
“The most recent example I could recall was a TV3 programme aired on 30th June 1999. I notice that TV3 and the other media in Malaysia were quite consistent in reporting that the whole exercise of setting up a heritage centre at the old Istana was intended to close permanently an important chapter of Singapore's history linked to the Malay kingdom which once ruled this island. I do not know how such a thing could possibly be done. As far as I know, history cannot be changed. It is a well-known fact that Singapore was once part of the Johor-Riau sultanate, that we used to be administered from Kota Tinggi (the old capital of Johor) and from Riau. We also know that the powers of the last surviving sultan ended abruptly the day he transferred the administrative power of Singapura at that time to the hands of the British, I was told, for a meagre sum of $5,000. On the contrary, if the core ideas of the plan outlined by the Malay Heritage Centre committee are implemented, I say it would only heighten our awareness about that part of Singapore's history and not closing it as a chapter of our history. The history of the Malay sultanate here and its linkage to the Malay kings in the region, form part of that history. In fact, all these could be brought back to life by way of exhibitions as well as through dance and drama performances. I was told there was even a plan to do further research into the different sub-ethnic or ethnic groups of the Malay community in Singapore and how they link up to the whole region. The centre would provide Singaporeans from every racial group, including the younger generation of Malays, and even tourists from every nation, including Malaysians, a greater opportunity to have a better understanding of our history.”
“As far as I know, and to some extent explained by the Minister earlier, it has been over a century long now that the land in Kampong Glam, including the Istana compound, had reverted to the country - first as Crown land when we were under the British, and later as State land of independent Singapore. Sir, I would like to ask again whether this is an accurate explanation of the status of the land, and whether there are any disputes or grey areas involved here. I recall that sometime ago the Minister had stated the legal position of the land. Perhaps he should re-state it again so that the descendants and other Singaporeans could have a clearer picture on this issue. Sir, I can say confidently that the Malay community in Singapore look forward to see an upgraded and improved Istana Kampong Glam. They are also waiting for the day that it becomes a heritage centre and hopefully play a major role in preserving and propagating the heritage of the community. Geylang Serai may be regarded by many as an emotional umbilical cord of the Malays in Singapore. This is due to its recent history and the existence of a certain "Malay flavour" in the area. However, the real and actual important history of the Malays and Singapore emanated more from the Kampong Glam district. On that account alone, I think the Government makes the right decision by choosing to conserve and upgrade this historical district. Generally, Singaporeans, including our Malay community leaders, accept the decision. Kampong Glam deserves to be awarded that position and status. We should also find more ways to bring life and add colour to the district. However, Sir, the media in Malaysia, as mentioned by my esteemed colleague earlier, seem to see it differently, and I suspect with some dubious intention.”
“I understand that some are also in Riau. But, more importantly, are the other financial resources and the expertise that are currently available in Singapore. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Education (Encik Mohamad Maidin B P M): Mr Speaker, Sir, I see two main impact of the proposed amendment: First, to establish a new scheme of payment of up to $350,000 to be paid annually to the descendants of the late Sultan Hussain for up to 30 years, and allowing individual beneficiary to ask for a one-time commuted gratuity. Second, to pave the way for the Istana Kampong Glam premises to be conserved and turned into a Malay Heritage Centre, a project, I am sure, Malays in Singapore and other Singaporeans happily welcome. Sir, firstly, I would like to ask if the Minister could inform the House how much the proposed amendment is likely to cost the Government, aside from the $350,000 gratuity. There are resettlement benefits involved and resettling those who are still staying in the Istana compound. How soon are they likely to vacate the place and thus make way for the Malay Heritage Centre project? Sir, I am asking these questions partly because I was informed that not all of them have agreed to accept the offer made by the Land Office. Some are even thinking of challenging the Government's right to conserve the place and turn it into a Heritage Centre. In fact, they believe that the Istana and the entire Kampong Glam estate should rightfully belong to the Sultan's descendants indefinitely. They maintain that it is not state land.”
“But my sense is that if you really want to share with Singaporeans or with others who have an interest in Singapore about our past, what better way than to have people who are familiar with the customs and traditions, people who have linkages, either historical relations or family linkage, to really be part of the process, because they are the best persons to really share with Singaporeans what really took place, what are the customs and traditions. In the process, I think we can have a more effective way of teaching future generations about this. Finally, my fourth point is that we cannot afford not to succeed. We must succeed. Some of the reservations expressed by the people and community is that, I must say quite frankly, the past project of the Malay Village has raised quite a lot of expectations. People wanted the Malay Village to serve exactly the same purpose that the Malay Heritage Centre is supposed to serve. But quite unfortunately, things did not quite work out the way it should be. To a lot of people in the community, they feel this is a last chance as there is no other parcel of land, no other location, where we could preserve this and do a very good exercise. Therefore, there is a lot of concern to make sure that it will succeed this time. I think to succeed, we must make sure that every available relevant person is involved, the resources of the state are also given, in the sense of expertise and funding, to make sure that we succeed in this exercise. So I would just like to end by appealing to the Minister, in view of the four points I have mentioned, that perhaps he could help to get resources from the other neighbours that we have in Johor, and how we can borrow some of their historical annals and archives to preserve that.”
“To do otherwise, to sabotage and cast all types of allegations is not serving their best interest, let alone our own collective interest. And this is where I appeal to all parties who have made statements, including Singaporeans, to see this in a larger perspective. The second point is that this project represents an opportunity. Some people have forgotten that, and that is, the whole purpose of the Heritage Centre cannot be achieved without the cooperation of the people I have mentioned, who have taken part in this historical development of Singapore. In order to make it more than just a museum, but a living archive of our past, we need the cooperation of the Sultanate of Johor and the many descendants all around to be part of this project. I think it represents a wonderful opportunity for all of us. That spirit of opportunity and cooperation has been lost because each of them has got his own specific interest. The third point I want to stress is that there is also a role for the descendants themselves. I think there is fear that by the time they are compensated, and relocated, they do not have a role. Today, many of them are staying there. They actually, I understand, do still continue to practise some of their very unique court customs and traditions. And, really, I think they have a very large role to play in making sure that some of these customs and traditions are documented, and perhaps even at this stage, they can provide a consultative role in the process.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise in support of the Bill. Sir, there have been many discussions, both in Singapore and quite surprisingly and cheekily across the Causeway, about the many implications of this Bill. But I would like to touch on a few issues that were not covered by perhaps the previous three speakers. I agree with the overall intention of the Bill, that is, to support the overall conservation and preservation of the area, and specifically Istana Kampong Glam. But here I would like to give four points. First, I think this is not about the interest of the descendants of the late Sultan Hussain. This is also not about the interest of the Malay community. I think this is about the interest of Singaporeans as a whole. All Singaporeans have an interest in that area, in Istana Kampong Glam, because it is our shared heritage of past history which we want to preserve, to reflect and share not only to record the historical developments of this country but also as preservation for our future generations. So this is about Singapore as a whole. The development of Singapore is not just the role played by Singaporeans. It has been played by many people in the region, including the Sultanate of Johor, who are still in Johor Baru, in Malaysia, including other people from India, from countries as far as Arabia, China, Myanmar, including the British interest. And here I want to make it clear that in the best interest of these people who are no longer Singaporeans, whether British interest or state of Johor and their descendants, the best is in keeping this interest alive, by making sure that the historical improvements, the redevelopment of the Malay Heritage Centre, are done well, that will reflect their role in the development of Singapore.”
“Two supplementary questions, Sir. First, in view of some present fundamental challenges, both internally and externally, as mentioned by the Deputy Prime Minister, whether there is a likelihood that our economy may be poised for a w-shape recovery instead of a v-shape recovery, as most people think. The second question is: what about the Government department charges and statutory board charges? Are we committed to lowering these charges despite the economic recovery because they do form the bulk of expenses for companies? BG Lee Hsien Loong: It is possible that we have a w-shape rather than v-shape pattern. "W-shape" means you go down again before you recover. I hope not, but you cannot be sure because the risks are there. The American economy looks strong but you cannot say how the present boom will eventually be managed - whether they will contrive a soft-landing or not. If you look at the situation in Japan, it also looks improving but not yet out of the woods. China is slowing down and has less impact on the region now, but potentially it has a psychological effect on the rest of Asia. Of course, we have got to look at our neighbours. Thailand and Malaysia are economically picking up. Indonesia is still dependent on political circumstances. That is why we are not making any premature celebration now. We are going to watch carefully and take it very soberly, step by step. As for the other Government rates and charges, there are many items which we announced - rentals, rebates on property tax, utilities and so on. They will remain for the periods which we have stated. At the end of those periods, we will review them.”
“It is not just about, like I said, being active members of committees, but we can also be good citizens of Singapore just by being good neighbours, being a helpful colleague and being a responsible corporate citizen, being a decent person, being a Singaporean, any Singaporean, so long as you are not indifferent or so long as you are not disinterested. With that, I support the motion, Sir.”
“Yet, I find it very paradoxical that a security guard who looks after millions of dollars of inventories are seldom scrutinised for their background. Even the stringent background checks carried out by statutory boards, Ministries and the civil service may sometimes act as a barrier to do mundane jobs and those which are not exposed to security threats. We must change this mindset. I ask every Singaporean to find a place in Singapore 21 because it is the collective response of society that will determine the progress that we will make out of this Report. Being active citizens need not necessarily being active committee members of social organisations, although this is certainly preferred. The other thing that I wish to change mindsets as far as civil society is concerned is also the fact that sometimes the civil society is preoccupied with the notion that to maintain independence, they need to operate outside and apart from Government. I think civil societies need to change that, because what is important is not so much to be operating outside Government but to really give value to the people who rely on the services. And this is where I call on civil societies to really take a look at their mode of operation and tell themselves that our independence and our conviction and our ideals for civil society rest very much on our conscience and our belief in the cause that we do. Never mind the perception that working with Government may sometimes make people feel that we are being co-opted into Government. Lastly, to me, S21 is about being Singaporean.”
“However, my sense is that, even this, we need to have a change of mindset. Many Singaporeans want to go beyond feedback, beyond submitting survey forms, beyond dropping suggestions at suggestion boxes at Ministries and statutory boards. The meet-the-people session is perceived by some to be a place that you go to when you have a problem. But most Singaporeans do not have a problem that they need to go to the MPs. They want to talk, discuss, listen and engage their MPs and Ministers beyond press statements and official announcements. I was told by a friend recently that he finds it very refreshing to hear, while he is driving to work, Mr David Lim, Mr Lim Swee Say and Mr Inderjit Singh on Radio Chat Show. It is such a thrill for Singaporeans to now realise that at the press of a button, while driving to work, they can have a chat with their Ministers on the radio. And the value is not so much of those participating in these chat shows, but the demonstration of the accessibility, the spontaneity and the human touch that this new communication provides. Again, I venture to suggest that Ministries and statutory boards tap on this new opportunity in media communication with the public. Press officers, as official spokesmen, are not merely messengers of Government announcements. But really the biggest enemy, to me, in changing our mindsets is in ourselves, when we measure others by our own standards, especially when they fall far short of our own ideals and values, As a Board member of the Singapore Cooperative of Rehabilitative Enterprises (SCORE), it frustrates me to face walls after walls of obstacles when trying to find jobs for rehabilitated drug offenders. Many would not even want to consider them as cooks or other manual labour.”
“To me, the S21 consultation process, in its spirit and character, will hopefully set the tone, pace and style of public discussion in Singapore in the future. Next, S21 to me is also about changing mindset. I wholeheartedly welcome the call by the Minister for more active citizenship and for greater involvement of civil societies at the grassroots level. But for this to happen, we need a change in mindset. Civil societies should seize this opportunity to become more engaged at the neighbourhood level. But a change in mindset on the part of the Government and civil service is also needed. I venture to suggest that we turn the community centres to be centres for civil societies outside the management of the People's Association. Very much like the town councils, privatising its operations to private managing agents, civil societies can and should take the lead to provide a whole range of programmes and services to help the community. The community centres can become a virtual office, a home for all civil societies at the neighbourhood, civil societies working in tandem with the Government. But we also need a change in mindset on the way Government communicates with its constituents. A Western diplomat, whom I had lunch with yesterday, on learning about the daily proceedings of a Member of Parliament in Singapore, remarked that the Members of Parliament in Singapore indeed work very hard, and is worth every penny that they are paid. And this drew a response from another Roundtable colleague of mine who said that democracy is calculated or measured by the number of contacts that Members of Parliament here have with their constituents. Singapore could indeed be the most democratic nation in the world.”
“But we must be aware of the responsibility that accompanied it, and that the evolutionary process cannot be compromised and allowed to tear our society apart. I hope that Mr J. B. Jeyaretnam is here today, because yesterday, he said he cannot recall any public discussion on S21. Mr J. B. Jeyaretnam may wish to know the feedback group of which I chaired, the mass media group, devoted its entire activities last year on S21. In fact, I recall a report from the Feedback Unit's annual conference papers last year, and amongst other suggestions, it called for the increase in the number of NCMPs so that Opposition Members in Parliament constitute at least 10% of the Members of Parliament in this House. I also remember that when these suggestions were brought forward, there were many who had reservations and hesitation about putting their names to these suggestions, because they feared about making such revolutionary proposals. But I assured them that a genuine and sincere feedback is indeed welcomed, as indeed is the purpose of S21. It may be a very new experience for these people, but I am sure they, like the 6,000 others who were involved in the process, have experienced not only an increase in the avenues and channels for constructive consultation and feedback, but also in participating in what many see as a new arena in public discussion. For the moment, only those with exceptional high-level of seriousness and commitment are likely to enter this arena, because of their perception of OB markers, their own interpretation of defamation laws, and issues of political discussion and discourse. But seen from this point, one can appreciate that the experience has indeed been a very significant milestone in the feedback and consultation process.”
“As I read the S21 report, amidst the background of a very troubled region, I immediately became aware of the very key lesson contained in the report, that is, about the need to accommodate change. One of the reasons for the political problems in the region, I feel, is the inability of Government to deal with inevitable forces of changes, both within the Government and within the society that they govern. As a result, the process of change is unnecessarily accompanied by chaos, anger, violence and revolution. To me, S21 is about accommodating change. Some of the ideas and concepts contained in the report indeed require accommodating a very revolutionary change in mindset. If you measure the S21 report against past trends, it may appear revolutionary because the ideas may be a very vast departure from past and present mindsets. If you measure the S21 report against the expectations that accompanied it, it can be quite pessimistic because of the sheer overwhelming task ahead to achieve this vision, and because of the many conflicting dilemmas and issues that we must hurdle. But herein lies the real value of this report; one that recognises and accommodates the diversity of views; one that provides for opportunities for all Singaporeans to participate; one that allows us to deal with the very uncomfortable conflicts and dilemmas as we go through a peaceful evolutionary process of change through consensus and collective effort. Whether it is foreign talent, SAP schools, multi-culturalism, Malays in SAF or Simei Briskwalkers, the important thing is that there exist avenues for discussions, debate and a fruitful engagement.”
“MAS, for example, has brought in quite a number of people from the private sector, mid-careers, some from academia, from universities. And we have found it a very fruitful experience, because the interaction between the people who are in the organisation who have the experience and institutional memory of how things are done and why, as well as the people who have come in without that long experience but with a different perspective from the private sector, has been good for both sides and good for the organisation. We need more organisations to do that. But it is easier for some than for others. It is very difficult to bring in a civilian mid-career and make him a colonel or a general in the SAF. It may be easier with banking or with urban planning, or even with administration. But we have to work harder.”
“That being the case, is there a danger that the scholarships are given not to our best and ablest? Because our best and ablest may potentially come from more affluent families. Then there is a risk as to what will happen to our President's Scholarship or other premier scholarships. BG Lee Hsien Loong: That is a problem. We regularly ask the PSC whether they have been able to attract good scholars, and up to now they have assured us that they have got a reasonable share of the top students. And the PSC alone gives about 150 to 200 scholarships a year. But it will increasingly become a problem. We are in a different situation now from the time when I took a scholarship in 1971, when nearly my whole class went to university on scholarships, and without scholarships, could not have gone to university, much less study abroad. That is not the situation today. If they do not take a Government scholarship, they can get one from EDB, MAS, DBS or Sembawang, or so many others who are sometimes falling over themselves to give these scholarships out. And so the students sometimes feel that, "Wow! I am a valuable talent. There is such enormous demand for my capabilities.", which may not be borne out in later life. But we need to continue to attract good people in, and I believe that over a period of time, we will have to make a greater effort to attract in people who did not take scholarships but who have the talent, who have gone to universities on their own, who may have spent some time working, and now want a change. We must bring them in, whether it is for a few years on contract or on a permanent change of career, to have a greater flow-in from graduating students and from the private sector.”
“I would like to ask the Deputy Prime Minister whether there are cases where our eligible students have refused scholarships, say, President's scholarship, because they find that they have adequate resources and do not depend on Government to pursue further studies. BG Lee Hsien Loong: Yes, there are. There are alternatives. They can go on their own. They can work for some time before going overseas. They can take loans. Or they can go to NUS. And there have been cases of students who have said, "No, thank you very much. We don't want the bond." Not all these students are from affluent families. I have heard even, in one case, a taxi-driver's son, who said, "No, I won't take the scholarship. I will go on my own." There are also other scholars I have heard of - this may be apocryphal - who have applied for the scholarship because they want the benchmark. And having been awarded the scholarship, the father says, "All right, you turn it down. I will pay." Unfortunately, we have not found a way to sieve out such people at an early stage.”
“We can all agree on the ultimate goal of having a full-fledged Syariah Court but may differ on the pace and time it will take to achieve this. But we must be careful to ensure that our hopes and wishes are matched by the capacity and the capability of the Syariah Court to shoulder this responsibility. (7) Future amendments to separate laws for AMLA and MUIS. I would like to propose that we have separate laws for AMLA and MUIS to reflect the different roles and responsibilities of MUIS and the Syariah Court and to give these two matters more specific focus and attention. Sir, in conclusion, with these amendments, we have, in my opinion, the necessary prerequisites to make the Syariah Court a great Muslim Family Court. More importantly, those seeking legal remedies can now expect better and prompt service because justice is also about efficiency and productivity. This is certainly by no means the last amendment to the Bill. As we progress, we will need to amend AMLA periodically to keep pace with the progress and aspirations of the Malay-Muslim society. For now, Sir, only a solid endorsement by all concerned is the most appropriate support that we can give to this Bill.”
“From Malaysia to Morocco, Indonesia to India, societies are concerned with the compatibility of Islam and democracy and their respective roles in the political evolution of Muslim societies. While in some of these countries, revolution and reformation are characteristics of this process, we in Singapore can and should take a more evolutionary approach in managing this process. Sir, I now come to some of the more specific provisions of the Bill. There were genuine concerns that allowing Civil Courts to hear ancillary matters on divorce may dilute the powers of the Syariah Court. I am, however, of the view that there now exist sufficient safeguards to ensure that Muslims, as a matter of choice, will go to the Syariah Court to resolve their disputes, that is, requiring parties to seek leave of the Syariah Court and provision for counselling even if there is mutual consent by both parties to go to the Civil Court to settle their disputes. Sir, the Syariah Court is the people's court. Utlimately, the status and reputation of the Syariah Court depends on the support it gets from the community. While it may be possible to regulate and make it mandatory for people to go to Syariah Court, this alone may not necessarily ensure the good reputation of the Syariah Court. Besides, Malays have progressed so far that there are complex issues, for example, involving overseas properties and other assets that may be too complex for the Syariah Court alone to shoulder this responsibility. (6) Strengthening the Syariah Court. I support the various initiatives to strengthen the Syariah Court to review the administrative measures, procedures and manpower needs and the call for Muslims to volunteer their services towards this cause.”
“Some are still searching to find the comfort zone where they can be completely Malay-Muslim and wholeheartedly and absolutely Singaporean in our multi-racial society. (5) A society in transition. Fifthly, historical perspective. Even during the empires of the Caliphate from AD 632 to 661, there were separate syariah and non-syariah jurisdiction. I quote from S.E. Finer on The History of Government from the Earliest Times: 'The caliphs set up syariah courts, conducted by trained specialists, the gadis, but because so much of syariah law was unsuited and unaccommodated to the running of the state, the caliphs had also established their own court whose principal duty had been to deal with complaints against and between their officials. It was an "administrative court" of complaints, the mazalim. To remedy the syariah courts' inadequacy for administering the empire, they attracted into these mazalim courts entire classes of business relating to statecraft. It was by these steps that the empire came to have one law - the syariah - but two separate jurisdictions: the syariah jurisdiction and the non-syariah jurisdiction, that is, the caliphal one, not unacceptable to the ulama who had always recognised that he had the right to define the jurisdiction of the syariah court. So, while the latter handled religious, family and most civil matters like police, taxation, criminal justice, and military affairs fell within the caliphal jurisdiction.' Sir, even in modern Islamic history, we could see that one of the crucial issues defining the political future is the relationship of Islamic forces and democratic political systems. Competition, cooperation and conflict are amongst the most important dimensions of Muslim life.”
“With good support from the community, I am confident that Singapore can develop a unique model of balancing Syariah and civil laws that can serve as an example to the multi-racial society the world over. (4) Malay Paradox. Fourthly, coming to terms with multi-racialism. Sir, there is also the view that the aspirations of the Malay-Muslims in Singapore to have an independent and full-fledged Syariah Court is a sign of Malay-Muslim fundamentalism in Singapore. Sir, this is an incorrect assessment. In my view, there exists a paradox in the Malay-Muslim community and in fact in the heart and soul of a Malay-Muslim Singaporean. As an individual, we are expected to reflect and demonstrate our evangelical spirit and be a role model to other Muslims. Malay-Muslim leaders, either in politics or in community, because of their privileged position and the influence that they may have on society, are also expected to be the protector, defender and crusader of Islam. This is especially so in Singapore where Malay-Muslims are ethnic minorities, where increasing complex social problems are seen as a result of the social ills of modernisation and westernisation and where Islam is considered as the only force that is capable of confronting this influence. Yet, the dilemma is that Malay-Muslim leaders, by virtue of their position in society, must necessarily be more aware of the multi-racial dynamics of the Singapore society and therefore are constantly put under pressure to balance the secular and religious interest of the community without being unnecessarily compromising in dealing with this conflicting interest. Individually, Malay-Muslim Singaporeans are still looking and coming to terms with balancing the religious and secular values.”
“Perhaps another less obvious but no less significant consequence is the fact that the process of participation by a large cross section of the community from professionals to Ulamas, social workers and community leaders have brought about a sense of collective ownership and a strong desire that the amendments represent a process that would bring the present status closer to the aspirations of the community. There is today a sense that each and every Malay-Muslim counts. That each has a role to play in strengthening the social institutions like the Syariah Court and overcoming the many problems that continue to beset the community. Whilst some may disagree with a number of specific provisions proposed in the amendments, what cannot be denied is that the Bill requires the moral support of all Malay-Muslims if we are to see solid and visible improvements. I hope this sense of ownership can be translated into action, for example, volunteers and social workers to help the counselling process of those contemplating divorce, especially now that this process can be delegated to the community and lawyers and other professionals to help strengthen the Syariah Court that is extremely short of trained resources and lacks the experience in handling complex Muslim issues. What is also not disputed is the fact that there is a strong desire in the community to develop the Syariah Court into a full-fledged Family Court when it has acquired sufficient experience in establishing the tradition and jurisprudence that would enable it to handle increasingly complex problems of our society. This is an issue that confronts many Muslim societies the world over.”
“In my view, Sir, and it is also shared by those who presented themselves at the Select Committee, the Civil Courts have been extremely fair and sensitive when dealing with cases that have implications on Islam. I must compliment our judges and journalists who have been very careful in dealing with these sensitive issues. I think they have done their jobs so successfully that a large section of our population today have become unaware of the potential conflicts and problems some of these cases may bring. Having said that, some of the Malay-Muslims still fear that when the crunch comes, and there is a conflict between the interpretation of the Civil and Syariah Courts, the Civil Court would never compromise its position in terms of justice and equity for the sake of any particular religion. While my friends in the predominantly Muslim neighbouring countries take comfort that should there be any conflicts between Islamic and civil laws, there will be enough political or judicial intervention to ensure that the reputation of Islam is not compromised. Some Malay-Muslims in Singapore are not similarly assured. As ethnic minorities, some feel inadequate in dictating or influencing the judicial process as can be done in some other predominantly Muslim countries and therefore are concerned that the Civil Court may not adequately consider Islamic interpretation when making its decisions. (3) Participation and consensus. I compliment the Minister for referring the Bill to the Select Committee for out of it has come numerous practical suggestions and recommendations that have resulted in further amendments to the Bill.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I rise in support of the Bill. Let me, first, share my views on some of the principles and issues in this Bill. (1) This is not just a Malay or Muslim Bill. Sir, many in Singapore view this Bill as just another Malay or Muslim Bill. They do not appreciate the ramification of this Bill to the larger issue of race relations. I hope that Singaporeans can learn from the current regional situation that the rest of Singapore cannot be insulated from otherwise unrelated religious problems if ethnic communities in Singapore or, in the case, Malay-Muslim community feels that their fears and concerns are not adequately appreciated or understood by the majority of the Singapore population. Therefore, this Bill is as much about Singapore as it is about Malay-Muslims in Singapore because the issues have wide implications on the relationship between ethnic minority and the State. This Bill is about managing the complexity of multi-racialism in Singapore. (2) Potential conflicts exist. Many Singaporeans may be unaware and ignorant of the fact that whenever a case involving matrimonial property and custody is being decided in court and given wide publicity in the press, there is great anxiety and apprehension amongst the Malay-Muslim population because of the concern that the decisions taken by the Civil Court may be in conflict with Islam. Many Muslims have the perception that there are wide differences between Muslim and civil laws although, in actual fact, there are only slight, if any, differences between Syariah and civil laws relating to the maintenance, custody and division of property on divorce.”
“There was a question on Malay Studies at Honours level. I think that really depends on whether there is a demand from the students. I will ask NUS to consider this. As for the South Asian Studies Programme (SASP), this will be launched at NUS' Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at the beginning of academic year 1999/2000. Preparations for the SASP's implementation have proceeded smoothly, and the Faculty will be ready to admit its first cohort of students in July. But we must remember that the South Asian Studies Programme is not a Tamil Studies Programme, but there will be Tamil language modules offered as electives. This will provide an opportunity for those students who wish to pursue Tamil language at a higher level to do so, but it is not primarily a Tamil language programme. Tamil language will also be available as cross faculty modules to students of other faculties in NUS. Finally, Sir, on the question of religious education being conducted in schools. In fact, today, we do allow religious education to be conducted in schools for preparing students to take religious knowledge examinations in the approved courses at the 'N' or the 'O' level. For example, Islamic Religious Knowledge (IRK) is an elective subject taught outside curriculum time but in schools, and it may be offered in English or in Malay. In 1998, I am told there were four schools serving as IRK centres, but this year, because there are fewer pupils offering IRK, I think there is only one school offering IRK in Malay. So this is already possible, but this is only for students taking religious knowledge courses which are leading to an 'N' or an 'O' level programme.”
“Examples of recent training include workshops on the use of IT in the teaching of the mother tongue languages. And MOE's curriculum specialists also monitor the teaching of the mother tongue languages to provide teachers with the necessary guidance and advice. I would like to assure Mr Hawazi that while it is true that the younger Malay teachers were educated in the English medium and most of them studied Malay at the second language level, these teachers are native speakers of Malay and have done well in the subject. Furthermore, the training at NIE for Malay language teaching is intensive and covers both knowledge of the language as well as appropriate methodology in language education. Our young Malay teachers are competent teachers of the Malay language. And those Malay language teachers who are more experienced or who have studied the language at higher levels are deployed to teach Higher Malay. I would also like to assure Mr Hawazi that mother tongue teachers are considered for promotion to higher appointments, whether they are Heads of Departments, Vice Principals or Principals in the same way as any other teacher is considered for appointment to these posts. The Ministry is always looking for good Principals and Vice Principals and it will make no sense for us to exclude any group if they are able to perform these roles. Sir, the Ministry will continue to intensify its efforts in both recruitment and training. The more mother tongue teachers we can recruit, and the better we can equip them with the skills to deliver lessons that are interesting and innovative, the higher the quality of mother tongue instruction in our schools. Sir, may I proceed to some other specific areas that Members have raised? Firstly, with regard to various studies in the universities.”
“They will study higher mother tongue and Literature intensively. In the final two years, the trainees will take pedagogical studies and continue to study higher mother tongue and Literature. The first batch of candidates from this programme will graduate from NIE and be deployed to our primary schools starting in the year 2001. In the interim, to ensure enough mother tongue teachers for the schools, retired and retiring mother tongue teachers, who have a good performance record will be re-employed. The Ministry will, at the same time, also intensify its mother tongue teacher recruitment efforts, both locally and overseas, and we will take the various suggestions into account. Apart from ensuring that a sufficient number of other mother tongue teachers are recruited, the Ministry also pays attention to the quality of the teachers recruited. The number of graduates recruited to teach the mother tongue languages has nearly doubled from 82 in 1995 to 154 in 1998. The number of teaching scholarships and awards granted for other mother tongue language studies has also increased by four-fold, from 7 in 1995 to 29 in 1998. More serving non-graduate mother tongue teachers have also been granted study leave to pursue a university degree. A total of 183 applications were approved in 1998, and this is a significant increase from 1995 when only 20 applications were approved. 1.30 pm Sir, the Ministry of Education recognises the importance of constantly upgrading our mother tongue teachers' proficiency, and ensuring that their teaching methodology remains relevant. Besides scholarships and awards, seminars, workshops, training courses and briefings are organised on a regular basis.”
“I would like to assure Members that the Ministry has been stepping up its recruitment of mother tongue language teachers to meet the needs of our schools. The number of graduates and `A' level holders recruited to teach Chinese language, for example, has increased by four-fold since 1995, to 193 in 1998. The increase is nearly two-fold for Malay language teachers, to 60 in 1998. In the case of Tamil language, the number of teachers recruited has decreased from 44 in 1995 to 18 in 1998. This is because of lower replacement needs, but the recruitment levels are still generally sufficient to cover our long-term replacement needs. Due to the stepped up recruitment efforts over the past three years, the staffing situation for mother tongue teachers in the schools today is not perfect but relatively good. With the current batch of NIE trainees posted to schools in the middle of this year, the average teacher vacancy per school for the mother tongue languages will be about 0.3. To further increase the pool of mother tongue teachers, especially for the primary schools, besides the graduates and `A' level holders, we have introduced a 4-year Diploma in Mother Tongue Language Education, started in 1997. This is to recruit `O' level holders who have done well academically in their mother tongue language, and have the interest to teach the language at the primary level. Over the past two years, about 30 CL candidates per year have been recruited into this programme. The figures for ML and TL are 60 and 20 per year respectively. The training that teachers undergo in this programme is very rigorous. In the first two years, the mother tongue language proficiency of the trainee teachers will be raised to at least `A' level standard.”
“Some members of the public have written to the press to share the difficulties that their children face in learning TL and, at the same time, we have other calls that suggest that the level of TL is not quite high enough. More than 50% of Primary 1 pupils offering TL today come from predominantly English-speaking homes. As part of the review, the Ministry of Education will carry out an in-depth evaluation of the current TL syllabus and textbooks, analyse performance at major examinations, and gather feedback from students, parents and teachers. Besides reviewing the TL syllabus, we will also study whether there is a need for a second TL syllabus, or TL `B', for the small minority of students who, despite putting in a great amount of effort at school and at home, still do badly in TL. For students who are strong in the language, the relaxation of the criteria at Primary 5 and Secondary 1 would also be implemented for Higher Tamil. The Ministry will also review the current standard of Higher Tamil, to ensure that it is pitched at an appropriate level, in relation to the international benchmark, Tamil Nadu, but at the same time, recognising the different context within which students learn Tamil in Singapore. On Mr Tay Beng Chuan's point on learning yet more languages, Malay in particular. Those who are able are already encouraged to do so, and some students do three languages. But these are exceptionally able students. For most students, they have quite enough on their plate already, by trying to master two languages. Mr Ang Mong Seng, Mr Ibrahim bin Othman, Mr Hawazi Daipi and Mr Shriniwas Rai have rightly pointed out whether we achieve our intended objectives in the teaching of mother tongues, depends critically on our mother tongue language teachers.”
“For the Malay language, I have discussed the current status of the teaching and learning of ML in schools with our Malay MPs, and we agreed that it would be useful to carry out a review, as suggested by a Member over there. It is timely for us to take a look at ML teaching to see if we can make improvements, and if we can do more for those doing Higher Malay. Our initial assessment is that Malay students are faring reasonably well in Malay language, but that some non-Malay students who are doing Malay language may be having difficulties. So, the study will look at this and other areas. The Ministry of Education will spearhead this review. I have invited Minister Abdullah Tarmugi to sit on this Committee with me. Other members will include Parliamentary Secretary, Mr Mohamad Maidin, and our colleague, Mr Hawazi Daipi. It will also have Ministry of Education officials and language experts. The Committee will have access to all the resources of the Ministry, and will seek the views of parents, teachers and others where these are helpful. The review is expected to be completed by about the end of March next year. Some of the recommendations on the teaching and learning of Chinese language can be considered for adoption for the Malay language. In any case, two specific recommendations that we will already be implementing, starting from the year 2000, are the relaxation of the criteria for students to offer Higher Chinese at Primary 5 and Secondary 1. In the case of the Tamil language, a review is already under way. I expect that this review will take about a year to complete before it is ready to be implemented. A TL Advisory Committee, chaired by Mr Iswaran, is providing inputs and feedback to the Ministry. One of the issues being studied is the standard of TL.”
“I think we should not confine ourselves to just insisting on transmitting culture and cultural values via this medium. I think we will be unnecessarily limiting ourselves. And, in fact, during the Chinese Language Review, many parents have provided feedback of how they got their children, who are weak in Chinese, to be interested in learning more about Chinese culture and folklore through reading translated versions of famous works, such as "Romance of the Three Kingdoms" and so on. And perhaps, subsequently, they will then pick up some interest and a greater interest in the language and they want to go back to the language. So I think these are mutually supporting pillars. One incentive we have in place today to encourage students to offer Higher mother tongue at the secondary level is the award of two bonus points for admission to junior colleges, for students who pass higher mother tongue in the GCE `O' level examinations. This has increased the pipeline of students who are doing higher mother tongue. We have recently announced the expansion of the Chinese Language Elective Programme to a third junior college. This will allow these students to develop themselves at a higher level and to go on to be able to become part of the Chinese literary elite which we are talking about. The recent announcement on the teaching and learning of Chinese language in schools has also elicited feedback from the minority communities. First, let me reiterate that students from the minority communities will not be disadvantaged by the changes. The Ministry of Education will apply the same philosophy for the Chinese language to our other mother tongue languages.”
“Out of the top 30% of students in English, Mathematics and Science, one out of 10 is at the bottom 30% of CL. So there is some concern in this area, and it leads us to believe that there is a difference in distribution of ability when it comes to language versus other subjects. The Ministry is studying the design and implementation of the CL `B' syllabus, and we should be ready to announce the details later this year. Yesterday, I have already explained the reasons for arriving at our current bilingual policy in our schools and I do not propose to go through that again. Mr Peh Chin Hua has said that to imbibe culture properly, students must master the language, and being able to listen, understand and speak the language are not good enough. They must possess good, perhaps outstanding reading and writing skills as well. I completely agree with Mr Peh. Obviously, if you have the mastery of the language, you can imbibe and absorb the culture much better. But that is not the point. The point that we are trying to address, at least in part of the proposal for the CL programme, is that for those who have difficulties coping with the language, are we better off also to give them some sense of the richness of the culture, even though it is via other languages than not to try at all? I think that is the point. But it is quite clear that if you want to completely imbibe the culture and the richness of the culture, it is best done in its own language. There are also other non-language written sources of culture which are very good. For example, there are a lot of audio-visual materials, and a great deal about Chinese culture has been written by people who have studied in other languages.”
“Sir, I just like to ask the Minister whether he would consider allowing school premises to be used for religious classes after office hours at certain designated schools, and, of course, taught by religious teachers from outside. I say this because for some parents who want to have their children to have both religious and secular education, they can go to aided or mission schools. For others, they go to secular schools in the day, for example, and the later part of the day, they go to religious schools. The travelling time is quite difficult for the children. But on a broader side, I thought if we can somehow teach religion in a more secular environment, I think there is a wider benefit to students and to all of us. Of course, schools can be better utilised and perhaps we can keep these students longer in school. The Minister for Education (RAdm Teo Chee Hean): Sir, first, I would like to acknowledge and thank Members and members of the public as well for the many useful suggestions and the feedback that they have provided. We will take this into account when we design our systems and recommendations for mother tongue languages. Firstly, I wish to re-affirm our policy objective in the teaching of mother tongue, which is to have every Singaporean study his mother tongue for as long as possible, and to as high a level as possible. I note the concerns expressed by Mr Tay Beng Chuan on the CL `B' syllabus. I would like to reassure Members that strong incentives and disincentives will be put in place to encourage students to offer CL, rather than CL `B', if they have the ability to handle the CL. The reason why we are doing this, as we have stated earlier in this House, is that out of the top 30% of students, one in 10 of them is in the bottom 30% for CL.”
“Although we have the National Day awards, they are sometimes not quite visible. Generally, many are still shy of using their titles like PPM and BBM. Perhaps we can think of other ways to recognise good teachers and principals, eg, to appoint them to various Government and social institutions. But, ultimately, it is society, parents and children themselves who should show greater respect for teachers. I would suggest that with the beginning of every academic year, it is made compulsory for parents to meet teachers through orientation programmes, so that they get to know more of the school and the teachers whom they have entrusted to do this vital job. It is very much like what is done in the SAF for parents of new enlistees. One day in a year is certainly not too much for parents. Hopefully, through such interaction with parents and better understanding of their roles and the continuous effort and emphasis to recognise the good work of teachers, the social position and respect of teachers can be put to where they really deserve.”
“Sir, we can all agree educating our children must be the most important responsibility of parents. Yet, for obvious practical reasons, we have dedicated this role, the most important job, to teachers. Children spend a large part of their lives with their teachers to prepare them for the world. With so much information available elsewhere, I would argue that it is possible to get more information outside school, or even perhaps in an encyclopaedia. But the teacher does more, because what you learn in school, you learn in a way which you cannot learn in any other place or circumstance. Teachers have a special task only teachers can do. They inspire, lead, guide, stimulate, and sometimes to goad and irritate. In schools, students learn to explore, to inquire, to ask question and to experiment. Teachers used to occupy a special position in our society. More often than not, they were also leaders of the community, and regarded with respect and high esteem. I, however, suspect that over the years, the special position that teachers have occupied has somewhat deteriorated. Worse, I sense that parents are now more casual about openly criticising teachers, even in front of the children. I know of parents who are fully equipped with a list of complaints as they prepare to encounter teachers in school during parents and teachers meeting. It is becoming common to hear of parents wanting to transfer their children to other schools, because they think teachers are not doing a good job. Ironically, tuition teachers, most of whom are teachers themselves, are better treated and better paid by parents. We need to do more to uplift and enhance the social status of teachers through national awards and recognition.”
“OK. I would therefore like to urge the Minister to make it compulsory for some programmes to have multiracial participation if it is going to qualify for Government subsidies and incentives. We have the best community centres award each year. Why not make multiracial activity part of these assessment critieria? We have racial quotas for HDB. Why not have racial quotas for our childcare and pre-primary kindergartens? And I urge the Minister to take care of this in reviewing some of these policies. Multiculturalism will remain an ideal we will have to protect and constantly struggle to work for, because we have no other choice, but to try to achieve.”
“I am also concerned that these rules and practices within some of these self-help groups which contain an exclusive element in the Articles of Association will prevent them from providing some of these services to other racial groups. Why cannot the reverse happen? Why should we deny someone from another race who may have very good reasons to participate in the programmes of some other ethnic communities? We need to adopt a more inclusive approach to make it easier for other members of the community to take part in these activities. We now have colour-blind policies but not necessarily colour-blind programmes. But this must be our ultimate goal and we can do this by making our programmes more accessible to other communities and seize every available opportunity for inter-racial collaboration.”
“I am particularly troubled by the fact that unleashing of these ethnic energies, while successful in developing the social infrastructure of the ethnic community, can potentially develop to become an alternative to other secular programmes, instead of being in support of the broader national objectives. 1.30 pm Take the case of education, for example. We have seen how ethnic communities are now able to provide education in an entirely ethnic environment, beginning from the young to adulthood. While this may be a big step forward from the point of view of the community, it can be regressive and a step backwards for the ethnic community and for all of us in Singapore. Experiences in North America have shown that a separate ethnic based education system has not succeeded in providing lifelong meaningful employment opportunities. In fact, they may become a catalyst of isolationist tendencies, ie, extremism and hate. What hope can we have if a section of our community grows up into adulthood in an entirely different ethnic based education? What hope have we got if we allow them to erect walls between us and making it less possible to reach out and embrace and understand other communities in our society? We have seen how countries that have practised racial assimilation for years completely broken and fractured into divisive ethnic communities when the social and economic environment deteriorates. Can our society survive such a challenge? It is not surprising that many of these ethnic issues surfaced during the current economic crisis because they can blame racial discrimination for unemployment. They can blame on the education policy and the lack of a level playing field for poor scholastic achievement.”
“While the answers and assurances given by the various Ministers have helped people to view these issues in its proper perspective, it is quite natural for different ethnic communities to view these issues and others differently, and they see it from the "outside". Perhaps those who have experienced greater racial and cultural integration in their workplace, in schools, in the SAF, and in the communities may be better able to understand these issues from a broader perspective. Let me first say that I agree with the Government's approach of having self-help groups on racial and ethnic line because in order to get beyond race, we must first take into account race. There is no other way. In order to treat some people equally, we must perhaps treat them differently. We must realise that deep in our conscience, in our least political moments, when relaxing in the privacy of our homes, we are very much more likely than not to gravitate towards those whom we perceive as our own kind. It is because of this recognition that we have groups that have been able, through the various initiatives, to increase their ethnic identity and consciousness and contribute to the self-esteem of ethnic minority. They have been very successful in reaching out to the community, attracting dedicated volunteers and introducing programmes tailored to the specific cultural and ethnic needs. They have provided opportunities for unified and cohesive approach in dealing with the issues of the community and containing potential problems within the group. But I would like to caution that the very success of these self-help groups, based on powerful forces of race and religion and ethnic identity, can bring about a number of unintended consequences.”
“Sir, first, I would like to withdraw my cut on National Language and concentrate on multi-culturalism. Despite years of racial harmony and peaceful co-existence among the various races, racial, cultural and religious diversity in Singapore will continue to present a number of important and potentially divisive questions. The establishment of self-help groups has been one of the key strategies in our approach to solve these dilemmas faced by us and the community. Despite the success of these self-help groups, and for which they deserve much praise, I would say that finding a morally defensible and politically viable answer to some of these questions will remain a challenge facing us. In many other countries, minorities and majorities continue to clash on issues such as language, rights, political representation and education curriculum. Of recent, there has been talk within the community of the potentially divisive issues with regard to racial discrimination faced by job seekers, of Malays in the Singapore Armed Forces, and of the emphasis given to the development of Chinese cultural elites and the establishment of the SAP schools. We have seen recently how the announcement of a certain training programme initiative by the CDAC and the condition that it excludes other ethnic groups from participating in this programme can cause unease. Fortunately, in this instance, it turned out that all self-help groups will run similar programmes. I am glad that we are now able to talk on these issues openly and objectively.”
“There is also another reason for strong defence relationship with Indonesia. The economic crisis has made it difficult for many countries in the region to continue with the rapid military expansion plans which were very much noticeable during the period of strong economic growth. Singapore's consistent defence expenditure policy, compared to the feast and famine situation of our neighbours, can be problematic. Some may be misunderstood into thinking that Singapore is engaged or taking the opportunity to be engaged in an arms race. To avoid this perception, we must enhance defence cooperation through regular military exercises and exchange. We should increase visits of Indonesian politicians and military leaders so that they have a good view of our position in Singapore. Creating goodwill by better understanding, knowing and helping our neighbours must be made part and parcel of this renewed commitment to be better friends of Indonesia.”
“Sir, Singapore-Indonesia relations, which were once described as strong and solid, have now become unpredictable. Despite years of friendly cooperation and mutual help, we now learn that past deeds and even goodwill are no guarantee to future relationships. Indonesia will remain turbulent for some time. Our relationship will continue to be uncertain, sometimes potentially volatile. Many in Indonesia felt that Singapore can do more to help them ease the pain of the economic crisis. We have made offers of financial assistance in terms of trade financing and humanitarian aid but considering the scale of the problem, our help will never be enough. But that is where our problem will be. So long as we are seen to be more prosperous than our neighbours, less affected than others in the region, and yet heavily dependent on the countries around us, we will always have to manage the expectations of having to do more to help our neighbours. In this regard, we must try very hard to continue giving humanitarian aid as conditions in Indonesia continue to remain difficult. We must do as much as we can to support the good work done by the Singapore Red Cross Society. Defence relations with Indonesia will remain the key to a more stable friendship and must be maintained at the highest level. I am prompted to bring the example of General Winston Choo, who through his personal and long relationship with military leaders in Indonesia, has been effective in dealing with the potentially difficult issues of humanitarian aid especially when political relationship with Indonesia was somewhat fractured by the fall of Soeharto. In this instance, strong defence relationship has managed to fill the vacuum and gap of political relationship.”
“Prior to that, these ties have for very long been very much a feature of our relationship and has provided for deeper, meaningful, lasting and more stable relationship between these two friendly countries that we so aspire and deserve.”
“This understanding helps Singaporeans to put comments in their place and not to over-react to them in a paranoid manner. However, Singapore cannot be totally immune to such provocation. Even if rhetoric is mainly for domestic Malaysian consumption, the speakers must know that their words are heard in Singapore, as much as ours will be heard in Malaysia and must know how critical a resource, water, for example, is for our survival, and ensure that statements on the sale of water do not cause any insensitive or unfriendly attitude. It was noticeable during the negotiations on CIQ that the Singapore Government, perhaps tired of the ever changing position, hardened its stand on the issue which leads to many Singaporeans to say that we should have been more flexible and less rigid and less legalistic in our negotiations and that the complex issues could be resolved if younger political leaders had good relations with their Malaysian political leaders. I am of the view that our style of government is essentially different. It may be the cause of some political problems but it is far better to be consistent and let the Malaysians understand that we have a style, system and political culture of our own, certainly different and sometimes perhaps at odds with the Malaysians. Domestic issues in Malaysia will continue to be a major factor in our bilateral relations. While good and strong political relationship is useful, I sometimes doubt if this could alter the course of the complex bilateral issues. We must still continue to pursue and develop strong relations at all levels and this is why I call on the Government to re-establish sports, cultural, social and civic ties that were frozen earlier.”
“Ties between Singapore and Malaysia have always been, and will always consist of more than just political relations between two governments. Inter-governmental relations are just one of the many deep and abiding links between the peoples of our countries. Those links extend from the realm of business and economics to the private and domestic with families having members on both sides of the border. Culturally, no country is more similar to Singapore than Malaysia is and the commonalities of language, food, values and lifestyles continue to persist even after three decades of separate development. Today, the two countries' identities are distinct enough for their peoples to feel a strong sense of nationhood but also similar enough for there to be a high level of comfort in day-to-day, people-to-people relations. I believe that civic groups and non-governmental organisations on either side of the border have a special role to play in re-emphasising the broader nature of Singapore-Malaysia relations. It is only when both people have a deep awareness of the values of their close relationship that both sides will have the necessary commitment to resolve their disputes calmly and rationally, with due consideration given to each other's feelings. Once those disputes are settled, it will again be this broader relationship that helps both countries achieve our hopes and dreams together. This would mean the need for Singaporeans to be mindful of Malaysia's feelings in negotiations. Similarly, it is naturally for Singaporeans to expect their own feelings to be weighed when Malaysia chooses their words and actions. Singaporeans should be well aware of the vibrant political climate in Malaysia where political rhetoric is part and parcel of political life.”
“Sir, Singapore-Malaysia relations have always been described as one of "close neighbours" but I think sometimes this may not be appropriate because even if you have irreconcilable differences with your close neighbours, you can always sell your house and move elsewhere. Some have described our relations as husband and wife, but here, again, you can always get a divorce, move on and lead separate lives. Our relationship with Malaysia goes beyond that. We cannot change the geography of our region. We will always be together, bound by common history and an interdependent economy, strong social and family ties. Yet, political relationship remains stressful and continues to be so. It has been very unsettling to many Singaporeans to observe how quickly and easily issues like CIQ can be linked to unrelated political points, especially on the sale of water by Malaysia to Singapore. The practice of linking different issues when conducting bilateral issues is well known for dragging out disputes. ASEAN has always stood for non-linkage. Malaysia has frequently told the West not to link rights with environment, trade or investments. Thus when Singapore expects water or land or other issues not to be dragged to discussions on CIQ, it is not out of some unique Singaporean tendency but based on a principle that Malaysia too recognises very well. I believe that this principle of non-linkage should extend to players as well as to issues; the present dispute between the two governments is no reason why the rest of the society should turn unfriendly towards each other. This, after all, is very, very far from the state of war. On the scale of bilateral ties, it is but a disagreement over a small number of complex issues.”
“We can closely navigate the intricate channels of moving across barriers to all these countries, very difficult barriers. And the fact that we are Asians, we are seen to be better able to handle this. But technology has made this very different, because we no longer communicate through the phone and all that. Personal relationship has been replaced by more strategic relationship. Communication is through network. English becomes a more universal language in this communication. So what advantage do we have with a Thai, a Filipino, a Chinese or an Indian, when now the communication is through English. American global MNCs, for example, are better able to position themselves and take advantage of the situation. This is where our advantage and connection with the Asian countries may now become more than a myth and a reality. If we do nothing about it, I am afraid our position as an international hub may be terribly affected. And this is especially so because a lot of the factors in developing our hub can be easily copied by other countries. As you know, they are developing their own ports, airports and infrastructure. And if you look around, some of the incentive programmes have been offered by neighbouring countries. Many Members in this House will know that some of the terms, rules and regulations and incentives offered are very familiar. It is easy to copy incentives. We can give whatever we can give. And the only hope is that we have local companies who can stay in Singapore and develop Singapore as a hub. This is where I hope the Minister will look at other incentives, beyond what have been announced in the Budget, specifically to help local companies to take advantage of these incentives.”
“Sir, although I work for an international logistics company, I wish to give my feedback to the Minister on some of the problems faced by local logistics companies. Recently, I see the Singapore Government's growing emphasis to develop Singapore as a logistics hub. And this has gained recognition amongst MNCs of the need to use Singapore as an important hub for Asia Pacific countries. It is of such strategic importance to them. Among the MNCs, amidst the gloom of the Asian crisis, many of them are in fact growing their business by large amounts, and not necessarily for good reason. The reason is that they are taking market share from local companies. Local companies today find it hard to participate in international tenders. They do not have the infrastructure, network, the world-wide tracking systems in order to do that. The new types of businesses by computer companies requiring them to outsource and integrate various parts of their business, from vendors to suppliers to consumers within Singapore's hub, make it extremely difficult for local companies to participate, unless they synergise and set up ventures with other companies. And this is where I find that we need to do a lot more to help local companies develop. Because, otherwise, the hub will serve the major MNCs and not necessarily local companies. Major MNCs can come and go. We hope to have local companies who can stay rooted in Singapore, and thereby actually helping Singapore in the long run. There is another aspect to this problem, Sir, and that is the problem of technology. There is this view that because we are in Singapore, because we are close to our Asian neighbours, we are relevant to our Asian neighbours.”