YouSaid · the spoken record

Krishna MENON

lines on the record: 599
first: 1956-09-24
most recent: 1961-09-24
sittings or episodes: 5
sources: un-general-debate

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“We have been told here time after time- and I shall point out and give the figures when we come to talk about disarmament—that there are enough atomic bombs in the world to blow up the world several times over. Then what is the point of having more of them? We have not been able to understand this even from a purely power point of view. 164. Therefore, my country stands entirely without reservation in condemnation of the renewal of tests, whether they be by one party, by two parties or by three parties. The French always keep out and make it difficult to draw any kind of tight cordoning in this matter. 165. Then there is the proposal made with regard to the abandonment of tests under water and in the air, to which the Russians reply: "Yes, you are quite prepared to do that, but it is the other one we want to see abandoned".”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“They are only useful for concealing explosions of one kiloton or so, which are difficult to identify anyhow. "'No really thorough engineering studies have been made which give reliable cost figures, but just as rough guidance, several hundred thousand dollars per kiloton for the hole is the kind of figure which the engineers discuss. "'This means that for 50 kilotons you might end up with figures in the general order of $10 to $30 million. "'These were figures which were produced by a rather brief study of the Atomic Energy Commission'." 163. Statements have been made in the Soviet Union by way of explanation—and I am not going to read out the explanations given—that-the need arose against their will because of the situation with regard to Germany or because of threats against the Soviet Union.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“"'It is not the properties of salt which make the muffling better, but it is just the fact that salt appears to be the most economical way of producing such a hole.' "Senator Humphrey: 'It would take two to four years, in other words, in the salt area'— "Dr. Panofsky: 'Yes'. "Senator Humphrey: ' And if you happen to run into something a little more difficult than salt, it would take longer? "Dr. Panofsky: 'It would take longer and cost more'. v "Senator Humphrey: 'Where do the salt areas of the world predominate?' "Dr. Panofsky: 'Everywhere. "'We know the Russians have large solution-mining operations and they are, therefore, familiar with the technique ... "'Actually the question of naturally occurring holes is not so critical because the naturally occurring holes we know about are small.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“At a hearing before the Sub-Committee on Disarmament of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the United States Senate held on 4 February 1960, Dr. Panofsky made the following remarks to Senator Hubert Humphrey: "First, the length of time has been estimated to be between two to four years to make a hole for seventy kilotons. "Senator Humphrey: 'Two to four years?' "Dr. Panofsky: 'Right. ' "'Now, let me make one other remark. We keep focusing our attention on salt. "'Now, there is nothing magic about salt. The reason one talks about salt is because that is the medium in which engineers believe it would be the easiest to make such a big hole.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It has been said—it was said by the Secretary of State the other day—that the fact that these tests are taking place now means that there must have been preparations for tests in this way beforehand. Obviously there had been preparations for these tests. That appears to apply to both sides, because it so happens that, with the system that prevails in the Western world, all these things are published, and in the Congressional inquiries in regard to underground test explosions, it is pointed out that it takes two or three years to make one of the so big holes in which explosions are made—the question whether these underground tests radiate anything or not is a different one. I do not know the answer. 162.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“We have been told in one case that it is because of all the troubles in regard to Berlin and general activity on behalf of NATO, the proposals of the West to give nuclear arms to West Germany, and so on. All this may be true. We are not one of the great Powers, we are not among the great killers of the world—we are among the minor Powers—so we cannot take effective responsibility in this. But irrespective of the fact whether the nuclear power of the United States and its allies has increased or not, our answer is that the resumption of tests is regrettable, is a setback to peace. A little later I shall quote Mr. Khrushchev on this, which is perhaps the right thing to do. 161.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Equally we think that, anyone else who explodes a bomb because the Soviet Union did so is also wrong in doing so. Our position is one of 100 per cent opposition: no explosions under any circumstances, because the explosions are merely preparations for nuclear war, irrespective even of the question of radiation alone. 15Si Therefore, we have brought to the Assembly an item, "Continuation of suspension of nuclear and thermo-nuclear tests and obligations of States to refrain from their renewal", which differs from the one put down by the United States, "The urgent need for a treaty to ban nuclear weapons tests under effective international control". The treaty and such things may come afterward, but there should be a stopping of these explosions if we are to move toward disarmament or even toward the lowering of tensions. 160.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It is not only a question of more radiation or less radiation, whether radiation is harmful or not so harmful, because, according to some United States scientists, even if there was a nuclear waif, in the first year only 2 million people would die, and it would become 160 million in one hundred yea.' there are different calculations. These Government scientists are like the bishops of the eighteenth century: they reflect the opinions of their Governments. And therefore we need not pay exclusive attention to it. 158. Our position with regard to the renewal of explosions by the Soviet Union is that it is highly regrettable. We have heard all the explanations; we are prepared even to consider the fact that they might have known that somebody else was preparing. these do not change our position.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Which was the clean bomb, I do not know—but there it is. Now. it is the nice explosions and the not-so-nice explosions. 156. Anyway, in May of 1959, the United States agreed to study some proposals—in regard to the inspection quotas, and so on. 157. To make a long story short, this year there came the renewal of explosions by the Soviet Union. My Government, without reservation, regrets this and regards it as a set-back to peace. The moment it was confirmed, we made no reservations in this matter— because we think that only purpose of these explosions is to prepare for atomic war.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The Western side proposed that underground explosions might be permitted, and there seems to have been disagreement about it. Since this will come up in the First Committee, I will not go into details about it. It was also said in the West that it was difficult to detect these underground explosions. 154. Ultimately, in the March of 1959, the United Kingdom Prime Minister went to Moscow and proposed to the USSR that they might establish a principle which would permit underground blasts below a prescribed level. 155. My Government thinks that it was a great mistake to have gone away from the idea of a blanket prohibition and to say that there may be good explosions and bad explosions. We are familiar with this argument in the Assembly. I remember that, two or three years ago, it was between the "clean" bomb and the "dirty" bomb.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“In the course of these negotiations in Geneva, there were attempts—of course, we are not a party to them, we can only obtain news of them from such published information as is available—to bring them into the general ban. Our submission was that nuclear explosions, in whatever form they may take place, are bad, and that they ought to be stopped—and completely stopped. The reasons are twofold. One is the effects of radiation, and the other is that nobody explodes these bombs just for amusement: it is only preparation for nuclear war. So, for one reason or the other, these explosions should be stopped. 153. Then, at that time, there came a dent in the idea of the general blanket prohibition of explosions that was being pursued.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Ultimately, after four years, there was a conference -2/ in Geneva, and the United States and the Soviet Union together came to an agreement, which had been discussed here also, that perhaps the technical parts of this problem could be investigated. A conference thus took place, and just before that the USSR stopped explosions—in March of 1958—and the United Kingdom and the United States stopped them in September of the same year. And, until September 1961, so far as we know, there have been no explosions except by France, which proclaimed what is called atomic isolation. In other words, they claim the liberty to explode atomic bombs in the Sahara, which is African territory. 152.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Secondly, it was said by the permanent representative at that time that the fall-out was negligible: that there was natural radiation, there was always radiation from luminous wrist-watches, and therefore, it did not matter whether there was more radiation. Therefore, there was no such thing as radiation hazard. That was the second reason for which our appeal was not to be considered. Third, in the second or third year, when these things were wearing down, it was said that tests were not detectable: in other words, you could explode an atom bomb in your pocket'. That was the idea. For those three reasons, our proposal was opposed. 151.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Nor do we, in spite of differences that may arise in regard to either of them, always fail to express our opinions in a matter of importance. With regard to these nuclear tests, it is necessary, however, not to take this thing at a particular stage but to look at the thing as a whole. 150. It was first brought here by the Government of India in 1954, and from 1954 it incurred the opposition of the United Kingdom. When first India brought the idea that nuclear tests ought to be suspended, it was opposed by the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom for three reasons; First of all, Mr. Selwyn Lloyd said it was not disarmament therefore it need not be discussed.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“I want to point out that this is a United Nations operation and, that being so, whoever is ordered by the United Nations to take part in it ceases to be a national of his country for that purpose and is entitled to the protection of the United Nations. The symbol of the Red Cross being used as a cover for other purposes is more than can be accepted as an excuse. There has been no question of Indian troops firing on Red Cross officials—except where the Red Cross has been used by others in this way, a crime has been committed. 149. I now come to a mere important aspect of the items we are to consider. The first of these, which disturbs my Government greatly, is the resumption of nuclear tests. We are a country that is normally known as "uncommitted". We do not take our instructions from either of the war blocs.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“By early September half the mercenaries had been removed by the United Nations. Consuls concerned in Elisabethville gave the United Nations assurances that they would help in removing others. The Belgian Consul undertook to repatriate sixty-odd who had taken shelter in his consulate building. When fighting broke out, it was these who led elements of the Katanga "gendarmerie". These Belgian army officers are members of the regular metropolitan army. Rhodesia has permitted the full use of its territory in support of Tshombe. It has helped with technicians, and has permitted passage of arms and ammunition. 1484 I think I would like to stop there, because otherwise it will take too long at this late hour.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“An Italian Red Cross medical team who were working for the United Nations was arrested in Elisabethville by Katangese soldiers under their European mercenary officers. This Italian Red Cross team was giving aid and succour to both the Katangese and United Nations troops. The Italian Red Cross hospital which was supporting the United Nations troops was constantly under fire and had to be evacuated. At Albertville, Indian soldiers captured two Belgians in civilian clothes manning a gun. They were later identified as doctors. A gentleman in priestly garb—I do not like to say a "priest"—was apprehended in the United Nations Italian military hospital in Albertville under suspicious circumstances. When he was searched, a bayonet and hand grenade were found concealed in his robes. 147.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The General said that the Red Cross van was mounted with a bazooka by Belgian paratroopers. A Red Cross van does not become a Red Cross van because a cross is painted on it. It fired on and killed the Irish crew of a United Nations armoured car. 145. General McKeown referred to the allegations of a British correspondent that Gurkha troops had inflicted heavy casualties on the other side during the capture of the radio station. "I do ,not accept any charge against them", he said. 146. Then we come to more recent matters in this connexion. During the recent fighting in Elisabethville a Red Cross ambulance car carried a bazooka and fired on soldiers in the same incident. Here is another one: on several occasions European civilians travelling in cars carrying Red Cross flags have been seen to carry machine guns.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Despite all its pleadings there were still some 500 left less than a month ago. They were the backbone of Katanga's resistance to national unity." African nationalist leaders have supported the action of the United Nations in the whole of that region. 144. Then we come to certain matters to which I just draw attention. There have been charges of Indian troops firing on Red Cross vehicles. I would like to say here, on the basis of completely checked information, that this is entirely false. General McKeown told a Press conference, "Indian troops are well led, well disciplined, and conducted themselves well"- He said that the Indian troops had the hardest job, having to take radio and post office installations, and come under heavy fire and sniping. But they were restrained. He denied that Gurkha troops fired at a Rod Cross van.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“If he does, what has up to now been the crisis of the Congo may well turn into the crisis of Rhodesia." 143. It says at a later date: "The current bloody struggle in Katanga, the first time a United Nations force has been involved in fighting, is not, as reports to the Security Council make clear, a result of a United Nations effort to end Katanga's secession by force... "This is basically a struggle between the United Nations and a group of freebooters and adventurers —including French ultras exiled from their own country because of participation in the thwarted military rebellion in Algeria. "For months now the United Nations has been engaged in patient, persistent, efforts to fulfil repeated General Assembly and Security Council directives that foreign mercenaries be evacuated from Katanga.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“On 15 September 1961 a French Government spokesman charged that the United Nations had exceeded its mandate and possibly violated the Charter by intervening with force in Katanga. Considering that the operations of the forces for which we have some responsibility were ordered by the United Nations, at the request of the Congolese Government and Parliament, this does not correspond with the facts. I think the best comment on this comes from a New York newspaper which says: "The sudden entry into the picture of Sir Roy Welensky, leader of the white settlers in the neighbouring Rhodesian Federation, is a reminder that even before the Congo became independent, African leaders were warning the United Nations of a Rhodesian plot to annex Katanga. It is inconceivable that Welensky will try by armed force to prevent unification of the Congo.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“What has actually happened, however, is that in this territory there have been operations against the United Nations forces by those who ought to know better. On 15 September 1961, Sir Roy Welensky, the Prime Minister of Rhodesia, called upon free countries of the world without delay to demand a ceasefire in Katanga to restore the Tshombe Government. There is no objection to anybody demanding a ceasefire anywhere, because we do not want to see any fighting, but to operate against the United Nations policy there—this, by someone who no doubt in due course aspires to come here—is another matter. And, if one may say so, the United Kingdom is responsible for the defence and external policies of the Rhodesian dominion. Sir Roy also said the fighting was bound to get worse. 142.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“140. In this connexion, I would not be doing my duty if I did not say something with regard to the operations of the Indian troops in this area. Unfortunately, there have been misstatements in regard to the performance of United Nations personnel. It is not my obligation to speak about all the others. Similar statements have been made about Irish troops, for no reason whatsoever. I regret that the first of these came out in the United Kingdom newspapers, though I would like to say at once that officially the Government of the United Kingdom not only has not condoned any of those reports but, what is more, has informed my Prime Minister that it does not share the views that have been stated. 141.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“There have, however, been very considerable difficulties. The Government of India, at the request of the United Nations, has placed at the disposal of the Organization considerable personnel for the purposes of the maintenance of integrity, independence and law and order, and for the facilitation of economic assistance. The Assembly has, time after time, asked for the withdrawal of those non-Congolese who are not in the country by permission of the Congolese Government, or through the United Nations, but the position of foreign intervention of this kind still continues. In spite of eighteen months of repeated pressure from various quarters, there is still trouble of this sort going on, and the serious troubles of the last few days have largely arisen from the operation of mercenaries who are assisting in the disintegration of the Congo.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The appeal made in the Assembly time after time during the course of the last session, for the convening of Parliament and for the emergence of a Government that would have, after the death of Lumumba, some responsibility from Parliament, seems to have at last produced results. Today there is a government of unity and we are glad that countries of the eastern and western blocs today have decided to establish missions in Leopoldville, so that there is gradually a movement under the new Prime Minister towards unity and settlement. 139. The United Nations policy of integrity, independence, the maintenance of law and order and of economic assistance, which had been reiterated, is solidly supported by my Government which will give whatever assistance is possible in this direction provided it is used for those purposes.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Every speaker from this rostrum has referred to the problem of Berlin. It is not my intention to go into the details of this question, because the parties mainly concerned are, apparently, according to newspaper reports, engaged in private discussions. It is not our desire to say anything that might in any way come in the way of an agreement of some kind. Perhaps before the end of my observations I may have something more to say. 138. Now we come to one of the most important problems before us, that of the Congo. In the Congo, the war still drags on after eighteen months, but in the last few months there has been progress.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It is not my intention to deal with this subject in detail, although other people have referred to it. One hopes that the meeting of the Princes in Zurich, the desire of the Laotian parties to come together, and the view of the great Powers and others concerned in the Laotian conference—at least as publicly expressed—that Laos should remain a neutral country will lead to the emergence of a government of national unity in such a way as to bring peace to this war-torn country, this country that has not known peace for the last twenty-five years. It fought the Japanese in the great war, then the French colonialists, then the inhabitants have fought amongst themselves, with foreign intervention as the main promoting factor. It goes on in this way. For the last twenty-five years, war has been practically continuous in that country. 137.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“That is to say, countries that are against colonial rule, that certainly would not adopt these tactics, find themselves in a vicarious way in the company of countries that are suppressing populations, using not merely the time-honoured methods of war, but modern methods of war. 135. In Africa, again there has been no progress with regard to South West Africa. It is not my intention to deal with this matter here, because it is a separate item on the agenda of the Fourth Committee. South Africa continues to, apply the policy of facial discrimination known as apartheid in spite of repeated appeals and condemnations by this Assembly, appeals and condemnations voiced year after year. 136. In the continent of Asia we have a spot of trouble in Indo-China. A conference on this subject is going on in Geneva.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“We now have a situation in Angola where we have actually moved away from the question of repression of Africans and their rebellion against such repression: we now have a situation which affects the peace and security of the world. The United Nations must now take up the situation not only from the point of view of the atrocities being committed in a colonial empire, but also from the point of view of the effect on Africa as a whole and on the world. In the name of law and order, weapons of war are being used to suppress populations. Some of these weapons of war are made available to the colonial Powers—whether it be France or Portugal—because of their alliances with other nations.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Sometimes the volunteers are worse off than the "contratados" because they can be more easily cheated by their employers over wages and time of employment, which may be extended after the agreed term is finished or may be renewed for another full period without the workers' consent. 132. For a year's forced labour a man is unlikely to get more than $14 by the time the native tax has been taken off and the other deductions which the "chefe de posto" imposes. When the "chefe de posto" is paying off a gang of forced labourers, the traders are called and they bring wine and goods for sale so that the worker shall not get away with his money. 133. It is almost impossible to think that such things can happen in modern times. 134.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The Administration has moved villagers in close to the roads to make it convenient to use them for roadwork and also to control them for forced labour. There is no pay for this work and the Government gives no tools or rations. People are called out for this work as required. It is never known when it is finished. (c) The Government uses forced labour on the harbour works at Luanda and on barrages on rivers for irrigation of the lands for Portuguese settlers. It also uses them on government building schemes. An eyewitness has said that he remembers seeing them working on a government housing scheme for Portuguese civil servants. 131. Second, there is work for private enterprises. There is not a great deal of difference between contract and voluntary work. A man may volunteer to avoid a contract that he is afraid of.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Yet here the native is not bought—he is hired from the State, although he is called a free man. And his employer cares little if he sickens or dies, once he is working, because when he sickens or dies his employer will simply look for another." 130. Africans have to carry out two kinds of forced labour. First, there is work for the Government. Under this heading, there are the following categories; (a) Work on the "chefe de posto's" garden. This is an official garden, but the vegetables and crops are grown, partly for his personal use and partly sold for profit. Every man, woman and child over fourteen years of age has to work for fourteen days on the "granja". Workers get no pay and have to provide their own tools, (b) Road work. Again, every man, woman and child has to work—even cripples and old people—to get the work done.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“I repeat: that was a memorandum from the Portuguese Government to the League of Nations in 1924. About forty years have passed, but the position is much the same. When a few years ago a commission was appointed by the United Nations—a commission on which a countryman of mine sat—it met with the same reaction, the same attitude, the same philosophy, on the part of the Portuguese Government. 129. Of course, there are some enlightened administrators in Portugal, also. One of them—Captain Henrique Galvas—said the following when, as a senior inspector of colonies, he reported to the Salazar Government in 1947: "In some ways the situation [ in Angola] is worse than simple slavery. Under slavery, after all, the native is bought as an animal: his owner prefers him to remain as fit as a horse or an ox.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“"To desire to convert the native of the bush, with his customs, habits and manner of life, into a man with all the rights and duties of a European is to provoke a situation which may cause bitter disillusionment. The negro has to be civilized by his labour and must be made to co-operate by this labour in the process of civilizing himself and developing tropical Africa. Kindly and humane methods must be used to induce him to co-operate, but that co-operation must also be a means of modifying his mental outlook. Such an undertaking requires great moderation, prudence and forethought. It is not an easy task, and it is a task which should be dealt with not only from the point of view of the treatment of the negro, but also of the manner in which he responds to it." 128.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“If, therefore, manual labour is scarce, if a charter of labour has not been duly established, and if, for this reason, the development of the country is impeded, abuses are bound to occur, and, in spite of all laws and regulations, the natives will be the first to suffer. «... While individual liberty should be respected and the principles of justice and equality for all should be upheld, we have some reason to ask whether certain philanthropic ideas are not sometimes, as applied to the negro races of Africa, likely to produce an effect contrary to that intended. If we are to avoid forcing an evolution which in so- called civilized countries has taken centuries, we must see that tropical Africa does not come to full civilization without passing through a number of intermediate stages.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Why should the Negro be the only person in this world to be exempt from work? If he works of his own free will, he should be aided and protected by the law. If he does not, he must be induced to work by persuasion and by gentle and kindly methods. But if even these means prove ineffective, we have to resort to the methods which civilized communities adopt against those of their members who desire to live on the results of others' labour—that is to say, vagabondage and idleness have to be punished. "In African countries the principal industries now being established are the exploitation of the subsoil and agriculture. Both of these industries require abundant manual labour. But colonists and authorities are interested in the industrial development of the country.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The following is a memorandum^ which was written by the Portuguese Government to the Secretary-General of the League of Nations in 1924: "In new countries, and particularly in the African Colonies, the regulation of labour is, an important consideration .... Forced labour, for instance, is a form of slavery, and therefore measures should be taken to prevent it. Moreover, the European races which bring civilization to the natives need their assistance 'to attain their aims: the work of the colonists must combine with that of the aborigines. It is not reasonable that the colonization and development of uncivilized countries"—the question is: who is uncivilized?— "with the advantages which accrue to the natives there from, should be the result of the colonists' work and organization alone, without any assistance on the part of the native.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Some other journalists later visited this village and said that they had seen evidence of napalm bombs"— these atrocious methods are shocking enough when used by nations in wars against other nations, but they are even more shocking when used by nations against peoples over whom they rule. 126. We could go on recounting more stories of such atrocities. Africans are pulled out of their homes at night and shot dead for no reason except that they are African Angolans or other Africans living in their own territories. 127. What is the Portuguese theory about this? I think that we must understand this particular aspect of the question when we discuss Article 73.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Picking up the story on 24 February 1961 the magazine Time reported, on page 22, that a Luanda cabdriver had: "told reporters that he saw five trucks loaded with corpses driven out to a mass burial in the bush... "While tanks and armoured cars patrolled the streets at night and Portuguese gunboats and 'planes combed the coastline, a doctor said wearily, 'I don't know how much more of this I can stand. Every night we deal with men dreadfully wounded and cut up.'" Another eyewitness said the following: "On 29 July, on our way back, we passed through this village again. Three hours after we left the village that day, it was completely wiped out.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“They are mainly children driven from Angolan homes where men and women are forced into the modern slavery of forced labour. The view that is taken by the Portuguese Empire in this connexion is something that is inconsistent with the Charter of the United Nations, 123. Since 5 February 1961, there have been enormous casualties arising from the attack on the population by the ruling Power; neither the police nor the army recovered themselves from the troubles given by the Africans in resistance to oppression, and with armed settlers they invaded African quarters, beating up and shooting Africans indiscriminately. 124. An eye-witness who left Luanda on 6 February told of a count of forty-nine African corpses, hundreds wounded and hundreds more in prison. The massacre continues. 125.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“We are not here to make any special pleading on behalf of a particular part of these territories, but Portuguese colonialism does not even have the characteristic of nineteenth century or twentieth century colonial rule. It is characterized by cruelly and repression which have resulted in- according to authoritative estimates—somewhat over 130,000 refugees fleeing into the Congo. 122. The Assembly knows that conditions in the Congo at present are not such that anybody would like to go there as if it were a sanatorium, but the conditions in Angola are obviously far worse and therefore refugees are driven into these areas, and they are going at the rate of 10,000 a month or so. These are not reports by political parties but by the International Red Cross, which is taking care of these people.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Equally, there seems to be no reconciliation of the points of view between the Algerian people who demand their birthright of independence, recognized by the United Nations not only in its Charter but by subsequent resolutions, and France, which denies them that right. Attempts at negotiation have so far failed. But my country stands foursquare with the Algerian people in their demand for full and complete independence. 121. Portugal's is the largest empire today—the oldest ally of the United Kingdom—a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Portugal owns 1.3, million square miles in the world, the greater part of it in Africa, with small enclaves on the Indian continent, in the Pacific Ocean, south and east in Timor and Maco.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Article 73 has to be read along with the new decisions of the United Nations, and we are entitled to obtain information with regard to Portuguese Colonies from whatever sources may be available to the United Nations. 120. The three main slices of the colonial empires that still remain are that of France, with its ten and a half million people, mainly in the territory of Algeria, where over a period of eight years sanguinary war has been going on in which a very considerable part of the French Air Force and French Navy is engaged, and where, according to where you get your figures, the casualties have been from 200,000 to 700,000.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“We hope it will not pass through the travail of the Congo, that there will be no rearguard action fought in order to regain a Trust Territory for an empire; that Australian New Guinea will similarly become independent; and that the man, many territories in Africa and elsewhere, about fifty in number, will in a short period of time have gained the status of independence. 119. We ourselves have not put down a date by the calendar, but we go by the spirit of last year's resolution—it was not mere empty words—when we think that the United Nations, having decided on the end of colonialism, will now see to its implementation, that there will be machinery set up. Article 73 now acquires a new meaning, and therefore, when the Republic of Portugal refuses to obey the mandate of the United Nations to submit information, a new situation arises.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Therefore, when there are large populations, as in the Central African Federation or that part of Africa, if in the name of independence a large number of people are consigned to the rule of a minority which believes in a racial doctrine and a form of government which the Assembly has disapproved so many times and condemned to no uncertain terms, then we cannot welcome that as independence. It is particularly so when these territories, though they are not Members of the United Nations, are members of what may be called the "solar system", that is to say, of the various specialized agencies and so on. 118. We also look forward to the time when the Trust Territory of Rwanda-Urundi will become an independent State.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“We hope this process will speed up in East Africa and elsewhere. 116. My Government would also like to welcome without reservation the statement made by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs for the United Kingdom, when he informed the Assembly [1017th meeting] that, although it had no obligation under the Charter to submit political information in regard to Non-Self-Governing Territories, the United Kingdom intended to do so. It is true that it will be only for a short period because all these territories, in the process of historical progress at the present time, should in less than even twelve months have become independent. 117. We are equally concerned about the fact that this independence should be real and should not be, as in the case of another part of Africa, independence for the few and not for the many.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“In a short time, Tanganyika, a Mandated Territory originally, afterwards a Trust Territory, which only a few years ago was expected to take fifty years before it attained its independence, will apply for admission as an independent State to the United Nations. It may well be that before we disperse, we shall have added the one hundred and first State to the United Nations. 115. In the Caribbean there is British Guiana which has passed through some troublesome periods of recent history and which is also about to attain its independence. The Caribbean Islands are likely to take the same position. So in the whole of what was formerly the British Empire, there seems to be a process of—I would not call it disintegration—the resolving of the Empire into its proper component parts taking their places.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“We believe it is not possible for this world to remain half free and half slave. It is not possible, either to restore the economic imbalances or to establish peace,, coexistence and co-operation in this world or indeed to restore the dignity of human beings, so long as there are subject peoples. - 114. And that takes us to the problem of colonies as such. We have in the Assembly made considerable advances in this direction in the last year or two. It has now been resolved in the Assembly that the whole regime of colonialism must come to an end, and while no date on the calendar has been fixe4 it is the spirit and the intention of that resolution [1514 (XV)] that it shall come to an end quickly. And while we refer to this matter, it is only fair and right that we take both the welcome factors as well as the others in this way.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Sir Milton Margai said: "When, in future, both within and without the United Nations, we"—that is, the Sierra Leonese— "persistently champion the cause of a speedy and final end to every variety of colonial rule everywhere in the world, we wish the fact to be remembered that we do not speak out of bitterness, but out of conviction that the right of self-determination which we ourselves now enjoy is a right which all men everywhere must enjoy. We wish, further, to make it clear that we reserve the right to express ourselves fully and independently on all issues." [1018th meeting, para. 229.] No one could have put this better, because very often, when those of us who are ex-colonials speak perhaps with more feeling than some others in the cause of colonial independence, it is likely to be regarded as past bitterness expressing itself.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“From 1924 onwards institutions came into existence and by slow processes, over thirty or forty years, it has at last today become an independent and self-governing dominion of the British Commonwealth with freedom to choose its own form of government today, tomorrow and any day it likes. We are glad to think that its later stages have followed the course of events in our own country rather than that of violence. 112. On 27 April 1961 Sierra Leone became independent, and on the same day the Republic of India recognized it as an independent State and established diplomatic relations with it. 113. I would like, however, to draw attention to what the Prime Minister of Sierra Leone said in the Assembly the other day.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)