YouSaid · the spoken record

Krishna MENON

lines on the record: 599
first: 1956-09-24
most recent: 1961-09-24
sittings or episodes: 5
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“That is another reason why the clearing of the Suez Canal and its use for world trade should become possible by the establishment of conditions of peace. 196. We hear references to ideological conflicts. We have never taken the view that these conflicts are merely conflicts of ideology. They arise from what is, in our view, the fallacious idea that the peace of the world can rest on the balance of power. The balance of power is merely an attempt to balance oneself; it is not an equilibrium. 197. We must get over the idea of making military pacts all round and of piling up arms, one against the other. On the one hand, Western Europe is armed to the teeth in one way, and, on the other hand, the so-called Warsaw countries have another pact. 198.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“In the under-developed countries of the world, the standards of life of the people and the average national income are going down rather than up. While that is the primary responsibility of those countries, we have to create a situation in which commodity prices can be stabilized so as to check inflation and to allow the building up of these areas to something like the level which exists in other countries. 195. The tragedy that has taken place in Egypt and the blocking of the Suez Canal have been very adverse factors in this matter. I believe that, for a country like ours, economic and industrial progress will now be retarded over a period of several years, because not only the costs but the time will be considerably more.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“I ask anyone to look at the laws and the conditions that prevail in the copper mines in the south, and to look at the conditions of the Negro, particularly in the African areas, and at the conditions of civil liberty that obtain in great parts of East Africa, where forced labour prevails. I invite anyone to read the report of the United Nations on the conditions of forced labour [E/2431]. 193. The situation there will become more serious unless steps are taken quickly, as steps have been taken in British West Africa and as steps, I hope will be taken in other parts of East Africa. Unless we try to reach a position where a multilateral society is established, this great problem, which is one of the three great problems that challenge the world today, will defeat us. 194. The next great concern of the world is its economic conditions.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“This kind of racial conflict can come about unless the problems in Africa are solved, unless colonialism there comes to an end and unless the situation which exists in the southern part of the continent comes to an end, a situation in which, I repeat, human beings in modern times live in conditions which correspond to slavery. 191. Slavery does not mean ownership by the payment of money; slavery means the disregard of the human personality, where the human being is a chattel. The fact that people are not sold in slave markets does not alter the conditions of those people. 192.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“In this Assembly, therefore, we have to take very good care that we do not divide ourselves in this way. 189. Reference has often been made to the Asian-African group of countries. I can only speak for my delegation, but I am sure that others will speak in the same way. So far as I know, these countries have never attempted, and indeed it is clear from the proceedings of the Bandung Conference, to set themselves up as a racial group. I would appeal, in particular, to the new European Members, that care should be taken so that we do not divide ourselves in this session. 190.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“It is quite true that there are racial concentrations in various areas and that there are mixtures of races in certain continents. But nothing could do greater harm to this planet and to human society than the outbreak of war or of a conflict on racial grounds. 187. In that seething cauldron of Africa, the greater part of its 200 million people do not live in conditions which correspond to human dignity. It is necessary that steps should be taken so that a more serious situation does not arise. 188. The position of India in this matter is not that it does not belong to the Orient, for there is nowhere else that it does belong. But we believe that the division of the world on the grounds of race, complexion or creed is likely to lead to ultimate annihilation.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“We believe also that greater attention should be paid by the General Assembly itself to the conditions and the general state of morale of the people who work for us. The Secretary-General has taken the initiative in this matter, and has pointed out that, in the newer political responsibilities that we have undertaken, other considerations and other methods may have to be tried out. 185. I have already made reference to economic questions. The main problems which face us in this world of ours today reside in the danger of a conflict between East and West, by which I mean our East and West, that is, the world of the Orient and the world of the Occident. 186. My country does not regard the world as divided between great racial groups.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“My delegation has already expressed its views on this subject, but it is something which will stand reiteration. We wish him success in the further tasks which he may have to undertake. But it is not inappropriate, indeed it is necessary at this time, that we should think of the large numbers of people who have worked all kinds of hours and made the work of the emergency special sessions of the Assembly possible. 183. We shall refer in the fifth Committee to the question of the United Nations Organization in the sense of its administration. Representatives have no doubt read the paragraph in the Secretary-General’s report which relates to this matter. We think the time has come for serious consideration to be given to adjusting the administration of this Assembly to its newer purposes. 184.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“While a Solution of this problem must be found, the Assembly should address itself more to the machinery that will prevent conflict in the future, accepting the present armistice line as the basis on which these things can be done. Therefore we have no desire to enter upon any speculation on these matters. 182. I should like now to make a reference to the United Nations Organization. The emergency special sessions of the General Assembly, and even the normal work of the General Assembly, has placed an enormous burden on the staff of this Organization. Tributes have been paid to the Secretary-General for his skill, for his perseverance and for his devotion to this task, and also for the great knowledge and ability that he has displayed.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“This is not by way of an inquest, in order to stir up trouble, but so that these statements and counter-statements should not go unchallenged and, what is more, that the people who have suffered, the people whose homes have been broken up and who have lost their nearest and dearest, should be provided for in some manner, and those matters should be taken into consideration. 180. Furthermore, we agree that all this propaganda of war, from whatever country it comes — and psychological warfare is the beginning of other kinds of warfare — should come to an end and the binding up of the wounds as between the two parties should take place. 181. I have made no reference to the other aggressor against Egypt. It is a much larger problem — and the view of my Government at the present moment is that first things should come first.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“I am glad he did so. My Government has been very concerned about it, as indeed his Government knows. But we have not raised the question in this Assembly in a public way because the priority in this matter must be the withdrawal of forces and the prevention of the renewal of war. Quite obviously, there are differences in the points of view and the estimates of the Egyptian side and the invading side in this matter. 179. We take the same view on this question as we did on the Hungarian question. We are not prepared to endorse either of these positions but we think that there is an overwhelming case, an imperative case, for inquiry. Therefore, this Assembly should now proceed as soon as possible to find out the extent of damage, how it was caused, and what can be done about it.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“necessary reservations made, and the consideration shown to this Assembly of responding to the suggestions and the proposals made the other day by the Secretary-General [A/3403]. 177. It is our hope that the expression of views being, conveyed to the Soviet Government and the Hungarian Government in this matter will find a response in that quarter. It will, in the long run, contribute to the shortening of the sufferings of the Hungarian people, irrespective of political views; it will enhance the reputation of both countries in the comity of nations, in spite of the bitterness that has been created; and, what is more, it will enable this Assembly and the great nations of the world to address themselves to other problems without having this problem intrude itself as a barrier. 178. Sir Pierson Dixon referred to the conditions in Port Said.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Therefore, while we have not been prepared to subscribe to certain formulations, we want to make it clear, as we have indeed made it clear to the Soviet Government, that it is our view about this matter that the Soviet Union bears a great responsibility and that there is a duty incumbent upon it as one of the great Powers, as a permanent member of the Security Council, as a Power of the greatest influence and authority in that area, and, what is more, as a Power that surely realizes that if there were continued difficulties in the powder-keg of Central Europe, if there were developments of a character which meant the use of greater military force, it could lead to a conflagration. 176. Therefore there are times when even extreme legal considerations should be put on one side, the.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“I do not believe they can find out any more than the 500 or 600 people who have already been there from other countries. But it is a question of making a contribution to the relief of tension and of paying some attention to the expression of opinion overwhelmingly made in this Assembly. 175.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“In this connexion, I should like to say that it is our view that the Soviet Union would make a great contribution towards peace initiatives, towards the solution of the problem of disarmament, towards the lowering of tensions in the world, towards preventing the renewal of the cold war, towards maintaining and promoting the feelings of understanding that have developed, certainly in our part of the world, in regard to the Soviet Union, and towards enabling its own forces of liberalization to go forward — irrespective of whatever legal arguments may be raised — if it would use its undoubted influence in this question to ask the Hungarian Government to invite the Secretary-General to go to Hungary without delay. 174. It is not a question of what the Secretary-General can find out. It is not a question of what an observer can find out.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Our sympathy with the wounded and the killed and the suffering in Hungary, and with those people who had to leave their homes, has already been expressed by our Government, and we have taken steps, in so far as it lies within our capacity, to give them assistance. We will support any attempt in this Assembly to bring about a change in the situation. 173.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Irrespective of all the arguments that may be put forward, the fact is that when a people is not in co-operation with a government, when the government at best is in a state of perpetual tension and is not able to make the economic or the social machinery of a country function, when there has been grave tragedy of the kind that has happened in Hungary, it is the bounden duty of a great Power that is involved in the matter — even if all the arguments that have been advanced were correct to use its initiative, to use its wisdom, to use its forbearance and everything else, to alter this situation. 172. We believe in the right of the Hungarian people, to have the form of government they desire. We want to see foreign forces withdrawn from every country. We certainly object to the use of foreign forces for internal purposes.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“The other problem I want to discuss is the problem of Hungary. I have stated and restated the views of my Government on this question. We believe that a grave responsibility rests on the Soviet Government to bring about a change of affairs in Hungary.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“I think that what we should do is to try to restore the Canal to use and that the Egyptian Government, in its wisdom, and others, should recognize, first of all, the obligations under the 1888 Convention to maintain freedom of navigation, and also the interest of the users — by which I refer not to any vested interest but to the benefits that the users may derive and therefore the conditions that are necessary for this purpose. These have been set out in various documents at various times. 170. My Government hoped at one time that this could be settled on the basis of co-operation. It is no secret that if that idea had been pursued — that is, that the future of the Suez Canal should be seen in terms of co-operation and not of imposition — there would have been a settlement long ago. 171.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“168. We have supported all procedures adopted by the Assembly to speed the clearing of the Canal, and we shall continue to do so. 169. So far as the settlement of the Suez Canal question,1 so called, is concerned, it is a problem that has arisen from the attitude taken by certain countries in regard to the nationalization undertaken by Egypt, on which we have already expressed our views. We do not believe that what are called the eighteen-Power proposals [6/3665], or any other proposals made prior to the war, are a basis at the present moment on which to proceed with the matter.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“So far as the Suez Canal is concerned, my Government thinks that there should be no delay in the clearing of the Canal — the Egyptian Government has happily asked the United Nations to undertake this task, and arrangements are in hand — because the clearing of the Canal and the restoration of traffic through it is a matter of great importance to the world at large. 167. So far as the other problems are concerned, and even so far as the clearing of the Canal is concerned, therefore, a factor that would assist in this matter is speedy evacuation. If Britain and France in this particular matter are in a state of war with Egypt, then the solution of the problems arising in this connexion calls for the binding up of the wounds and for the creation of a set of circumstances in which the past can be forgotten and, on the part of Egypt, forgiven.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“We have communicated to the Secretary-General [A/3302/Add.4/Rev.1] our view that, as far as our understanding and our agreement goes, the Emergency Force is not a kind of force to hold the ring for the Suez Canal, but that its function is as I have stated it before. 165. There are various other matters in connexion with this Force to which I referred a while ago, but there is one thing on which I should like to lay stress. It is that this is the beginning of a heterogeneous force drawn from different countries and from different parts of the world with different political and even military traditions. It is essential, therefore, that the direction of the Force should also represent those different points of view, so that there may be no political complications arising in the matter thereafter. 166.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“It is not a kind of nucleus of a future force, but an ad hoc arrangement which the Assembly fostered — primarily on the initiative of Canada, which afterwards was taken up by everybody else — for the specific purpose of supervising the cease-fire and the withdrawal of foreign troops from Egypt. That is its function, and it is on those grounds that my country has agreed to participate in it. 164. We also want to place on record our view that no foreign forces — either forces of the invading armies or forces sent for any other purpose — can be on the territory of a sovereign country except with its consent.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“My Government is happy to note that the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in the United Kingdom has announced in his Parliament that the British troops are about to be withdrawn, and I believe that we have all also seen the communications by the Governments of France and the United Kingdom [A/3415] relating to the withdrawal of those troops. We hope that these withdrawals will take place without delay, as promised, and we like to believe that plans are being made for that purpose. But that takes us into the consideration of the United Nations Emergency Force. 163. My Government wants to place it on record that the United Nations Emergency Force for Egypt is not the kind of collective force organ contemplated by the Charter.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“But I say, with great respect, that this holy duty of containing the Soviets in Egypt, where they do not exist, had all the appearances of an after-thought. Of course, everybody is entitled to have an after-thought; but we are also entitled to examine its relation to the facts as they exist. 161. And now we are told what had been denied in the beginning — that this attack has something to do with obtaining the necessary conditions with regard to the Suez Canal. If that is the position, then I think that the invasion sheds all characteristics of any other type of action. That is to say that since what had been attempted in the London Conference and afterwards incorporated in certain resolutions which themselves were compromises, was not obtainable in that way, an attempt was made to obtain them by a war. 162.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“So that this way of disarmament of one country by the attack of another is not provided for. 160. The third ground that had been put forward was that the attack was made in order to prevent Soviet intrusion into this area and the extension of the conflict on a large scale. My Government firmly believes that nothing should be done to enlarge the area of conflict in Egypt or anywhere else, and it expressed itself publicly on these matters when, after the ceasefire, there were newspaper reports of Soviet volunteers going into Egypt. Thus, while legally it is largely a matter between Egypt and the Soviet Union, we hoped and expressed the view that, the cease-fire having been obtained, nothing would be done to enlarge the area of the conflict.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“It was the very same forces which formed part of the invading armies. I have not the record of the proceedings in the French National Assembly, but both in the British Parliament and in this Assembly various reasons have been given for this attack. In the days of the London Conference, the threat to security arose with regard to the development of the Suez Canal. 159. When the attack actually was launched we were told that it was in order to separate the other invader of Egypt, namely, Israel, from Egypt so that world war might not begin. Then we were told by Mr. Pineau that the purpose of the attack was to destroy the Egyptian military potential. That is a matter for which there is no provision in the Charter — for one country to go and destroy the military potential of another. In fact, I think that that is the way wars are made.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“However, it is essential for my Government to write into the record certain matters, and we want to do that without introducing any bitterness, and with a feeling at the back of our minds that, whatever the Egyptians or the Anglo-French side may think about it, the past has to go into the background some day, and the sooner the better. For those reasons we have no desire to add to the complications, but it is necessary for us to say that the causes of the Anglo-French invasion and its origins should not be forgotten by this Assembly. 158. The Anglo-French invasion of Egypt was prepared for several months, because when the London Conference met there were vast concentrations of Anglo-French forces in neighbouring areas. Our Government was told that this was for the purpose of security, and we accepted that statement.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“That should not be impossible, and we would like to hope that the vast influence of the Western countries with South Viet-Nam, and the influence of China and others with the North, would be used in this direction. 157. Now we come to the more urgent problems before us — the two great shadows that have been cast on this Assembly. The first is the question of Egypt, and here it is possible for me to make my observations shorter than they would otherwise have been, because we have been discussing this for a very long time.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“In the rest of Indo-China, however, partition remains, and we deeply regret that the Government of South Viet-Nam, in spite of all the pressures or, rather, all the persuasions — in which we are not the only parties, and in which the Foreign Ministers of the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union have made appeals to it — has not yet recognized the conditions under which the agreement at Geneva was reached. But the International Commission for Supervision and Control, which is composed of Poland, Canada and ourselves, is patiently plying its way, so that there is no outbreak of hostilities in the place, and the cease-fire line is being maintained. We believe that the future of Viet-Nam rests in free elections in the country, internationally supervised and held under conditions of secret ballot and free speech.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“After months, or almost years, of patient negotiation, in which the Laotian Government has displayed wisdom and statesmanship, and in which the others have shown forbearance at times, I believe that we have now come to a situation where there has been marked progress in this connexion, and I should like to take this opportunity of expressing the appreciation of the Government of India not only to those two parties but also to the Governments of Canada and Poland which have made very great contributions in resolving the situation. 156.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“I wish, then, that my voice would carry farther than this room and that, in the short time before us, during which other problems will come up for consideration between leading statesmen of Asia and this country, it might be possible to hear of the release of those ten remaining prisoners so that this psychological, emotional and political barrier would not exist in the solution of this problem. 155. In Indo-China there has been vast improvement. We have here two of the Indo-Chinese States concerned in the Geneva agreement admitted as Member States — Laos and Cambodia. There have been outstanding difficulties between the Kingdom of Laos and another party, called Pathet Lao, for a long, long time.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“It would also mean that the reciprocal problem, which China claims, of Chinese nationals in the United States, could also receive consideration, even though the United States Government — and I think that it is only fair to say this — has stated categorically that it has no desire to retain any Chinese national in the United States. But the Chinese Government has its own views about this and its own interpretation of it, and these things could be considered. 154.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“I do not hesitate to say that the Chinese Government would make a great contribution to the lowering of tension and the alteration of .public opinion in this country and in the countries of some of its close friends — and I would say that, although we do not share the Chinese Government’s opinion on this particular subject, we regard ourselves as its close friends — if, in its wisdom and, if one wishes to put it this way, out of its magnanimity, it would release these prisoners, thereby clearing the way for the consideration of other difficult problems without this barrier. 153.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“In an issue of this kind, however, everyone has to take into account that the vote to which I have referred represented two-thirds of the world’s population: 582 million in China and 1,036 million in other places. 151. The negotiations in Geneva have, fortunately, not been terminated, but they have yielded very meagre results. At the time when I came to this session of the Assembly, Mr. Johnson and Mr. Wang, representing the United States Government and the Chinese Government respectively, had held their eighty-sixth meeting and had repeated, I believe for the forty-sixth time, the same things; I do not know whether anything happened at the eighty-seventh meeting. 152. There are ten American prisoners in China.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“In the vote which was taken by the Assembly [580th meeting] on the question of the inclusion in the agenda of an item on Chinese representation, twenty-four Members voted in favour of the inscription of the item. Those Members represent 1,036 million people in the world. The Members which voted against the inscription of the item represent 585 million people in the world. I am not for a moment suggesting that the legal or organizational representation in the United Nations should be in terms of population, with so many votes for so many people. I am suggesting nothing of the kind. We are here as sovereign States, large or small, with equal status and equal power.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“In my delegation’s view, the question of what the General Assembly should or can do about the problem of China is still pending before the Assembly. We have given notice of our intention to present a draft resolution with regard to procedures already adopted. We hope that the President, when he is free from the troubles of the general debate and the subjects dealt! with by the emergency special sessions, will bring this question up before the General Committee. 149. I do want to say this with regard to China. The time has come when this matter should receive less impassioned consideration. There are some 582 million people in China, and their voice must be heard. What is more, whether we like it or not, the co-operation of China is necessary in the consideration of economic and political problems, and the question of disarmament. 150.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“The Assembly’s agenda also contains an item which has now become a hardy perennial — that is, the problem of Korea. I desire to say very little on this subject, except that, if it were passible to find a solution, or to make a step towards a solution, Korea could take its place here in the United Nations. We feel sure that the United States, which has the main responsibility in this matter as the head of the United Nations Command, and which has wide influence in this Assembly, would be able to respond to some suggestions aimed at making a beginning in this direction. We agree that, if the Korean problem is to be solved, both parties concerned must recognize that they have to live together. 148. In the Far East, the main problem is that of China.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“We think that it is necessary that the world community should establish the principle of the freedom of the seas and the air, in such a way that less powerful nations in the world may be afforded that freedom. We do not believe that any nation has the power to search or arrest ships on the high seas. We do not think that any country should pollute either the seas or the air through the explosion of weapons or the emptying of fuel — atomic or otherwise — which could contaminate these natural resources. We do not think that one country — or, in this case, one administration — has the right to shoot up merchant ships, as British ships are being shot up in the Straits of Formosa. In our view, the situation in which ships are searched on the open seas — and this applies even to searches for arms — should be remedied. 147.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Later in this statement, I propose, if I have time, to deal with this subject at greater length. We hope that this session of the General Assembly will make a further advance in establishing the Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development. In that connexion, however, my Government desires it to be stated categorically that the establishment of the Fund would not in any way interfere with the bilateral agreements existing between countries. These agreements are the results of bilateral relations and special necessities. They will certainly continue, and they should continue. 146. My Government is also concerned about the discussion being held in the Sixth Committee on the freedom of the seas.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“We may offer our vigilance, our criticisms and our constructive approaches. Unless, however, those who have the power to implement our resolutions are willing to implement them, they remain paper resolutions. 144. We should like to see a position in which the Sub-Committee of the Disarmament Commission would not be divided into two camps. We should like to see the other three members of that Sub-Committee make their individual approaches — and, here, my country more particularly looks to Canada, which is a new entrant into this field and is in somewhat different circumstances, to make a new approach to this problem. Perhaps the present dead-lock could be broken in that way. 145. The Second Committee of the Assembly has before it the problem of the under-developed countries.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Rather, those proposals represent an attempt to reverse the current of armament and to respond to that large volume of public opinion which does not want the armaments race in the world to continue. 143. We hope at the appropriate time to discover whether there are other approaches by the great Powers which are mainly concerned, in the sense that they are the States which are capable of delivering the goods. We hope that it will be possible this year for the Soviet Union and the United States to offer to the Assembly some agreement. There are, of course, three other member of the Sub-Committee of the Disarmament Commission, but it is my Government’s view that the solution of these large problems really depends upon direct agreements between those who can deliver the goods. All of us may make our contributions in many ways.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Reference to this fact is made in the Secretary-General’s report. The approach that we now take to this problem is the following. We should all welcome it if the United States and the Soviet Union, which are the countries mainly concerned in this matter, could come to some agreement by diplomatic negotiation and as a result of the common realization — which we are convinced exists— that the present situation can lead to catastrophic world tragedies. If, however, an agreement cannot be arrived at in that large, over-all way, we should at least make some kind of a beginning. The proposals submitted to the Disarmament Commission by the Government of India [DC/98] were not designed to be, nor are they in fact, a scheme for large-scale disarmament.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“The fact, however, remains that for eleven years we have talked about disarmament and yet, each year, the world’s armaments either stay at the same level or pile up to greater heights. 141. It is time that the General Assembly should approach this problem in a spirit other than that of merely finding some verbal adjustment between the propositions put forward by each side. My Government fully agrees that the kind of paper disarmament which can lead only to what has been called surprise attacks, or to other difficulties, is to be avoided; such a paper disarmament would not be a secure agreement. It should not, however, be beyond the wisdom of statesmen to find ways and means of establishing the necessary machinery. 142. After eighteen months of delay, the Disarmament Commission invited my Government to present its views to the Commission.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“The fact that that part of India is now under foreign occupation — although it is under the occupation of a neighbour with whom we want to remain on very good terms — is still not very agreeable to us I think I will leave it there. 139. There are some other items on the agenda of this session about which my delegation is very seriously concerned — and this is true above all of the item on disarmament. 140. We are happy to see that both in the statement made yesterday by the representative of Canada [609th meeting], and in the statement made this morning by Sir Pierson Dixon, there is an indication — despite the scepticism involved — of a general desire to consider all proposals that have been brought forward. I understand that that is also the position of the United States and the Soviet Union.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Ours is perhaps one of the few countries of the world where from 1947 onwards military expenditure has gone down in spite of the fact that military equipment, the greater part of which has to be secured from other countries, is increasing in cost. 138. All I desire to say now about Kashmir is that a third of the territory is unlawfully, against the decision of the United Nations, occupied by Pakistan forces. In the interests of peace we have kept behind the ceasefire line — there are incidents now and then but nothing very serious, there are United Nations observers there — and I think the problem with regard to Kashmir is the vacation of this aggression.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Before 1939, the proportion of military expenditure was 33 per cent; in the year 1946 to 1947, that is, when we took over in the last year of British administration, military expenditure was 46 per cent; in the year 1949 to 1950, it came down to 29 per cent, and each year it has. gone down a little so that we have now, in the year 1956 to 1957, reached the present figure of 18.6 per cent of our capital and current expenditure, or, as I said before, 37.6 per cent on the other basis. 137. I mention this because we do not like to be presented to the world as a country that is armed to the teeth and is starving our people in order that we may acquire or keep weapons.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“But if you say that we are trying to distort these figures or present them to our advantage, you can take the other ones, that is to say the merely current expenditure on both sides, without capital expenditure. But do not forget that this so-called capital expenditure is part of our national planning budget, and includes education and various community projects on which the Government of India spends somewhere around $300 million a year. 135. Therefore, the figures which have been given are entirely wrong and likely to carry a mistaken impression. It is all the more galling to us, because we are very stem advocates of the lowering of military expenditure and of disarmament, and in that connexion I would like to read out the figures for the previous years. 136.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“These figures do not represent the real picture, because the budget I gave was the revenue budget, without taking into account capital expenditure. If you take the whole budget of India, including our capital expenditure, it comes to $1,400 million, for the year 1956 to 1957, and the total defence expenditure, both current and capital, is $434 million, making 18.6 per cent of our total budget. 134. These figures are available in the United Nations and anybody can check them. That is to say, if we take the capital expenditure on the nation-building side, as well as the capital expenditure on the replenishment of the army, navy and air force, then you will get the figure of 18.6 per cent.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“First of all, with regard to Pakistan, this 70 per cent is not the real figure, since it does not take into account the large volume of foreign military aid arising from Pakistan’s military alliance with the United States, or whatever other amounts may result from its other military alliances. But assuming that it is 70 per cent, I would like that to be compared with our figures. 132. The total revenue budget of India for the year 1956 to 1957 is 5,500 million rupees, which works out at $1,100 million. Our defence expenditure for that period is $408 million, or 37.6 per cent of our budget, which is just over half of the 70 per cent that was mentioned. 133. But I think I shall be very unfair to the Government of India, and in part to myself, therefore, if I leave it at that.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)