Zulkifli bin Baharudin
Singapore
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the Minister spoke about concessions Singapore has made. But it appears like surprises to me. My question is: on the issue of land, bridge, etc, did the Malaysian government inform us earlier that these are to be part of the deal or did these matters surface just during the discussions with the Senior Minister?”
“We need to help companies and workers to cope with this restructuring. The right way to do it is by upgrading industries and training and retraining workers.”
“Sir, I am enlightened to hear the response from the Deputy Prime Minister. But I seem to have gathered some feedback that as and when people say that they have a criminal record, they do not even get an interview.”
“Sir, my wish really is that the Foreign Ministry should make the forging of good relations, understanding of our neighbours, the personal responsibility of every citizen because we have an important role to project our way of life and values to the people in the region.”
“My suggestion is that oversight should be from the inside. Government should encourage self-help groups to appoint more members of other races to their boards of directors and advisors.”
“Sir, I am asking the Minister really in privatising some of these GLCs, for the GLCs to take on a role where they can lead, bring along other SMEs together with them, not just a corporate or business mission, but other objectives as well, the larger objective of bringing along the SMEs as they grow, prosper and develop in the region.”
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Every one of 331 lines we hold for Zulkifli bin Baharudin, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 6 of 7.
“I would like to ask the Minister whether he would inform President B. J. Habibie of Singapore's disappointment over his remarks. Prof. Jayakumar: Mr Speaker, Sir, I think we take it from the point which I have mentioned. As I have said, the Prime Minister has said that Singapore has a vested interest in maintaining good relations with Indonesia and a vested interest in Indonesia's stability, growth and prosperity. President Habibie has also informed Minister Teo that he has a vested interest in maintaining good Singapore-Indonesia relations. So the leaders at the highest levels have said that they have vested interest in maintaining good bilateral relations. Singapore will work on that basis.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the humanitarian aid represents a sincere and genuine gesture of Singaporeans. I am sad only to be received by doubts and cynicism and reciprocated by callous remarks ---”
“In this example, a caring and friendly neighbour does help. The current economic difficulty poses the danger of weakening our social infrastructure when people become self-centred, less caring and disinterested in things around them if it does not bring immediate benefits. We have seen how countries become more protectionist and nationalistic. Internally, we must be aware that our people can become more selfish. This attitude cannot be allowed to take place in our society. On the contrary, we must rally our people to do more to help strengthen our social infrastructure and civil society. This is a calling to all Singaporeans. We must ensure that we not only recover from this crisis economically stronger but equally important is the need to preserve and enhance social cohesiveness of our people. And this can only be achieved through shared experience, good deeds and good work amongst all our people.”
“It costs more than $50,000 to pay for trainers and tutors for the 17 inmates. Despite the slowdown in business faced by many hotels, SCORE has, with great success and difficulty, managed to secure sponsorship for these trainees. But I think we could have done better and train more people if more qualified Singaporeans are prepared to come forward and train these people. It is times like this that we must ensure that every Singaporean counts and be an important contributor to our national economy. Untrained and unskilled workers would only be a national burden we cannot afford. Even at the neighbourhood level, Singaporeans can help neighbours to babysit their neighbour's children, provide tuition at the various tuition centres in the neighbourhood or even do simple things like preparing a meal for their neighbours or giving a neighbour a ride to the office. Simple things like this take on a very important and significant meaning in times like this. Everyone can help and must help. Whether you are a doctor or lawyer, school teacher or taxi driver, everyone can play a part if they want to. I would suggest that agencies like the Community Development Councils and the National Council for Social Services set up registers to match the skills of Singaporeans volunteering their services with the needs of the community. I note the Minister for Education's call to develop what he called the people sector. I really feel that there is no better time and no greater need than now for each and every Singaporean to do something for their friends and neighbours. I know of families where both parents with young children have to take on an additional job or do shift work, leaving behind their children at home to look after themselves, to cook and to wash.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise to support this motion. I would like to touch specifically on the issue of social cohesion which Mr Lim Swee Say and some other speakers spoke about. I have no doubt that there is enough goodwill, public spiritedness and national pride among Singaporeans that when the crunch comes, I am confident that Singaporeans would be willing to do whatever they can to help one another. But I am afraid that we do it too late and wait for the worst of the economic situation to hit us before we do something. We have seen how in Thailand and Korea, people give up their jewellery and gold in order to save the country. And we have seen starvation and hunger in Indonesia. While in Singapore the situation is not as bad, never have I known more people, including my friends and acquaintances, who have either lost their jobs or risk losing one. I have known of families who have to take the painful decision of having to cut their children's tuition because they have suffered, because of retrenchment. This is sad because I fear the implication that we have on our children. That is the reason I think we have to do everything we can to help buffer our children from the impact of this economic crisis. I therefore urge all Singaporeans, young and old, to start doing something to help fellow Singaporeans who are in need of help. The Government has stated that retraining of workers and continuing education are important aspects in our strategy to prepare ourselves during this difficult time. Let me just highlight examples of how Singaporeans can help in this effort. The Singapore Corporation of Rehabilitative Enterprises (SCORE), of which I am a board member, recently organised training for inmates to prepare them to work as cooks in the hospitality industry.”
“There seems to be a worrying trend towards a more violent behaviour amongst our youths, such as rioting, gangsterism and street fights. I would like to ask the Minister how serious is this, and whether we are meting more severe punishments towards these offenders. Assoc. Prof. Ho Peng Kee: The courts have taken a tough stand, particularly against this area of teens fighting and rioting. As I have indicated in my speech, the problem of rioting has been there for some time. It was contained last year. In fact, in the first six months of this year, as I have indicated, the total number of offenders has been about the same, but the number of offenders caught for shop-lifting and other property-related offences has gone up much more. So the early indications in the first six months of this year are quite positive. The other matter is that when we talk about juvenile delinquency, we are talking about the under-16s. Of course, we know that youths above 16s also fight. They are the youths. What we have to look at is a more composite picture. So IMJD will do that, and not just address the problem from the juvenile delinquents' point of view, but even those above 16.”
“I would like to ask the Minister how much and how long it would take to build the necessary infrastructure to bring water from the Riau Islands to Singapore. Secondly, could the Minister tell the House when we are likely to expect the first drop of water to come from the Riau Islands? Mr Lee Yock Suan: It is likely to take a few years to build the pipeline from Bintan, the reservoir and so on. Also, we have to agree on the terms, for example, how to keep the water clean, how much to pay for the resettlement and so forth. But it is well within the time frame. We do not need the first drop until 2011. So we still have another 13 years.”
“Sir, I would like to ask the Minister how much of this constitutes our total water needs. That means, how much of water from Riau will constitute our total water consumption in Singapore?”
“Sir, I would like to ask the Minister about recent disturbing reports in the Wall Street Journal suggesting that suicide could be one of the causes of the crash. I would like to ask the Minister how credible is this report and are there investigations to study the possibility of this being one of the reasons?”
“And for that, Sir, I do not support the motion.”
“Clearly, one can argue that ISA is indeed extreme, but we should take comfort that it is needed to be used against extremists and under extreme circumstances. The ISA is not meant to be used to restrict political opposition. I would, however, like to suggest that we consider amendments that would allow for greater accessibility and checks and balances to have a more transparent judicial scrutiny and to make the Executive more accountable for their actions. Perhaps we should consider removing the fetter of the judicial interpretation imposed in Article 149(3) of the Constitution and sections 8(a) and 8(b) of the ISA. Essentially, the combined effects of these provisions fix the law of judicial reviews of executive detention to 13th July 1971, which is the date of the decision in the case of Lee Mau Seng v Minister for Home Affairs was rendered. In that case, the High Court held that the test to be used in determining the legality of the decision to detain was a subjective one and not an objective test. That is, the courts cannot ask or question the basis, grounds and allegations for the detention of a person. This has effectively overruled the earlier decision of the Court of Appeal to have an objective test as in the case of countries like UK, Pakistan and Bangladesh. I would also suggest that we review Article 151(4) of the Constitution to provide a tribunal to review detentions under the ISA be made up of High Court Judges who enjoy security of tenure and remuneration. This will ensure the greatest degree of impartiality possible. Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, the ISA is no doubt extreme, but it has served us well in dealing with extremists and extreme circumstances. The ISA today is still relevant and necessary for peace and stability of our society.”
“It is for society as a whole to attach a positive value to someone speaking his conscience, because what is worse is to have Singaporeans who are passive and disinterested. It is also for the man himself to be ready to receive and accept criticisms and rebuttals on views which are made public so long as they do not develop into personal attacks and vendettas. Failure to remove the perception would reinforce the thinking that opposition and disagreement do not pay. Overwhelmingly, the economic animal in the Singaporean is encouraged and his rational side tells him that politics is a dirty game and we should not meddle in it, just in case. We need to remove this perception. I am, however, confident that given time, as more people become familiar and be involved in the existing channels, many of the perceptions that we now have will slowly disappear. If developments in the past are any indication of the future, we can look forward more optimistically and assure ourselves that freedom of expression is alive and kicking in Singapore. I now move on to Mr J B Jeyaretnam's suggestion to abolish all detentions without trial. I suppose in an ideal society without threats of racial and religious chauvinism and extremism, intimidation, rumour mongering and underground clandestine operations, there will be no need for the Internal Security Act (ISA). I for one, however, feel that our young multi-racial society, having just got out of racial and Communist threats, cannot take the attitude that these problems which have necessitated the introduction of ISA in the first place are now completely behind us. The fact that we have relative peace and freedom from some of these extremist problems makes it all the more important that ISA should be retained.”
“The elimination of fear factor is overall a good thing since a creative and vibrant, not to mention competitive and innovative, society can only thrive in an environment where mistakes are forgiven and non-conformity tolerated generously. It also requires the Government to change their mindset and paradigms, because what might otherwise be negative energies can be harnessed for the good of society in general. This is especially important in view of the fact that time and again when issues of freedom of expression surfaced, the Catherine Lim affair would not be far from the minds of most Singaporeans. Mr J B Jeyaretnam referred to her in his speech. Of course, nothing really happened to Catherine Lim after she wrote her two political commentaries. She was not locked up, sued, fined or anything like that. All she got was a verbal response and a challenge for her to join politics if she felt strongly against the Government. While some may think that this was a reasonable response, others, especially the better educated, still refer to the Catherine Lim affair as an example of Government's intolerance to criticism. Catherine Lim is an accomplished professional writer. If even her words and motives can be misconstrued, then what hope do other Singaporeans have of getting their points across? I think this is what alarms Singaporeans. You have to be careful in what you say, should you not be misunderstood. Singaporeans fear the risk of getting a disproportionate response. It is not surprising therefore that some Singaporeans feel fearful to speak out. But the fact remains that it takes courage, bravery and an element of thick-skinned stubbornness to stand up and be counted for one's views, especially when they are at odds with the general norms of society.”
“Some were pleasantly surprised that their recommendations were presented in this case to the Chairman of the Singapore 21 Committee. Let me highlight a few of these suggestions to demonstrate that carefully considered views of non-partisan citizens have been given its attention. (a) For example, parliamentary reform. Mr J B Jeyaretnam may be pleased to know of suggestions to increase the number of NCMPs or Opposition Members in Parliament to form at least 10% of the total number of MPs. (b) Press freedom to allow more and alternative views to flourish. (c) Balanced reporting of Parliamentary debates to highlight alternative views. (d) A more open political climate and the need to change the Government mindset to allow expressions of political views without fear of being chastised for meddling in politics. These are very serious but carefully considered views of ordinary citizens. I must say that many of the members were pleasantly surprised that while their views may be considered radical and brave, it was received without the robustness of response that in the past some may have come to expect. To me, this represents a significant development in creating an environment where freedom of expression can thrive even when the views do not represent the accepted norms of the day. However, what is important now is to spread the message and confidence among all Singaporeans that there exist in Singapore opportunities where ordinary citizens can participate in decision making without fear or reprisals. Therefore, the long-term solution to this climate of fear is to re-educate our people and to allow them to realise that it is all right not to conform, that their pecuniary interests and those of their family members are not affected by their actions.”
“This is because the Government, to my knowledge, has never told Singaporeans unconditionally that they have nothing to fear when speaking out. Yes, there have been many invitations extended to Singaporeans to express their views, but these are usually conditional. Singaporeans are told to speak freely as long as they are constructive and respectful of our leaders. This may seem, on the surface, to be quite a reasonable condition but, in fact, it places an onerous burden on the ordinary citizens. Who decides whether criticism is constructive or respectful? It is only the citizen himself who knows his own motives. But we must be very careful not to attribute these fears simply on historical occurrences, on Government or on politics. Fear, in this case, is also a cultural phenomenon. Fear, in Singapore, is instilled early, from when a child goes to school and taught that failure brings shame on himself and his family, that an academic performance is the hallmark of excellence and his worth is judged mainly by his examination results. Ask any school teacher or even bosses in commercial practice on how difficult it is to get people to speak up, especially when it is against established norms and practices. Even participants and members of feedback groups that were formed under the Feedback Unit, of which I am a member, had initially expressed fears about expressing their views despite the fact that these channels were established simply for that reason - to gather honest and considered views from a wide cross-section of the people. Many of these participants are themselves very surprised by the absence of any form of restriction or censorship when presenting their views on politics and media.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I would like to respond to Mr J B Jeyaretnam because I believe it is not that there is fear in people's lives in Singapore, as Mr Jeyaretnam puts it, although there is indeed a fear amongst many Singaporeans to speak their mind. There is a perception that public criticism of official policies is not welcomed, brought about by a legacy of the past. However, this is not necessarily an indication of things to come. Recent introduction of more and wider channels of communication and a more open attitude towards public participation gives hope and justifies a more optimistic attitude in the future. For example, Government's suspicion towards civil groups may be an understandable legacy of the past when pro-Communist elements took guise of various societies, but this attitude has to change for the future of civil society. Therefore, we must be clear as to what kind of fear that prevails in our society. Fear exists in so far as the public perceives the Government to be constantly on the look out for dissenters and also out of respect for our preventive detention laws. This perception could also be due to the existence of red tapes covering a wide range of registration and licensing laws on registration of societies, organisation of public meetings and publication of newsletters - that tend to discourage citizens' initiative and do little to demonstrate the increasing tolerance of differing opinions. I believe that in most cases fear is exaggerated. Singaporeans tend to exaggerate the harm that will come to them if they voice critical views. However, it is quite understandable and natural for Singaporeans to get a little paranoid.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I just like to join in this debate hoping that I could clarify some of the confusion that happened during the discussion. As to who our founding fathers are, I think we should be referring to those who have planted the seeds of multi-racialism, multi-culturalism and racial harmony. The Malays were here. They had the island to themselves. The Chinese came here to escape famine. The Indians came here to work. The British segregated us and so did the Japanese. It was our first generation leaders who took the decision to put all these together and established as a principle of this nation, multi-culturalism, multi-racialism and racial harmony. These are the people we should thank for and be grateful for what we have today.”
“It should also be the responsibility of the Strata Titles Board to ensure that non-monetary issues and the interest of the minority owners are given sufficient weightage before the Strata Titles Board can make an order under section 84A(6) or (7). Until now, property ownership has a proprietary value which is permanent and cannot be removed except for special circumstances, for example, by Government Land Acquisition. As such, the idea of Singapore as our home can be promoted because there is a sense of permanence to one's neighbourhood and home. It may be bricks and mortars that make a house, but a home is about shared experiences, fond memories and emotional attachment that can never be equated in monetary terms. These are matters that deserve very careful consideration. Given the current property market, there is a lesser need for quick action. I therefore welcome the Minister's decision to refer this matter to a Select Committee so that views from a wider cross section of the people can be obtained. This issue has attracted much public debate. Clearly, a consensus on this matter is preferred. Finally, I believe that there should exist in Singapore the recognition that in our homes or friends and our neighbours, our emotional attachment to our neighbourhood are matters which are far more important than the windfall gains one can make from an en-bloc sale.”
“The opportunity for quick and substantial capital gains has blinded many of these owners into thinking that everyone like themselves should decide to sell their houses simply on monetary considerations. Many give scant attention to other genuine reasons why some property owners prefer not to sell their homes despite the potential for huge windfall. The elderly may not want to move out or be burdened by new financial obligations. The unique thing about property is that there is only one of its kind. Another house is never exactly the same. There are also genuine concerns about location, for example, nearness and proximity to family members, school amenities and the comfort and familiarity with the general neighbourhood. Even on purely monetary considerations, as different purchasers may have paid different prices for their property, the monetary gains to different owners are not the same. Therefore, owners do not necessarily have the same incentives and motivation to sell, especially in the current property market. What if the minority owners have to sell at a loss? It is for this reason that I think the Strata Titles Board should be strengthened not only in numbers, as stated in section 87, but also in terms of its representation so that the Board can effectively perform its function of protecting minority interest. I would urge the Minister to provide for clearer guidelines to assist the Strata Titles Board so that the genuine interests of the minority are not sacrificed purely because of the monetary interest of the majority. It must be on the onus of the majority to ensure that every possible way has been explored to protect the minority interest through preferential purchase of new apartments on redevelopment sites.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise to support this Bill. Singapore has successfully managed to remain a vibrant and efficient city-state because of our ability to rejuvenate and redevelop our infrastructure. In this regard, the primary aim of this Bill, to allow changes in its Development Guide Plans to be translated into better utilisation of scarce land resources and infrastructure can be supported. We have the Land Acquisition Act that would allow the Government to acquire land and properties if it is in the public interest to do so. Therefore, if it is in the public good to acquire residential properties even though it may be a building of, say, less than 10 years old, then it must be done. After all, the law provides for compensation at market prices. I would go as far as to say that we should also consider invoking the Land Acquisition Act if property owners or management corporations fail to maintain their buildings. Therefore, the provisions to allow management corporations greater powers to compel owners to maintain their properties are appropriate. However, it is another thing to say that neighbours and other property owners can now decide or influence whether they can now remain in their house, especially when en-bloc sale is justified purely on monetary gains and considerations, not necessarily for general public interest. I can understand the frustration some property owners feel when they cannot sell their property en-bloc because, under present law, even a single owner can frustrate an en-bloc sale. However, I cannot accept or understand the extreme some owners have gone to force and intimidate other minority owners to sell their properties en-bloc.”
“Sir, in view of the uncertainty and confusion over this matter, and the risk that Singaporeans may be caught violating Singapore laws or Malaysian laws, could we advise Singaporeans to avoid taking KTM?”
“We should do more to help our neighbours to be better equipped and prepared to tackle the environmental problem. Never before has it been clearly demonstrated that even for environmental issues, unless we take a firm and active action, the clean air, water and equatorial forests for which we are so dependent upon and for which we have taken for granted for so long may be a thing of the past.”
“For a country that is heavily dependent on external assistance to stabilise and reform its economy, as it does not have the resources to tackle a huge environmental problem with the same urgency, as we think it deserves, therefore, it is in our own interest that this matter is given the attention that is needed. I am glad for the active role that Singapore is playing through the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting on haze. We should continue to do more in terms of providing the equipment and financial resources from ourselves and persuading other donor countries to help. But amidst scarce resources and competing needs brought about by the economic crisis, we must ensure that resources and assistance will bring about the desired outcomes in terms of preventing forest fires and the renewed commitment towards a more responsible attitude towards the environment. Clearly assistance must be tied to firm plans and commitment. After all, for this assistance to be effective, what is really needed are national plans for public education effort and strict enforcement against open burning, mobilisation of ground fire fighting forces and transmission of information on fire outbreaks, matters which only the Indonesian Government can and must do, for no amount of international effort will be sufficient if the will and commitment are lacking at places where they are most needed - at the grassroots levels, within the business, the farmers, the villagers and local officials. Having said that, Singaporeans must continue to be aware not to be too critical, for it is easy for us to talk about forest fires, because we do not have any forest to talk about. But it is precisely because of this that Singapore should remain involved and active, and demonstrate our willingness to help solve this problem.”
“However, it later became apparent that forest fires are not merely the result of bad weather or poor methods of shifting cultivation, but the involvement of major business conglomerates engaged in pre-meditated burning with total disregard for the environment, simply for commercial gains. Quietly, and quite quickly, Singaporeans were upset and fed up with the situation. While they may see the need and urgency to help in terms of both expertise and equipment and financial resources, others doubt the efficacy and the effectiveness of such efforts without a clear demonstration on the part of these businesses to stop the practice of burning as a convenient but irresponsible means of clearing land. Now that the skies have become clearer, albeit temporarily, another type of storm is raging throughout Asia. With the economic and political reforms now taking place in Indonesia, environmental issues may appear less pressing. On the contrary, with the onset of the dry season, renewed threat of fire and haze is ever present. The haze that has blanketed us since the middle of last year may not be visible now. But it is by no means a closed chapter. Therefore, as good friends and neighbours, we must help Indonesia, not only in its efforts towards economic and political reforms, but in environmental reforms, and putting in place measures to prevent future fires from taking place. By coordinating resources through the national haze action plan and changing the mindset about the environment, that while the forest may be geographically a national interest and responsibility, the environment is for all mankind.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I rise in support of the motion in the name of Mr Simon Tay. Not too long ago, Singapore was blanketed with an unusual haze phenomenon on a scale never before experienced here. It immediately brought to our attention that what was previously thought of as an unrelated seasonal problem, miles away from Singapore, can bring about serious consequences to our lives and economic activities. The forest fires in Indonesia certainly made life in Singapore difficult, from respiratory ailments to other health problems, falling tourist arrivals, which consequently affected businesses in the hotel and retail sector at a time when these businesses are heavily dependent on tourism. It frustrated efforts to promote Singapore as a region, as an equatorial paradise. Now blanketed by smoke and haze, Southeast Asia quickly became a destination to be avoided. The haze problem brought home the point that Singapore cannot ignore issues like forest fires raging in a neighbouring country. These problems have wide, geographic and economic ramifications. These problems respect no boundary. Despite these problems, Singaporeans have reacted to the situation with its usual calm and matured manner, aware of the sensitivities and appreciate the good relationship with its neighbours. In fact, there were calls for more assistance to be given to Indonesia to help poor farmers cope with the situation. After all, you cannot blame anyone for the changing weather condition that is wreaking havoc across many countries.”
“Perhaps, we should look at the possibility of tapping the resources of the Judiciary to meet the needs of the Syariah Court. It is clear that the Syariah Court needs to be strengthened not only in its legal provisions but also in manpower and resources. Financial provisions relating to trust, wakaf, nazar and mosque The activities of mosques have recently seen vast improvements with mosques providing a whole range of community-based services. The financial provisions specifying the need for greater financial accountability and financial reporting is indeed timely and appropriate. Perhaps it is also timely to discuss professionalism of mosque administration and streamlining activities and services offered by mosques so as to avoid duplication and ensuring high standards of services that the Muslim community so deserves. Recognition of Syariah Court There have been calls for the Syariah Court to be elevated to the status of a court, making it part of the judiciary instead of the present status of a tribunal under the Ministry of Community Development. Sir, we have made good progress through these amendments. We have seen and heard of the strong desire of the Muslim community to participate and contribute in formulating policies for AMLA. We certainly can give this matter more time so that the Malay/Muslim community can decide for themselves on the various conflicting issues which only the community can decide through consensus. I am sure out of this may emerge a stronger sense of agreement and support and commitment that this Bill so deserves.”
“As section 55(7) already provides that the decision of the Appeal Board shall be final, it is clear that this decision cannot be appealed against. The attempt to exclude any form of judicial review of decisions of the Appeal Board or the court is contrary to established principles of judicial review. What if the decisions of the Appeal Board are reached in breach of the fundamental rules of justice? The litigant will be without recourse. In any case, the use of this ouster clause has been unsuccessful in ousting the supervisory jurisdiction of the High Court. A similar clause is found in section 46 of the Industrial Relations Act and it was held in the local case of application of Yee Yut Ee by Justice Mr Choor Singh to be ineffective. There are of course numerous other examples of English law. Besides these specific provisions, there are other major issues which come under the provisions of AMLA and which, in my view, require the support and consensus of the community. Resources of the Syariah Court There are concerns that the proposed amendments have been made more urgent and necessary in order to avoid the backlog of cases in the Syariah Court. Therefore, the organisational structure, resources and manpower needs of the Syariah Court must be reviewed in the context of this Bill to ensure prompt handling of post-divorce cases. The resources to enforce orders of the Syariah Court must be looked into. There is also concern whether there will be sufficient suitably qualified judges in the Syariah Court as it would be difficult to find someone with the necessary qualifications in Islamic law amongst the qualified professionals in the legal fraternity.”
“Even so, what are the limits of accountability and responsibility for those handling the commercial interest of MUIS? New section 26 is a good amendment for it provides for better accountability and responsibility of those who have been delegated powers to act on behalf of MUIS. New section 35A, I think, is a good amendment as it prevents parties from filing multiple suits. One question is: will the parties get the same remedies in the Syariah Court as they will in the Civil Court? This is problematic because if the Syariah Court refuses leave to commence proceedings in the Civil Court and if the ouster clause under section 56A comes into force, then the parties will not be able to get the remedies under civil law at all. The new sections 35A and 35B are useful in that they prevent forum shopping, a case where litigants shop around for the courts which will give them the best deal and hence multiplicity of suits. It also limits the litigants to remedies which are available under the Muslim law and the Syariah Court can effectively prevent litigants from having recourse to a Civil Court. I welcome new section 52 to bring amendments closer and in line with the Women's Charter provided the inherent inconsistencies and conflicts can be resolved and agreed by the community. I welcome extra powers given to the Syariah Court to enforce these orders. I find new section 56A a very curious amendment. The existing section 55(7) already provides that the decision of the Appeal Board shall be final. But it does not make sense to say that any decision of the Syariah Court shall be final and conclusive when there is an appeal to the Appeal Board.”
“It is in this context that I wish to support this Bill that is placed before the House. However, there are several issues which have attracted much debate within the community. Feedback from the various sectors of the community indicate the need to allow the community to go through consensus, through musyawarah. Therefore, referring this Bill to a Select Committee is appropriate. This Bill is certainly not one for quick decision-making. There are still sections of the community that are fearful that giving concurrent jurisdiction to the Civil and Syariah Courts will result in a dilution of the Islamic laws in the long run. With regard to divorce matters, there is still confusion about potential conflicts between civil and Islamic laws, especially on matters of matrimonial properties. I would like to compliment the Minister for introducing the provisions which, I think, are forward looking and proactive and for referring this Bill to a Select Committee. However, I would like to ask the Minister for clarification and consideration on a number of points. Firstly, new section 3(2)(f) states that other functions may be conferred on MUIS by any other written law. Since AMLA is primarily concerned with creating MUIS to regulate Muslim affairs in Singapore, it should be restricted to that function and no others. In my view, it is not intended to be an omnibus Act to accept roles and functions outside its jurisdiction. Further expansion of the roles of MUIS should be debated in the context of this Act. New section 5 gives powers to MUIS to form or participate in any company or through joint ventures. Is MUIS designed to be a business organisation? This, I think, is a departure from the original purpose of having an organisation like MUIS.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, in some countries, even where there is a much larger Muslim population compared to Singapore, it is common to find legislation on Muslim affairs which is separate from the State to allow Muslims to apply for themselves laws consistent with their religious beliefs. Many Muslims around the world live under conditions where Muslim laws and administration, especially Syariah laws and Islamic education, are completely separate and independent. But the need for official recognition and support by the secular state remains strong. This has led to uneasy divisions within the society which could potentially develop into emotional and complex political problems. On the contrary, AMLA which was first enacted in 1968 provides for issues of Muslim affairs to come under State administration with the Majlis to advise the President of Singapore on matters relating to the Muslim religion in Singapore. In my view, the amendments proposed in this Bill must be seen as a significant step forward for the Muslim community in Singapore. Despite the occasional calls for separate and independent Muslim laws and administration, I feel that the interest of Muslims in Singapore is best preserved under the existing arrangement. These amendments to the Administration of Muslim Law Act (AMLA) to strengthen the two key Muslim institutions in Singapore must be welcomed. The Muslim community in Singapore faces many challenges: the need to strengthen family structures and prevent increasing occurrence of divorce; the need to ensure that Muslims continue to get the best of Muslim and secular education; and the need to ensure that Muslim civil and community organisations are strengthened. These can be best served by strengthening the key Muslim institutions through AMLA.”
“I would like to ask the Minister whether the involvement of ethnic-based and religious groups can be provided early in the rehabilitation programme even while the inmates are in prison. If this is so, I would like to ask the Minister whether he would consider giving more help to these groups in terms of professional assistance and help in managing and organising half-way houses. I have found through my work in SCORE that most of these religious and ethnic-based organisations are indeed very enthusiastic and motivated, largely due to their evangelical work. But they are usually in dire need of financial and professional help, especially when the problems of drug abuse are usually associated with complex social and psychological problems. I certainly know that this problem is indeed one that has occupied many Malay/Muslim organisations, in view of the severity and a number of problems of Muslim addicts. They have the right motivation and enthusiasm, but certainly professional and financial help is indeed welcome. I would therefore also like the Minister to provide other help and assistance in terms of strengthening the role and capability of half-way houses to deal with this aspect of the problem of rehabilitation.”
“Sir, thank you for allowing me to speak. Certainly, the Misuse of Drugs (Amendment) Bill has two main aims. One is tackled by the Bill specifically, which is deterrence, punishment and prevention. That has been adequately addressed. But to lend support to my other colleagues, which has been mentioned earlier, I feel obliged to stand up and highlight the other point of rehabilitation and through our own way of doing it, which is through self-help, religious and ethnic mix of organisations. This is a very serious problem which even the Government on its own would not be able to solve the problem of rehabilitation. As far as deterrence is concerned, the provision for long term prison sentences is indeed welcome. We should be harsh with such an abuse that has wide social implications. Many have become victims and uncured throughout their life. Anyone reading this Bill would indeed be frightened, in view of the severity of the punishment. On the one hand, we should not be tempted to take a soft stand on this issue. On this matter, I therefore support the Bill. One implication of this Bill is the provision for longer prison sentences. I do hope that the longer time the inmates spend in prison could also be spent in rehabilitation. In view of the complexity and difficulty of rehabilitation, one nagging problem of this issue is the high level of relapse among abusers who undergo rehabilitation. I have a number of suggestions. One is for more effective rehabilitation programmes. I hope the rehabilitation of these inmates can start early from the day they are identified right to the day they are completely recovered.”
“To safeguard the interest of property purchasers, the Housing Developers (Control and Licensing) Act requires every licensed developer to deposit all the sale proceeds of a building project into a project account. The moneys in the project account can only be withdrawn for authorised purposes - such as payment of building works and architect's fees - for the completion of the project. In the event that the developer becomes insolvent, all the moneys in the project account will be deemed not to form part of the property of the developer. They will instead be vested in the official receiver, trustee in bankruptcy or the liquidator, as the case may be, and continue to be used only for the authorised purposes for the completion of the project. The Government may also direct a company or statutory board to assume control and carry on the development of the insolvent developer. PROPERTY MARKET (Lifting of curbs and measures) 16. Mr Shriniwas Rai asked the Minister for National Development, in view of the current state of property market, whether the Government will (i) lift the curbs imposed in May 1995; and (ii) introduce new measures to stabilise the property market. RESIDENTIAL PROPERTY TRANSACTIONS (Changes to financial rules) 17. Mr Chng Hee Kok asked the Minister for Finance if he will make further changes to financial rules on residential property transactions in view of the economic slowdown. Mr Lim Hng Kiang: Mr Speaker, Sir, can I take Questions 16 and 17 together?”
“When we made the offer of loan to Indonesia, it was made against the background that Indonesia has not defaulted on its sovereign loan. But in view of the current situation now, there is a possibility that they may not also similarly wait for signs of reform and recovery in both its banking and financial system before proceeding to make any disbursements. BG Lee Hsien Loong: Mr Speaker, Sir, as I have explained, the bilateral trade finance guarantee scheme, in fact, replaces the $5 billion loan which we had earlier proposed. When we are talking about trade finance, the issue is the specific parties involved. There are specific banks involved, and the parties which guarantee the banks. Of course, if all that fails, then finally it becomes a sovereign debt owed by Indonesia to Singapore. That is why we are in the process of designing the scheme so that it operates with parties which are sound and which will be able to carry through the deals. INSOLVENT DEVELOPERS OF NEWLY LAUNCHED PROPERTIES (Protection of purchasers' interest) 15. Mr Chiam See Tong asked the Minister for National Development, in the light of the slowdown in the economy resulting in the inability of developers to sell their newly launched properties, whether there is any danger of some developers becoming insolvent, and, if so, whether the Government will be taking steps to protect the interest of Singaporeans who have purchased properties from such developers. Mr Lim Hng Kiang: Mr Speaker, Sir, like other sectors of the economy, the real estate industry has been affected by the current economic slowdown. Weak property sales will affect the bottom line of developers, and we cannot rule out the possibility that some could become insolvent, as in any other business.”
“I would like to ask the Deputy Prime Minister, in view of the almost total collapse of the Indonesian banking and financial system, what are the risks of the proposed bilateral trade financing scheme. BG Lee Hsien Loong: Mr Speaker, Sir, this is one of the concerns in designing the scheme because while, in principle, we know what we need to do, in practice, the scheme has to be crafted in such a way that it achieves its objectives and the benefits flow to the targets. In other words, it is meant for our exports to Indonesia, and later on exports from Indonesia, and it is bona fide trade, and this is financing for that trade. As a result of the financing, trade will flow and, furthermore, in due course, the loans will be repaid. It is a complicated matter to design the scheme to be effective as well as to safeguard against possible difficulties in implementation. Trade financing is a very specialised and complex subject. We have been consulting the experts in order to make sure we achieve our objectives.”
“Maid agencies should therefore give the maids orientation courses before they come to Singapore so that there will be less misunderstanding between the employer and the employee. And if there is less dissatisfaction with the maid, fewer opportunities for abuse will arise. Going back to the Bill, there should be additional means other than the enhanced punishments to control this problem. I refer to compensation for the victims of abuse. It would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, for any abused maid to go through the civil process, for example, to claim for loss of pay or other costs, such as medical costs. The courts also have the jurisdiction and powers under the Criminal Procedure Code to award to the victims compensation for the abuse. This would, I am sure, be a firm signal to the victim that we in Singapore would want not only to see that the abusive employers be punished, but also that the victims be compensated. Of course, if this type of compensation is allowed, the investigating authorities must be very sure of the circumstances of each case. But as there is already ex hypothesi a criminal investigation in progress, I am sure that the standard approved will be high in every case. Finally, I would like to draw on a remark made by the Minister just now when speaking on the Bill. He mentioned that the Bill would not cover part-time workers. On the question of whether a part-time worker should be regarded as somebody who does not deserve this enhanced protection, perhaps the Minister could explain to us why that is the case. But, in general, Sir, I support this Bill subject to the comments I have made.”
“5 times that of the penalties in the Penal Code for the prescribed offences. While I agree that the penalties should be enhanced as proposed, I wonder whether that would be sufficient to deal with the mischief that the Bill seeks to address. For example, are there enough avenues for maids who allege abuse to go to report such abuses? Will such maids refrain from reporting if they think that to do so will result in them being unemployed or, worse, being asked to leave the country? Will abusive employers, who are cocooned by the realisation that the maids may be most reluctant to report them, be sufficiently discouraged by the increase in penalties? It may be necessary and desirable to provide a code of conduct, a series of obligations of good conduct, that the employer of every maid should be asked to comply with, failing which they should then be deprived of the services of the maid and also be asked to pay the cost of the termination of such services. For instance, they may be asked to pay the maid the remainder of the contract of services and other costs to allow such a maid to gain other employment or to return to her home country. I should emphasise that this is not a proposal to set up a Maids' Charter or Bill of Rights. Rather, there should be a code of decent behaviour that should serve as a guide to all those who employ maids. In this way, there may be less misunderstanding, fewer opportunities for abuse and more harmony between the employer, the family and the maid. Secondly, I think there should be some controls over maid agencies to ensure that the maids are properly briefed about taking up domestic duties in Singapore. One often hears of maids who do not understand the standards of hygiene, for example, in Singapore.”
“I would also urge the Minister to consider other penalties, such as to prohibit employers and their immediate families from ever employing a domestic maid, either local or foreign, if they are found guilty of abusing their maids. In more serious cases of abuse, we should have no hesitation to shame and make public the names of such offenders. I believe that much of the problems we have seen in recent cases stems from the disrespect some Singaporeans have of maids, in particular, and those who work and serve them, in general. Perhaps it is timely that we considered a campaign to inform Singaporeans about the real need to treat foreigners well, whether professionals or casual labourers, and especially to inform them of the important contribution such foreigners make to Singapore's economy and society. On the whole, Sir, I wish to support this Bill. Assoc. Prof. Chin Tet Yung (Sembawang): Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise to speak in support of the Bill. In an earlier sitting of this House on 30th August 1993, the Minister for Labour, in answer to an Oral Question, assured the House that firm action would be taken against employers found abusing their maids. Not only are they subjected to the general criminal laws of the land, the employer and the spouse will also be barred from future employment of foreign maids. It now appears that these measures have been found to be insufficient in dealing with the problem. This is indeed a matter of grave concern and deep disappointment. In Singapore, we are attempting to create a gracious and civil society. At the same time, there are those who are obstructing this objective and who are intent on victimising those who work for them and their families. Now it is proposed in this Bill that the punishment be enhanced to 1.”
“Mr Speaker, I shall keep my speech short and sharp in view of the fact that previous speakers have spoken quite eloquently on this. In my view, this is one Bill we should never have needed in the first place. But I rise to support this Bill, as I believe that we should take stern measures against employers who commit offences against such domestic maids. On the surface, the legislation appears discriminatory in that it treats offences against domestic maids, who are generally foreigners, more seriously than similar offences committed by Singaporeans against other Singaporeans. I have my reservations about such discriminatory legislation although, in this particular case, there is justification for doing so. I am assured that the Minister recognises the fear that this legislation can lead to abuses when maids may blackmail employers. There have been cases of maids making false allegations about their employers. Sir, we can all agree that recent cases of abuses of maids by a few employers have tarnished and damaged the reputation of Singapore, especially at a time when we want to attract foreign workers who work and live here. This Bill reflects our seriousness in ensuring that foreigners are not only welcomed to Singapore, their safety and security safeguarded, but that we will go to the extent of having such discriminatory legislation. In the long run, however, Singapore's reputation as a place and home for these foreigners rests not on such enforcement and deterrence, but on the goodwill, trust and respect that we earn of being responsible, caring and fair employers. Until such time when we can meet in this House again to remove such a provision on the ground that such legislation is no longer required, we would not have achieved this goal.”
“Also, I would like to ask whether the Ministry is undertaking any measures to help special education schools to retain their teachers, perhaps by offering terms comparable to their counterparts in the mainstream schools.”
“This approach offers important benefits for the intellectual and social development of high-functioning disabled children who have the capacity to do so. I understand from the experts that this is, in fact, part of the world trend. I would like to ask the Minister what is being done to enhance the capacity of our schools to better cater to the needs of high-functioning disabled students. Can more training be given to our teachers to help them be better prepared to teach disabled students in the mainstream? Or could additional resources be given for them to enhance this capacity? The second approach is through special schools which have devised customised programmes catering to these students' unique requirements. Last year, the Ministry announced an increase in the financial resource allocation for such schools. I would like to raise a specific question regarding these special education schools. There is a need to professionalise special education. In the UK, for example, special education teachers are properly trained, often with post-graduate qualifications. In Singapore, their qualifications are far more modest and many do not even have a degree. In general, special education teachers appear to be placed at the level of an assistant teacher. The work is physically and emotionally demanding and the terms of employment compare less favourably with other options in the market. Morale is low and turnover is high. Is the Ministry able or considering any possibility of offering a professional course for the training of special education teachers, possibly by augmenting the basic NIE programme?”
“Our children can also benefit enormously by learning, playing and growing up with children of special disabilities. If they are not prepared to put up with the minor inconveniences and sacrifice, how are they going to grow up into adulthood to appreciate that it is part of nature to have amongst us those who are born with special disabilities? How are they going to appreciate that it is their responsibility as part of society to take care of people and ensure their quick recovery, adjustment and integration into society? It is indeed expensive to provide the necessary specialised facilities in such schools. But I hope that the tremendous improvements being made to schools can also benefit students of special education programmes if they are allowed to be integrated into part of our normal education process. We have seen recently more structured community participation and involvement in some schools. Perhaps, we can experiment more integration at these schools to emphasise and demonstrate our joint responsibility. Sir, these children may have special disabilities but they need not be specially segregated. Their only wish is to be part and parcel of a normal mainstream education. I think we can grant them this wish. Mr Iswaran: Sir, I just want to ask the Minister for Education what more can or will be done for a small but important group of students with disabilities. As Mr Zulkifli has said, they too have aspirations, they too have potential to be realised. Equipping them with skills for life and even in employment goes to the heart of human dignity. 4.45 pm Essentially, there are two approaches through which we can educationally assist students with disabilities. The first is by integrating them, where possible, in mainstream schools.”
“Sir, I will not talk on pre-primary education. I will go straight to special education. But first, I want to give special thanks to the Minister for increasing this year's budget on special education to 39.9%, an increase of $11 million, from $26.7 million to $37.5 million. I also note that an average cost per pupil in special education programmes of $5,229 is almost equal to that of secondary school education. I would like to suggest to the Minister to consider partial or full integration of special schools into normal schools. Sir, the emphasis on special education reflects our social responsibility and value that we attach to train as best as we can children with special disabilities so that they can maximise and realise their full potential. This is a worthwhile, noble and difficult cause involving the Government, the community and a dedicated pool of volunteers. In schools, these children are given specialist attention to cope with their varying disabilities from hearing impaired to slowness and those with speech problems. But they and their parents have one common desire and aspiration, that is, to be accepted and integrated as part of society to make their lives as normal as possible. We owe it to them to give our special attention. I would urge the Minister to set aside classrooms in normal schools to accommodate children who are now attending special education programmes. This would allow for maximum opportunities for integration and speed up adaptation process. They should have common programmes and curriculum, where appropriate, but have their own specialised care and training, when necessary. I can understand the complex administrative difficulties and inconveniences it can pose. But I think this is a small price that we should be willing to pay.”
“I sympathise with the teachers who are under tremendous pressure from parents and society to produce and nurture creative, disciplined, well-rounded, eloquent, IT literate students with the right moral and national values. It is a very difficult task indeed. But teachers do need training in all these matters, including IT skills, problem solving and many others. It would indeed be very difficult for the Ministry to provide such a diverse range of training for teachers through its in-house training programme. I personally would like to see more teachers attending privately run seminars and conferences and hope that teachers are given greater accessibility and flexibility to attend such courses. Perhaps, through such interaction, we can enhance the profile and image of teachers and instill greater understanding amongst parents and society at large of the huge responsibilities and pressure our teachers shoulder. 3.45 pm”
“I have discussed this matter with a number of parents and found that even those with tertiary education have some problems understanding, let alone tutoring their primary school children in Mathematics. Some, for example, especially among the more affluent, have found it necessary to attend special classes organised to guide and help parents on ways and methods of tutoring their children. Many of these parents have discovered that the methods and concepts taught in school today are alien to many of them. Quite naturally, some of these parents see tuition as the only solution to these problems. In fact, some of them feel inadequate if their children are not getting enough tuition compared to their peers. This brings about a host of other problems, namely, stress, excessive workload, complaints of high tuition fees. I think we should not allow parents to feel that the academic achievement is dependent upon the amount of tuition that students get. Parental guidance and help are more significant factors. I am therefore suggesting to the Minister to structure a programme to prepare and equip parents so that they can play an effective role as teachers and tutors at home. Self-help groups can also have such programmes by making parents the facilitators in their children's education. We must demonstrate and emphasise that the teaching and education of our children is as much the responsibility of parents as it is for teachers. I would like to touch on another point that was raised by some other Members earlier and that is with regard to teacher training. I would like to ask the Minister on the type and scope of training that teachers receive in order to keep pace with increasing demands placed on them.”
“Sir, I would like to make two suggestions to the Minister. One, is to introduce education programmes, especially for parents, to make them better and more effective tutors at home and, two, to provide a more flexible and accessible training programmes for teachers in recognition of the great demand placed on our teachers. In a recent study conducted by the AMP involving some 2,004 Malay/Muslim workers, it was found that Malay/Muslim parents now have much higher aspirations for their children in education. 61% of them want their children to obtain at least a polytechnic diploma. That is the good news. In fact, more parents want their children to obtain higher degrees like Masters and PhDs. The result of this survey was in fact recently published in the Berita Harian. But the not-so-good news is that, of this 61%, more than half of the parents are uncertain of ways to help their children to succeed academically. I am sure a lot more are incapable of teaching, guiding or tutoring their children at home. While I do not have any empirical evidence of the situation in other communities, I believe there is some relevance here. I was extremely disturbed by these statistics. It has taken this country and community so much and for so long to give parents the hope, promise and optimism and the feeling that in Singapore, despite differences in race, language, religion and income group, their children have equal opportunities to progress and achieve the desired academic success. But there is a danger that parents may become frustrated and disappointed if they continue to feel helpless to assist and guide their children.”
“Sir, I will try and make it short. I want to talk about multi-culturalism from the point of view of self-help groups. I would just like to give my praise for the success of self-help groups to increase ethnic identity, consciousness and self-esteem of Singaporeans. But, more important, the success of these self-help groups is based on feelings of ethnic communities that are receiving the kind of services more suited to the problems they experience. Based on group membership, this can bring about other problems. I am concerned about these problems and I think we need to have CDCs to do more multi-cultural programmes. Because the experiences in some of these countries which practise assimilation of different races, we have now seen the problems, racial tension and unease in times of economic turmoil. So we cannot assume that we will not have that problem. Sir, I think we need to do more to develop the growth of a multi-cultural society, especially among our children. Because I think and believe the normal way of thinking, feeling and behaving, when begun at an early age with children, contribute to a culturally sensitive atmosphere that is needed for all age groups in Singapore. So I urge that more be done to promote multi-culturalism in Singapore.”
“I am sure that many Members in the House would have met residents who requested letters of support in an attempt to get their children into the very few child care centres, particularly in new estates with a waiting list of more than 200 sometimes. Second, coordination between MCD and other Ministries, such as Manpower, to provide for skills training for child-minders and pre-primary teachers. These skills upgrading or training courses should also attract the various tax rebates and exemptions enjoyed by other workers. Third, coordination between MCD and grassroots organisations to improve feedback on the need for such facilities in different areas of Singapore. Without such coordination and feedback, MCD's response appears to be sluggish and not proactive. Sir, the need for a more positive approach to child care policy is great. I hope the Minister can respond wholeheartedly to increasing not just the building of child care centres but also the training of child care minders generally. Child care at an early age will foster good habits and develop minds. We can and should do more for our children.”
“Chin Tet Yung: Sir, in last year's debate on the President's Address, Mr David Lim, Member for Aljunied GRC, made the point that investing in the very young will enable us to further push the limit of our human resources. This point seems not to have been taken, regrettably, seriously enough for the budget to be increased in relation to child care generally in this year's budget. The estimates for FY98 provide for $3.42 million out of $42.8 million development expenditure. For capital grants, they amount to less than $1 million. We have to recognise that this is a very small amount of the total development expenditure budget. Surely child care deserves more than that. Children must be at the heart of any family policy. The overriding interest should be the welfare of our children. We must be more understanding of children's dependency needs for stable and committed parenting or child care for reasonable material provision, for educational and other opportunities to enable their true potential to emerge. In other words, child care is not just about building child care centres or licensing private operators to run child care centres. We have to acknowledge that there is an acute shortage of facilities and trained-minders for the very young, as pointed out by the Nominated MP, Mr Zulkifli. A more positive approach has to be taken. A child policy requires coordination among several agencies and Ministries. First, may I ask what coordination now exists between HDB and MCD in terms of the placement of child care centres, particularly in new estates. Timing is also an important element.”
“Space planning for child care should be better coordinated. While diversity is not necessarily bad nor avoidable, attempts should be made to ensure that all centres not only provide a common minimum standard of service but also a core curriculum that imparts our national values to our children regardless of race, language, religion or income groups. A coordinated national child care system will also be better positioned to address some of the concerns I raised earlier, that is, closer integration of different races, increased access to all families, especially the lower income families. The latter is one effective way of giving Singaporeans as equal as possible an opportunity to start their lives with. We must ensure that we maintain minimum standards to get around the problem of uneven quality of services. There should be, as a first step, closer coordination amongst various institutions that provide child care education, including the National Institute of Education, NTUC and the PAP Community Foundation and all other agencies that do it on an ad-hoc basis. Like teachers in a formal education system, there should be a more rigorous system to monitor the professionalism of child care givers. Efforts must be made to understand the poor response to training facilities offered by child care givers. While the recruitment of new teachers is a challenge confronting all levels of education, it seems to be particularly severe at the child care education. Sir, I would conclude by saying that as the Republic moves towards the next lap in its development, it should bring its education system to a level befitting its status. A more comprehensive education system starting with the early pre-school years is one indication of such a progress. Assoc. Prof.”