Zulkifli bin Baharudin
Singapore
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the Minister spoke about concessions Singapore has made. But it appears like surprises to me. My question is: on the issue of land, bridge, etc, did the Malaysian government inform us earlier that these are to be part of the deal or did these matters surface just during the discussions with the Senior Minister?”
“We need to help companies and workers to cope with this restructuring. The right way to do it is by upgrading industries and training and retraining workers.”
“Sir, I am enlightened to hear the response from the Deputy Prime Minister. But I seem to have gathered some feedback that as and when people say that they have a criminal record, they do not even get an interview.”
“Sir, my wish really is that the Foreign Ministry should make the forging of good relations, understanding of our neighbours, the personal responsibility of every citizen because we have an important role to project our way of life and values to the people in the region.”
“My suggestion is that oversight should be from the inside. Government should encourage self-help groups to appoint more members of other races to their boards of directors and advisors.”
“Sir, I am asking the Minister really in privatising some of these GLCs, for the GLCs to take on a role where they can lead, bring along other SMEs together with them, not just a corporate or business mission, but other objectives as well, the larger objective of bringing along the SMEs as they grow, prosper and develop in the region.”
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“This is sometimes because of the over-reliance on self-help and other social groups who operate child care centres. Some child care centres have been known to hire foreigners with degrees from Sri Lanka and China who are cheaper but do not understand Singapore's culture. But I am particularly very disturbed by the worrying trends towards racial segmentation. Muslim parents tend to enrol their children in mosque-run kindergartens and day care centres. Higher income families tend to enrol their children in child care centres that are run by Caucasians whose curriculum and teachers are vastly different from our local culture. I am extremely concerned as the issue of segregation of children at such a young age cannot possibly be conducive to the building of a more cohesive society. In fact, I would caution that segregation at this level can bring about strong and divisive forces in the future. 6.30 pm I, therefore, urge the Minister to consider the introduction of a national child care system as it is timely and appropriate. The services can be provided by private companies but the coordination and regulation at various levels can be done by the Government. Child care services should be seen as part of the essential education of a child and be treated in the same way as other forms of formal education. Policy on child care should take into account both the core and education components. The Government should be more directly involved in setting up these centres. The formulation and implementation of child care policies should be handled by both the Ministry of Community Development and Ministry of Education. Attempts should be made to resolve the space constraint problem. At the moment, there is clearly a strong competition for void deck spaces by different social groups.”
“Sir, I would like to propose this cut on child care with specific emphasis on education. It may appear odd that I am talking about education. But this is not surprising, considering that education for pre-primary is under MCD, and not under the Ministry of Education. I hope to be able to persuade the Minister to have a national child care and pre-primary system, that child care and pre-primary services should not be simply left to market forces. The Government should go beyond its existing role of being a facilitator of such services as this is an area that has important economic and social implications. The provision of child care services has been seen as a vital part of the national effort to encourage higher labour participation rate amongst women. There is always the concern that our children are being brought up by foreign maids. The foreign maid levy reflects this concern as there are dangers caused by over-reliance on foreigners who may bring up Singapore children in the light of their own cultures. There have also been frequently expressed concerns on the importance and the need to transmit the right values to our young, in order to maintain and strengthen the social fabric of Singapore. Although I sympathise with the Government's anxiety to avoid being suck into what it perceives as a potential welfare trap, I nevertheless feel that an arm's length approach to children has created its own set of problems. I would like to clarify these: (1) It is difficult to find a good child care. There is a quote from the NUS Society publication recently. It said "finding a good child care is like buying 4-D". (2) The long waiting list is a common experience amongst child care providers. (3) Uneven quality of service amongst various child care.”
“Sir, in view of the high concentration of chemical industries in that part of the island, I just like to ask whether there are special provisions to ensure that a major catastrophe would not contaminate our water around that area.”
“(4) for developers, perhaps the Government should allow developers a longer period to complete their projects and waive penalties imposed on developers for delaying the completion of their projects in view of the current slump in the property market. The EC has been a good concept and introduced at a time when it was most needed. Market conditions, however, made it appear irrelevant and unnecessary today. However, with refinements, it can not only address and respond to market conditions but also ensure that the objective of ensuring mobility to meet the aspirations of our people to upgrade and improve themselves is still relevant and should be preserved.”
“However, on the contrary, I would argue that the philosophy and concept of EC remains relevant today as it was when it was first introduced. Yes, the market may have made ECs unattractive and unsaleable today. But what if the market takes an upswing? A new sandwich class will emerge again. The ECs must remain relevant in the long run. It is critical that we have different housing options to meet the aspirations of our people at prices that are gradual to make upgrading possible. As we all know, a flat is more than just a home. It represents a hope that many Singaporeans share, that they want to work hard to buy a property, the biggest that they can possibly afford for their own comfort and perhaps leave something behind for future generations. But for EC to remain viable and relevant in the future, it must survive in the short run. Refinements need to be made to the EC in order to be responsive to market conditions. It cannot remain rigid in the face of rapidly changing economic scenarios. I would like to ask the Minister to consider some of these suggestions. (1) remove or reduce the resale levy imposed on HDB upgraders who purchase ECs. HDB upgraders who purchase private property need not pay such a levy. So why not the cases of EC? (2) consider allowing CPF to be used for part or the entire portion of the initial 20% for purchase of ECs. (3) allow preferential interest on loan for the remaining 80% of the purchase price, similar to that of purchases of HDB flat. If need be, this can be made available for, say, a five-year period after which purchasers can then obtain loans from banks at commercial rates.”
“Sir, I would like to ask the Minister to refine the Executive Condominium Scheme in view of the poor demand for such properties. Not too long ago, one of the main fears of young Singaporeans and would-be property owners is that private property ownership would be beyond the reach of many Singaporeans, especially professionals, graduates and HDB upgraders. The property sector also had a number of imperfections. One, the gap between prices of HDB Executive flats and private property is so huge to make upgrading financially prohibitive. What was needed was to have a continuum of housing options to serve different price structures. A gradual and narrower gap between prices of different housing types facilitate mobility and upgrading and give incentives and motivation for those who aspire to improve their standard of housing. The introduction of the EC in August 1995 meets this objective. When 2,000 units were brought into the market in 1996 and 4,000 in 1997, the sheer size and number of units introduced made the EC a major factor in the local property market. In fact, it brought about a huge relief to the so-called "sandwich" class, the first layer of HDB upgraders and first time owners who felt that they have been priced out of the private residential market at that time. Unfortunately, those who have been rescued by the "sandwich" class by the introduction of the EC still remains sandwiched today as prices of residential market have fallen to EC levels. Some developers now find themselves unable to break even if ECs are sold at current prices. There have been suggestions that EC should be scrapped. With prices of private residential properties falling buyers will not find EC attractive, especially when it comes to restrictions not present in private properties.”
“Thirdly, maybe we could establish more forwarder linkages between Singapore and other major distribution centres where certain very expensive infrastructure that can be built by the Government can be shared by local companies who find it extremely prohibitive to set up on their own, especially when we talk about IT network and all. Fourthly, perhaps, we could use our strong bilateral relations with other countries in the region to have certain exemptions with regard to the existing bureaucratic and customs practices that some of the countries in the region impose on goods that are transhipped from Singapore. On the whole, I hope we could do a lot more so that the local industries can be upgraded. 5.15 pm”
“Sir, first, I would like to declare my interest as I am working in a logistics and forwarding company, not a local one though. But I would like to ask that more be done to support local transport logistics providers. I think we can be proud of our airport, our seaport and world class national airline and shipping line. We want to be, and we are already, a regional distribution centre but I feel that more should be done to help local forwarders to upgrade themselves. In the last many years, if you look at the top IATA forwarders in Singapore, about 10, only one is a Singapore company. This has been so for the last few years and I do not see many changes taking place in the next few years unless major strategic initiatives are taken to help local companies. It is important to note that unless local companies are able to rise to this challenge and to complement the solid infrastructure that we have, we will find ourselves difficult to meet the competition, especially in some regional cities that have expressed interest in wanting to also be a regional hub. It is also not surprising to note that a lot of the local companies today are finding it difficult to compete and meet with the total logistics requirements of multi-national companies where their requirements have crossed the global and regional span. So we really need to do something about it. I have got two suggestions. One is to establish strong alliances between Government-owned and GLCs with local companies so that local companies have the experience to upgrade and participate in bigger contracts. Secondly, when PSA recently announced a joint venture with a large German automotive logistics firm, I would have thought it be appropriate to also include local companies to be involved and gain some experience.”
“Employers will face retrenchments, not just skilled or unskilled workers facing structural unemployment and therefore requiring retraining, but also white collar staff and professionals who need to acquire new skills and knowledge as their specialist knowledge and expertise now find fewer alternatives and opportunities. I am sure we have the necessary resources to help these people should and when the need arise. But most important of all, Sir, is the need to galvanise our people during such times, for example, to help social community organisations. It must be made a parcel of every Singaporean life to contribute to society in whatever form. There is enough goodwill in our people that we can win their hearts and minds to help make Singapore a better place to live by helping our friends, neighbours and communities. Therefore, social community programmes should be enhanced and not reduced. We should not let the economic crisis make us more selfish, insular and damage the social progress that we have made so far. We must come out of this crisis not only to be economically stronger but also to be socially, culturally and racially more cohesive. Sir, I support the motion. [Mr Deputy Speaker in the Chair] 4.05 pm”
“The inherent restriction on foreign property ownership and limitations on Singapore dollar borrowing by foreigners for property purchase could perhaps be reviewed in the light of the current property crisis. The review is also timely in view of moves to attract foreign talents to settle in Singapore. I appeal to the Government to now consider allowing CPF monies to be used to pay for the initial 20% downpayment for property purchase. I support the increase in development expenditure. As it is a prudent move and would maintain stability in the construction industry, it is also more cost-effective to carry out major infrastructure and land reclamation works during a period of economic slowdown. I support earlier proposals to reduce corporate taxes and freeze public sector fees and charges. Sir, I hope that we do not forget those who face problems during these difficult times. Charitable organisations will find fewer generous and willing corporate sponsors to fund their various social and community programmes. Children and students whose families may have lost their jobs, though temporarily, we have the responsibility to ensure that they continue to go to schools and higher tertiary education through bursaries, scholarships, loans and grants. More funds should be made available, for example, through the Community Development Councils to fund these programmes as CDCs too will find it more difficult to raise funds through voluntary contributions from the public.”
“On a more practical note, Sir, I would like to ask for more resources, under public relations budget, to ensure that operationally ready units take on a more active role in communicating with NSmen, their families and their employers, instead of living it entirely to otherwise unknown officials or bureaucrats. Thirdly, socio-economic. I would like to touch on a few of the specific incentives introduced and highlight some of the wish lists I have here. Firstly, while the freeze in rentals for HDB and JTC premises is a welcome move, there are indications that it may still be higher than some in private sector rentals which are more responsive to changes in the economy. Therefore, the Government should not hesitate to introduce rental reductions, if this is necessary. Government operating in the open market should be equally responsive when this is needed. Secondly, the tax concession for the transport and logistics industry is timely in view of the efforts to reinforce Singapore's position as a global city of international trade. However, a foreign industry whose future survival is dependent on its ability to globalise its operation, incentives to help and encourage local companies to globalise through mergers, acquisition and establish global linkages would be more significant. Such incentives are absent from this Budget. Thirdly, adjustment to land sales would help to ease the already excessive supply of private residential properties. One estimate puts it that it would take about three years to clear the existing supply of properties. Perhaps, the Government may want to review the whole issue of Executive Condominiums.”
“3 billion has been set aside for development expenditure to pay for new school building programmes, media resource library, IT Master Plan, and a new polytechnic. Appropriately, there has also been a strong recognition that education is a continuing process throughout life, from pre-school to adult worker training and retraining. But I would like to highlight the need for more to be done for teachers by providing more resources in terms of training and development. Most of the training is now provided through the training and development budget. For in-service training, this can be increased and its availability be made more flexible, so that teachers can benefit from more resources and expertise outside the Ministry. I would also like to suggest greater emphasis be given for parents to be more involved in their children's education by having them involved in new structured school programmes to emphasise the participatory approach, and that education of our young is a joint responsibility for all of us to shoulder. Secondly, defence. While it is tempting we should not be lulled into thinking that defence priorities can be scaled down, when pressing economic challenges make resource allocation and competition with other social and economic priorities more problematic, it is precisely during these times that the lack of emphasis on defence can send wrong and unnecessary signals about the seriousness with regard to the defence of our nation. It is during these times that it is more urgent for Singaporeans to remain vigilant and aware of the vulnerabilities of our nation.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I would, first, like to compliment the Minister for coming up with a good Budget during such a difficult time. I would personally describe the Budget that was unveiled as focused and strategic, one that has laid the foundation for long-term recovery, productivity and competitiveness. However, for the short term, the Budget has failed to meet the immediate concerns of the general public and business community, especially the small and medium enterprises who hold a more pessimistic view of the economy. Quite naturally, Sir, they cannot appreciate the long-term benefits if they are worried and do not have confidence in the short term. Instilling confidence is crucial to business. You cannot do business by being pessimistic. We need to give businesses enough assistance that while they prepare for the worse, they can have enough hope for the best. Unfortunately, the Budget fails to provide the badly needed stimulus. The Minister diagnosed a mild prescription for an economy many see in dire need for stronger dose of economic stimulant. Off-Budget measures are indeed necessary and reassuring. However, the fear, as has been expressed earlier, is that it could be too little, too late, to help cushion the impact of further deterioration in the economy. I would just like to touch on three main areas of emphasis in this Budget, as they really reflect our long-term priorities and strategies. Firstly, education. Investment in education is crucial in good and bad times. The emphasis is, therefore, appropriate at least in keeping with tremendous momentum to prepare and develop Singapore into a knowledge-based economy. $1.”
“The television companies and the Radio Corporation of Singapore are Government-owned. The newspapers maintain pro-Government editorial policies. For opposition parties, video tapes are perhaps one tiny way to redress this imbalance. To deny them, Sir, of this small opportunity, is unnecessary. Therefore, on the second issue, Sir, I appeal to the Minister sincerely to give party political films a chance in Singapore.”
“No doubt, I am assured that although the proposed law is extremely sweeping, the Minister will assure us that we can trust the Government to apply it very selectively, and that producers and distributors like that of "12 Storeys" would be safe. But this is not a satisfactory way for the legislature to deal with such issues. If we believe in the rule of law, then laws that are passed by this House must be clear and transparent. They must not be so sweeping and vague that in the end it is entirely up to the Minister's discretion whether a person has broken the law. Unfortunately, this is how the amendment to the Films Act is written or perceived. In fact, if the Bill is taken literally, even some recent television commercials produced by the Government could probably be banned. For example, in 1996, before the last general election, there were television commercials highlighting the role of public service in keeping Singapore running. Since public service was one anticipated election issue, it could be argued that this television commercial was "directed towards a political end, and that it contained partisan comments on issues of public controversy." Sir, it would be unfortunate if such videos are stopped simply because of this legislation. On the other hand, if such campaigns are going to continue, and I think it should, how are these videos going to be exempted from the ban? Therefore, one objection to this Bill is that it is too broad and vague. The Bill would deny opposition parties one way to reach out to citizens and inform them about their political platforms. Although this Bill affects both the PAP and the opposition parties equally, there is a general perception that the PAP already has many ways of reaching the public.”
“For those who are guilty of causing racial disharmony and instability, the Internal Security Act and the Maintenance of Religious Harmony Act have adequate provisions to deal with such issues. For those who breach ethics of broadcasting and journalism, we can bring them to task either through a panel consisting of professional media persons or from the Elections Department. By all means, Sir, we should treat the message and the messenger severely if this is necessary and appropriate. In my view, Sir, the Bill defines "party political film" extremely broadly. A ban would extend to any film made by any person, not just by political parties, as long as it is directed towards any political end in Singapore. This includes any partisan or biased references to Government policies or controversial public issues. The amendment is sweeping and vague. Personally, I do not see a problem if the publication of Petir or Hammer be made into a video or compact disk. Yet such a video would be illegal. In fact, it would take much less than that to run foul of the proposed law. I fear for the implication it has on the arts in Singapore. On literal interpretation, it would seem that even a movie like "12 Storeys", which was Singapore's proud contribution to last year's International Films Festival, could get the producers in trouble. "12-Storeys" included humorous and often critical references to toilet flushing laws, the SDU and many other Government policies. With the new law, it looks as if the producers and distributors of such creative works could be fined or jailed.”
“Sir, the second issue: to make it an offence to make, reproduce, distribute and exhibit any party political film is something different altogether. In the past, this House has seen many changes and amendments made to various Bills to take advantage of technological changes. In this instance, however, it is my view that technology which could have been used to improve communication between political parties and their electorate is somewhat unnecessarily prohibited. Singaporeans have become very interested in their politics. They want to know more about the issues of the state. Contrary to earlier perceptions, Singaporeans are not disinterested or pathetic about politics in Singapore. They want more communication. They want to be better informed. Increasing the means and mode of communication is one such way. Films and videos provide additional and more effective means of communication and this must be further encouraged. What we do not want is excessive politicking, intruding into our bedrooms through political broadcasts and advertising. What we do not want is wrong information or misinformation. What we do not want is clandestine making and distribution of films which will cause instability, racial disharmony, panic and rumour-mongering. However, Sir, we have existing legislation to deal with such abuses. We have already limited the amount of money that political parties spend during elections or for political campaigns. We can limit the time political parties advertise or even broadcast on radio or television. In any case, Sir, we do not have too many competing radio and television stations to cause these problems. There is also other legal recourse. For those who are guilty of defamation, my suggestion is to sue them.”
“Sir, this Bill to amend the Films Act to address the deficiencies in the law arising from technological developments and advancement has two main focuses: (1) to prohibit and deter the trade in obscene film, and (2) to prohibit the import, making, distribution and exhibition of party political film. On the first issue, Sir, on obscene film, I support the stand taken to ensure and preserve the high standards of morality and decency. In this regard, the proposal to increase the penalties for making such films must be supported. I must compliment the Minister for the tough stand taken against persons who allow children and young persons to be involved in the production, distribution or exhibition of obscene films. The penalties in terms of fines and imprisonment are indeed severe. But they are necessary. Children and young persons must never be tempted into such undesirable acts. We have the responsibility to ensure that children and young persons in Singapore are not corrupted by sleaze and obscenity. We must strive and continue to make Singapore the best possible place to raise our children. Sir, I welcome the proposal to increase the membership of the Films Appeal Committee from nine to 15. They are given powers to overturn decisions of public officers of the Board of Film Censors. Their participation marks a step in the right direction of having more civic participation in the censorship process and institutionalising such a process in the legislation for greater accountability and transparency. Civic participation is necessary in order to ensure that public officers, in carrying out their work, are guided by the relevant social and cultural attitudes of our society.”
“With regard to the new section 16, subsection (2), I wish to seek clarification from the Minister on the proposed fees to be imposed for seeking exemption for publications which are prohibited. In view of the low cost of these products, especially as a result of recent technology, such fees may be out of proportion to the cost of the product. Further, a period of three months for such publications and materials to be held in custody may be too long as the product could have become obsolete. On the whole, Sir, I think this is a good Bill and wish to state my support for the amendments.”
“It is for this same reason, Sir, that it is in my view extremely difficult for any one person, such as the Chief Controller or delegated public officers, to exercise judgment over such a difficult matter and so decide or interpret the moral tone of our society. In my opinion, Sir, I would suggest that a more civic participation involving a cross-section of our civil society be formed under the supervision of the Chief Controller to guide the Chief Controller in the interpretation and classification of such publications and to facilitate the smooth transmission, broadcast, circulation and exhibition of this publication for commercial considerations and yet in no way compromise our high standards of morality, decency and propriety. On a more practical note, Sir, it would be difficult for any one person or corporation to determine what is objectionable and what is not. It may take expert judgment to decide how would any person or corporation find it easier to make such a decision. A person would have to make a very difficult decision whether or not to seek exemption or to determine that he has with him a publication that can be classified undesirable and may in fact find himself convicted simply because of error of judgment. Such a fear, Sir, would lead to the Chief Controller being inundated with publications that would require his approval. This could have detrimental commercial consequences. I seek the Minister's clarification and assurance that the mechanism to ensure the speedy and efficient processing of such publications is available. We should also have mechanisms where the decisions and objections to the Chief Controller and the Minister can be published and made readily available to the public giving reasons for the objections for ease of reference.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise to support this Bill as placed before this House. Sir, the tough stand that the Government has taken with regard to obscene or undesirable publications on grounds of sex, violence, crime or drugs is appropriate and deserves support. In fact, I would say that in view of the rapid and complex technological developments in areas of periodical publications, media printing, there is a constant need to be more vigilant to ensure that the current legislation be kept relevant and that the standards of morality, decency and propriety are preserved. In this regard, Sir, I support the proposal to increase the penalties for such offences as stated in the amendments. A new definition of what is objectionable, taking into account new technologies in sound recording and reproductions of pictures, photographs from computers, would be considered very appropriate and timely. However, Sir, while the Bill has provided for comprehensive guidelines to determine whether or not a publication is considered objectionable, it would indeed be extremely difficult in practice to determine what is objectionable. It is sometimes difficult to determine what constitutes torture, sexual and violent abuses and exploitation of nudity, let alone having to relate this with considerations for the literary, artistic, social, cultural, educational and scientific merit before deciding whether a particular publication is indeed objectionable. In fact, Sir, it is acknowledged, under the new section 2B, subsection (3), that the question whether or not a publication is objectionable is a matter for expert judgment.”
“In the case of Indonesia, a lot of the debts are non-bank debts and here the range is much greater and there is a severe moral hazard if the Indonesian government comes in to say, "Well, this is a private company. It borrows money. Events have turned out adversely and the government will bail it out." The Indonesian government has said that it will not do this and this makes it harder, and there are so many more parties. So I do not foresee a quick resolution to the problem.”
“Sir, there have been efforts by a private sector led consortium to restructure debts owed to Singapore banks by Indonesian companies. I would like to ask the Deputy Prime Minister what is the progress and status of this and whether it is timely for the Singapore Government and other governments in the region to play a more facilitating role to help solve this problem. BG Lee Hsien Loong: A private consortium to restructure debts is a private consortium. So it is up to them to work out an arrangement which is acceptable to both the lenders and the borrowers in order to turn over the debts and share the burden of any losses. I do not know what the latest status is. I do not think they have resolved the problem yet. Since the Government's role in this is limited, we hope the countries whose institutions have lent large amounts of money to Indonesia, like Japan, or the countries which have major influence on the international financial system like America, will exercise their influence over their bankers to play a constructive role and to get together to solve this problem, instead of running for the exit all at the same time and therefore all panicking and getting nothing back. We can encourage them to do it, but it is for them to decide. I would say that it is not easy for a debtor/creditor forum to succeed in the case of Indonesia compared to Korea. Because in the case of Korea, a lot of the money are debts to the banks and the banks are relatively few and it is easy for the Korean government to know who they are dealing with and which are sound and which are not sound, and where they can step in and give assurances.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I would like to ask the Deputy Prime Minister, in view of IMF's opposition to Indonesia's plan for a currency board and threats of withdrawal of IMF funding should Indonesia proceed with the plan, would the Singapore Government similarly withdraw or what would be its position on the US$5 billion stand-by credit to Indonesia? BG Lee Hsien Loong: Mr Speaker, Sir, the US$5 billion stand-by credit is a second line credit. As has been explained in this House by Dr Hu, it stands behind the IMF commitment and is conditional on Indonesia following an IMF programme. It will only be drawn down, first, if Bank Indonesia exhausts its own reserves and, second, if Indonesia then draws upon the IMF-provided line of credit, which is about US$20 billion, and if that is still insufficient, then we are really third in line. So it is conditional on the IMF programme and therefore the situation envisaged by the Member is unlikely to arise.”
“I would like to ask the Minister of State whether he would consider imposing similar charges for the First and Second Causeways to ensure that both Causeways are fully utilised.”
“I am sure that the Singapore Government has its own reasons for proceeding in the first place to build the Second Crossing and I am very sure that the interests of motorists and Singaporeans are consistent with this objective. But if the Malaysian government were to consider not imposing more feasible charges for the Second Crossing, would he consider imposing different charges for Singaporeans and Malaysians using the Second Crossing?”
“In view of the expression by some motorists that they may not want to use the Second Crossing and there could possibly be more congestion on the existing Causeway and the likelihood that the Second Crossing may not be utilised and become a white elephant, has the Minister of State considered plans whereby this will not happen?”
“I would like to ask the Minister of State whether, in view of the poor reception of motorists and businessmen in Singapore, he has made any representation to the Malaysian authorities to ensure a more rational and feasible fee structure for the use of the Second Causeway.”
“This is consistent with the existing practice, but I am seeking the Minister's assurance that in protecting private interest, the rationale, reasons and basis for this decision must be made available to applicants, especially in view of the fact that the decision of the Minister cannot be challenged or questioned in any court. Clause 37(2) imposes a liability of paying development charges on the property owner even if he has sold the land to another party. I seek the Minister's clarification on the legal implication of this matter and ask whether he would reconsider the provision to make the current land owner responsible for paying development charge. I am also appealing to the Minister to retain the current practice of allowing the applicant the choice of opting for the valuation method of determining development charges. The alternative method of development charges should not be limited to the unknown term "prescribed sum". For example, it may occur that due to administrative limitation and time lag, the development charge table may be out of line with the prevailing market conditions. On the whole, Sir, I find the amendments timely and appropriate. I support the changes proposed but hope that the Minister will give due consideration and clarification and the assurances sought. Mr Speaker: Order. I suspend the Sitting and will take the Chair again at 3.05 pm. Sitting accordingly suspended at 2.44 pm until 3.05 pm. Sitting resumed at 3.05 pm [Mr Speaker in the Chair] PLANNING BILL Debate resumed.”
“This, I believe, is consistent with existing practice of having longer leases for better business planning and in view of higher renovation cost. The conditional permission spelt out in clause 15 includes provision for the competent authority to require connecting structures to be provided and maintained. This, I believe, will have an impact on improving accessibility to buildings and increasing traffic flow which will certainly be a welcome addition to property developers and the public. However, Mr Speaker, Sir, I would like to seek assurance and clarification from the Minister on a number of provisions in the Planning Bill. Under clause 5, the competent authority is conferred with the functions instead of powers, as stated in the previous Act, to carry out the provisions of this Bill. I would like to ask the Minister what this implies and what effect it would have on the development planning process. Under clause 14, in considering an application for written permission, the competent authority must take into account the provisions of the Master Plan. However, as stated earlier, while this gives certainty to applicants, subclause (2)(e) allows the competent authority to disregard the Master Plan if he deems the development in the application to be incongruent with the adjoining development. Sir, in my view, this is too broad a provision since the applicant may have submitted his plans in good faith on the latest Master Plan. I seek the Minister's assurance on this matter. Clauses 22(7), 29(4) and 39(7) state that there shall be no judiciary review of the Minister's decision.”
“Sir, I rise to support this Bill that is placed before the House. In my view, the amendments are both timely and appropriate. Timely because, for example, the Bill has taken into account new technologies such as electronic filing. It is also timely that the Bill now provides the statutory basis for many of the existing policies and practices. It appears to be better organised and shows greater clarity in its provisions. Sir, there are also more explicit explanations on the development, sub-division, grant of provisional permission, detailed planning permission and new definition on the concepts of Development Baseline and Development Ceiling in the computation of development charge. These, I believe, will provide for greater clarity and certainty for professionals and developers alike. It is also appropriate, Sir, that the Bill now eliminates many of the functions mentioned in the colonial administration which have long gone out of use. I compliment the Minister for the use of the language in the Bill which is more modern and suited to present day use and more structured for easy reference. I support the increase in the maximum penalties for unauthorised subdivision, developments and other works from $3,000 to $200,000 as it is in keeping with present day cost and will have a more deterrent impact and effectiveness in view of the higher cost of development. Furthermore, the breaches of such planning controls must be made punitive in view of the potential impact to public health and safety. Sir, I welcome the extension from seven to 14 years for the exemption from requiring subdivision approval for residential and non-residential leases.”