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“Soon after the establishment of Freetown, as in other countries, King Nambina ceded twenty square miles of land to Captain Taylor, on behalf of the free community of settlers, "in exchange for rum, muskets and embroidered waistcoats". Soon afterwards the inhabitants rebelled against the Company's misrule; the rebellion was put down, but it had the result, as in the case of India and Warren Hastings and others, of attracting domestic attention in England, as it was then, to misrule and the character of the administration. 111. In 1807 the British Parliament made the slave trade illegal and the new colony was used as a base of operations.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It was soon after Freetown was founded—and it is also interesting that Freetown came into existence soon after the American revolution and just before the French revolution, that is to say while, in other parts of the world, the liberty of men was being proclaimed and republics were being founded—that another town also came into being in Africa in this way, originally as a sanctuary for the freed. Freetown did not, however, follow the course of the history of Liberia. It became a Crown colony; but over a period of 100 years, by gradual processes, it attained its present situation, its rulers and the colonials, in the same way as in our own history of Imperial rule over us, in its last stages, came to an agreement to part company in friendship as independent States. 110.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“But, as history would have it, "Freetown" soon came under the commercial organization of an exploiting company and subsequently passed under colonial rule, reminding one of what Abraham Lincoln once said: "The shepherd drives the wolf from the sheep's throat, for which the sheep thanks the shepherd as his liberator, while the wolf denounces him for the same act as the destroyer of liberty, especially as the sheep was a black one. Plainly the sheep and the wolf are not agreed upon a definition of the word 'liberty'; and precisely the same difference prevails today among us human creatures, even in the North, and all professing to love liberty". 109.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“This country, with an area of some 28,000 square miles and a population of 2.5 million, comes into the picture of modern history With the advent of the Portuguese in the continent of Africa in order to capture slaves to be sold elsewhere in the world. For 200 years slavery went on. Ultimately Sierra Leone came into existence in the shape of Freetown—strangely enough, not as a colony in the beginning, but in order that liberated slaves might find somewhere to go.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Irrespective of what may come out of the inquiry, it would be tragic if those who go out on United Nations missions and come to ends of this kind in circumstances of this character were not to become the concern of the Assembly in a very serious way. Therefore, as I say, we have gone to the length, along with other delegations, of asking to have this inscribed as an additional item on the agenda. It is now several days since attention was drawn to this, and we hope that the item will come up very soon. 108. Owing to the change in the procedure it has not been possible for us to take an earlier opportunity to congratulate the one hundredth Member of this Assembly, Sierra Leone.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“I would, however, like to take this opportunity of saying that my delegation, along with a number of others, has requested him [see A/4896]' through the General Committee or by such other procedures as may be necessary, to act in order that the question of an international investigation into the conditions and circumstances resulting in the tragic death of Mr. Dag Hammarskjold and of members of the party accompanying him may be inscribed on the agenda of this Organization. Since this matter is likely to come up in another place and in other ways it is not my desire to go into it how, but my Government takes a very serious view of this question.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“I would like to take this opportunity of saying also that it is not only a tribute to his personal qualities of which we are all well aware—for although he is a comparative newcomer to the United Nations has become acquainted with the delegations and the work of this Organization—but also a tribute to his country, especially at the present time, 107. We would like, further, to express our appreciation of the services rendered by his predecessor in a rather difficult year which ended tragically. My delegation has already expressed its sentiments with regard to the tragedy that overtook the Secretary- General and his colleagues in the disastrous journey they undertook over Africa.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Though rather late in the proceedings, my delegation yields to none in the congratulations it would like to offer to Mr. Slim on his election to the presidency of the Assembly. Even if his election had stood alone it would have been a matter for congratulation by itself. However, we should like to express our appreciation of the fact that he has been unanimously elected to his office. We hope that this great unanimity shown in his election and the understanding shown by his then prospective rival will be emulated in other fields so that we shall have more unanimous decisions in the Assembly.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“I say this in all humility — the humility of a nation that does not seek power and does not seek to prescribe a remedy, but seeks to express its own positions and to make its humble contribution to the world, irrespective of the risks that we may have to take for peace.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“We should proclaim that in this way, so that we may conclude the general debate and go onto our work with the feeling that, despite all our difficulties and despite the heat sometimes generated, there is also the determination in the minds of people that while people may strike they shall not wound, that here is a medium created by men after many failures, and that even if, unfortunately, failures should occur here or there, we shall not be daunted by them in the sense of throwing in the sponge, but shall go on from endeavour to endeavour and, in the words of the poet, say Ye rigid ploughmen bear in mind Your labour is for future hours. Advance! spare not! nor look behind! Plough deep and straight with all your powers. 149.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“I think it would be only right and appropriate — in fact, If I did not do it it would be inappropriate — that I should refer also to the fact that, while there is concern, while there is expectation and while there are, perhaps, doubts, suspicions and so on, there is also in this Assembly the determination for us to keep together, the determination to pursue the ends of the Charter and the determination that the ills of the world arising from exploitations and imbalance, the ills of the world arising from threats of war, should be removed.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“But we would request that, before the general debate is technically concluded, the Assembly should be invited to express its opinion on this, so that it goes out to the world with some positive contribution by way of its support, and, as representative of one of the sponsors of the draft resolution, I would take the liberty of requesting that every vote in this Assembly should be positively cast in its favour. 148. At the beginning of my observations I referred to this fifteenth session of the Assembly meeting in conditions of concern and expectation.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“I hope that this draft resolution will be taken cognizance of and accepted, and that the Assembly will become seized of it, and therefore I move it, I hope that the Assembly will give not merely a vote that is without opposition, but a positively unanimous vote, so that the world will know that, irrespective of all the differences, the aims are harmony and toleration, the creation of the necessary machinery for strengthening the United Nations and the necessary support, and also that we shall, in the coming weeks, address ourselves to particular problems, some of which I have referred to. 147. That is all I wished to say. I referred to the other nations which wish to sponsor the draft resolution, and it must be left to the President's discretion and wisdom how to proceed with this matter.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“For all those purposes it is necessary that there should be a reaffirmation of these things, which should go out to the world, to the effect that, whatever may be the difficulties, we, the representatives here in the Assembly, and the Member States, have not only not lost confidence, but place our reliance in the United Nations to carry on, and will make our best efforts. 146. Now we come to the appeal.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“At the present time one of the great achievements of the United Nations has been that — in spite of all that has gone on in the world, in spite of all the great conflicts, in spite of the technological capacity for mass destruction and in spite of the crisis of confidence — the Assembly and the Organization have survived. Its survival is a great achievement, and we may therefore do nothing which does not assist towards its greater strength. 145. The Secretary-General referred this morning, and also in the introduction to his annual report [A/4390/Add.1], to various aspects — to the more silent and less advertised work in the social and economic spheres.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“There we have gone on to operative paragraph 2, which we think is essential in the circumstances because, while we all recognize that the United States and the Soviet Union are the two major great Powers of the world — though the other Powers which have been involved in these discussions are equally concerned — the Organization itself cannot escape its responsibility, and its responsibility and its power come not from anywhere else but from its Member States. Co-operation must be forthcoming in full measure so that it may become an effective instrument for safeguarding the peace, and for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“If we want to lessen tensions, it is obvious that we should not aggravate them, and aggravation may be by psychological warfare, it may be by preparations, it may be by forms of intrusion and threats to safety in one way or another — any of these actions — and it is not for the United Nations to prescribe who shall do what, but simply to appeal to the good sense of nations and their loyalties to, and obligations under, the Charter. 144.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The right thing to do by the world is to take the world into confidence, if you can do so. Therefore, we do not stand for any reservations with regard to this. 143. We have said also that greater harmony among nations, irrespective of their economic and social systems, to which there are references in the Charter, would contribute towards greater harmony and tolerance between nations, and also that the United Nations should act as a centre for harmonizing the conflicting interests. These are among the fundamental purposes of the Charter, and therefore the third paragraph of the preamble fully sets out our position. Then we have urged that all countries, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, refrain from actions likely to aggravate these tensions.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“In the course of Informal discussions on this matter — naturally, one looks at every side — the problem we posed ourselves was, "Does it constitute an alarmist statement on affairs?" It is not an alarmist statement, but the world does give cause for alarm. That is to say, it is. right for a responsible body such as ours to say that the increase in world tension — whether we take it among the countries represented here or elsewhere — is so serious that in the present state of technical advance, and with, as I have said, the crisis of lack of confidence, there is grave risk to international peace. Even though it may not arise in the form of a declaration of war or anything of that kind, there is a grave risk to international peace. So we say that in fact it would be wrong not to face the situation.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Instead of becoming more tolerant and friendly, are becoming more grouped on one side or the other, and where the new nations which come into this Assembly, who should have a chapter of co-operation, are faced rather with a conflict of faith. Therefore, we have put forward this draft resolution without any desire to apportion blame or responsibility, but to enunciate positions which are in total conformity with the Charter and which take into account the factual situation. For example, the draft resolution says: "The General Assembly, "Deeply concerned by the increase in world tensions," and "Considering that the deterioration in international relations constitutes a grave risk to world peace and cooperation,". 142.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The proceedings of the Assembly up till now have not been of a character which has left its mark by creating a different climate with regard to this, and some of us felt that it was necessary, both for ourselves and for world opinion outside, so that confidence in the United Nations might remain, so that the peoples of the world should not feel frustration and so that their expectations and aspirations should Inspire even those who do not see eye to eye with each other to realize that there is a compulsive force outside which will not take account of their individual peculiarities, or even of their individual fears, and that this is a world problem, where the world stands before a catastrophe, where its economic and social progress also is being delayed by the continual threat of war and where relations between nation and nation.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“There are Austria, Finland and Yugoslavia, on the one hand, and, on the other, Bolivia, Ecuador Mexico, Panama, Venezuela — I hope that I have not forgotten any. All these countries are also in it. There are the Arab countries, the African countries and the Asian countries. 141. This draft resolution has come before the Assembly not only with their good wishes but also with the appeal they make to the Assembly for its adoption. I do not think it is necessary for me to argue this at great length, but I would like to say that my delegation does not regard this as a kind of form of words with little meaning. It is not what is called a general draft resolution, giving everybody a feeling of escape into unreality. It has been put forward because we all know that tensions have increased in this world.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Just before I came to speak here Cambodia, Ceylon, Ethiopia, Guinea, Nepal, Nigeria and Sudan asked me to say that they wanted to be added to the list, and I believe other countries also have put down their names. The Assembly will see that this is not an expression of aspirations or an expression of opinion that comes from one part of the world. Here are countries not only of Asia, where I come from, and Africa, with which my delegation is closely associated — and where I feel sure, with one or two small exceptions, everyone would have been willing to sponsor the document — but also countries from Latin America, whose part in disarmament discussions has been notable. There are also the countries of Europe which are not involved in the present arrangements or Power groupings.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“We are not supporting one proposition or another in this matter, but we believe that greater association of all Members of the United Nations, the repeated expression of their concern, greater knowledge in the world of what is involved and the progress that we are making, and, what is more, the publicity that will come upon what some of the public may regard as activities of obstruction, that would speed the way to disarmament. That is all I wish to say at this moment in regard to disarmament, because I propose to take this up in detail in committee. 140. Now I come to the last part of my observations this morning, which has fallen to my lot because representatives will see before them a draft resolution [A/L.320 and Add.1-6] sponsored by some fifteen or sixteen countries, including my own, whose names it bears.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Its Sub-Committee has met and wrangled, as I said here when I read out from the Carnegie Endowment publication, and then met either the day previous or two days previous to the opening of the Assembly session, merely to pass on its report. I submit that the Disarmament Commission has defaulted in its activity. Whether it be the Disarmament Commission of eighty-four or the Disarmament Commission of twelve, we should give a directive to this negotiating body or the committee, whatever the machinery, and it must make a report to the whole Disarmament Commission within three or four months so that the Disarmament Commission can decide whether to convene a session of the General Assembly to carry on with the work.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Therefore, we must in these -negotiations approach the matter with a new mind and, realizing that we have come to a situation when this session of the Assembly, where great Heads of State and Heads of Governments and Foreign Ministers were gathered, had no easy approach to these problems, but, at the same time, that in all conscience the troubles of the world were great and to disguise them might lead to catastrophe. We must set ourselves against the idea of men’s natures wrangling for the inferior things though great ones are their object. This is the position that we must accept, and accept the responsibility this time for giving directives. 139. Until now the Disarmament Commission has been a post office.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“If those directives were given, then the Assembly would devise the method, even before the session closes, and could see to it that those directives, by negotiations, could be implemented. 137. It appears to us that all this is probable, if we are conscious of the fact that what is required is, as President Roosevelt said in 1945, when war was still raging: "More than an end to war, we want an end to the beginning of all wars." That is what we have been trying to do. 138.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“It may appear Utopian for the time, but unless we create this climate, we are not likely to succeed. 136. Second, the directive must include speedy agreement in regard to the termination of test explosions. Unless this is done, the danger to which I referred a while ago, the spread of these nuclear weapons and, what is more, the effects of ionizing radiation, will so vastly Increase as to endanger humanity. Therefore, it is our request that at the end of these disarmament discussions there should be directives from the Assembly. The Assembly must find some medium, some machinery, some device whereby there will be no total gap. It is possible to create greater difficulties by allowing such a gap to grow.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“I am not saying that in the event of atomic war it means anything at all; but if we introduce into our international life the outlawing of the idea of surprise attack — as we did In the case of various weapons by the Geneva Convention, and so on and so on — that may create the climate. This Is not a reference to a technique for preventing a surprise attack. I think we are getting rather involved in techniques and forgetting the purposes. 135. I think technical examinations are necessary, but technical examinations must be directed towards a particular purpose, and this directive must include the Idea that preparation for surprise attack or holding out surprise attack as a weapon for domination is against the code of nations. That must become part of the accepted doctrine of international order.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The present approach seems to be to agree on something, put it on one side and see if we can find a difference. 134. Then it would be necessary, in the event of a crisis of confidence or anything else, in order to create that confidence, that the Assembly should formulate some kind of code which afterwards would become part of our International law and behaviour whereby the attack on one country by another country — not only the great Powers — the surprise attack by two neighbours, if you like, without adherence even to the older laws of war, would be regarded as a violent breach of international obligations.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“As by way of example, the General Assembly this time must give directions to whatever body there is, or make a request to the great Powers and say, first, the first directive should be the object before us, the total abolition of all arms so that we can live in a world without war; second, that disarmament should be accomplished within measurable time. I purposely said "measurable", because it must be done with speed and a time should he largely mentioned. As I mentioned a while ago, if there is too much delay, then It becomes Impossible. It may mean three or four years. It must also give a directive, since the areas of agreement are so large, that progress should be made within those areas of agreement instead of putting those on one side and seeking for the differences.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Therefore, the request of our delegation is that the First Committee this year, instead of merely being satisfied with draft resolutions submitted by one side or another, amended or not amended, and going through in order to avoid greater harm, should definitely give directives. It is necessary that the Assembly should take greater responsibility. This applies as much to the Secretary-General as to anybody else. 132. If I might digress for a moment: if the Security Council passes a resolution, the Security Council must bear with courage and actively the responsibility for giving directions in regard to implementing it, and not turn round afterwards and say it was not implemented. It is open to the Security Council to devise the machinery as to how such a resolution should be carried out. 133.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“That replacement Is possible either through the continuance of the Ten-Nation Committee in some form or other, with additions to it, through its replacement, or, alternately — and I don't put this forward as a proposition; if the Assembly will permit me, it may be regarded as thinking aloud — it may be considered whether, on account of the tension that now prevails between the two sides, as an immediate and proximate step the Assembly may not be able to find a group of nations who would be able to talk to these two sides separately — I don't mean moderate — pending a more convenient committee being formed. This is a third suggestion which I would like to try out in the First Committee. So whatever the process be, there must be the continuation of disarmament negotiations. 131. We have spoken about two things.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“It should be the purpose of this Assembly to use Its influence mainly on uncommitted nations in order that the world may feel that the United Nations has not abandoned the fight for disarmament. We want to say with all the strength we can command that the effect of not allowing some machinery to operate would be to create despair and despondency in the minds of the masses of the peoples of the world. Even though we have thrown away not very fruitful negotiations, if you like, we cannot for that reason now throw away negotiations altogether. That was one of the purposes of the introduction of the draft resolution [A/L.317] by the five Heads of State some time ago, which unfortunately did not get the total majority that it should have had. 130. So there should be some substitute for It.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Therefore, any kind of resolution that we pass which does not attract their co-operation at some stage would be of no value. 129. If the Ten-Nation Committee could continue its negotiations, my delegation would be pleased, even if past experience was against it, even if there were misgivings on one side or the other. But we would not swear by this committee or that committee; we want negotiations. What we want is that the traffic for disarmament should go on, regardless of whether the proposal is that the Ten-Nation Committee should have other people added on to it or that the Committee should be replaced by a committee of another composition where more than ten nations or less than ten nations join with others, whatever the forum, in order that the present suspicions may seek to be removed.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“In fact we cannot accept a situation where there is a gap in disarmament negotiations, because once those negotiations are left with a yawning gap in that way, the beginning of fresh negotiations would be even more difficult. It may well be difficult, for example, for a new President of the United States to begin from a position of total negativity or something like it, whoever the President may be. Therefore, we are most anxious that, whatever may be the procedures, there should be some method by which disarmament negotiations are kept going, whether or not the Ten-Nation Committee meets again. 128. None of these things can happen unless the United States and the Soviet Union and their allies and participants on either side, their colleagues on either side, agree, because they have the possession of arms.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“We had the Committee of Five, and with that Committee, we had the Disarmament Commission of twelve members. Then we had the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament and my delegation, quite illogically — perhaps, and many people at that time had reservations on the matter— agreed that these discussions should go on between the two great Powers and their supporters in what was called the Ten-Nation Committee, even outside the United Nations, because it has the same purpose as the United Nations. 127. Now the Ten-Nation Committee has been stymied; it is not negotiating any more. It is the view of my delegation that no efforts can be spared.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Therefore, the spread of nuclear knowledge by itself creates the compelling conditions for complete disarmament and total prohibition and destruction of all existing stocks so that there will be no halfway house in this matter. There must be complete totality in this direction. That is our position. 126. It is necessary that we consider the ways and means of preventing a break in the disarmament discussions. Since the founding of the United Nations, from 1946 onwards, there have been various things done to make it possible for these discussions to continue. I will not go into the history of it. My delegation, although this may not always appear in resolutions, has taken a considerable part in helping to devise machinery of this character.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“That is the hard fact of life, and, therefore, they could with impunity and with safety perhaps use this weapon in the same way as at the end of the war the atom bomb was used at Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Suppose that were to happen to a country with a large colonial revolt, it would mean the use of atomic weapons for purposes contrary to those for which the Assembly stands. 125. More than that, the spread of these weapons, along with the technology that goes with it, will make it very dangerous even for the great Powers when they no longer have the control of the destructive processes that would be let loose in a world war.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“But, whatever it is, the production of weapons of mass destruction by a number of countries, and by smaller countries with lesser responsibilities and. perhaps with smaller quarrels, is increasing and in three or four years time it maybe quite impossible to introduce controls or inspection in the ways we want it. 124. Second, we of the former dependent world and the less fortunate countries have another fear in this matter. Supposing one of the possessor or would-be possessor countries — I will not mention anyone — in order to qualify themselves for membership in the nuclear club had become possessed of one of those instruments or intended to do so actively, they would know very well that neither the Soviet Union nor the United States was likely to precipitate a world war in the interests of a particular local quarrel.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“There is a report of a committee of American scientists, to which Mr. Khrushchev made reference last year, which points out that there is a large number of countries today, including my own, capable of producing nuclear weapons in a comparatively short time. The advance of nuclear science and technology is such that in two, three or four years they could produce these weapons. The number of those countries, which was about ten last year, has become twenty this year. We have read in the newspapers that one country has now stumbled across or come to discoveries which make the production of these things very economical and very speedy. Three or four years ago, when something of this kind was said in the First Committee by my delegation, one of the great savants of disarmament said that we were indulging in science fiction!”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Fear makes people hate each other, leads to violence and makes negotiation and settlement of any kind impossible, because we always ask how we can know that the other side will keep the bargain. People little realize that if that is the real conviction, then why negotiate at all, because that applies to all negotiations. In the disarmament negotiations, therefore, in our opinion, in the Assembly there must be a full statement every time, by those who believe in it, that the substantive discussions must deal with the final objective so there can be no question of this going on for umpteen years. 123. Then we have to address ourselves to the increasing dangers of delay, I would like to refer to one of these dangers to which the President’s own country has applied its mind. That is what has been called the problem of the Nth power.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The objectionable feature may be thought of as the ’joker’ in every series of proposals," 122, That is to say, disarmament discussions have gone on in such a way that one side has agreed on one thing one year and next year has objected to the same thing, and we have to get away from this position, realizing the consequences for the world. While we are not alarmist, we have to remember that the so-called "brinkmanship" is not a very safe device or strategy. The world stands poised with these great armaments on the edge of a precipice, and with the great armaments of the powerful nations the decision may be of such a character that it is based upon ignorance of circumstances and, what is more, upon fear.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“"Beginning with the proposals for international control of atomic energy, both sides have developed and refined the technique of utilizing the discussions for propaganda purposes. This might be described as the ’gamesmanship’ of disarm ament negotiations. A cardinal feature of this ‘game’ has been to reject the proposals of the other side without appearing to sabotage the discussions. "Every plan offered by either side has contained a set of proposals calculated to have wide popular appeal. Every such step has included at least one feature that the other side could not possibly accept, thus forcing a rejection. Then the proposing side has been able to claim that the rejector is opposed to the idea of disarmament in toto.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“In a publication of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace which was issued the other day, It was stated: "In effect, disarmament negotiations themselves have become a weapon in the cold war." That is to say, instead of our trying to reach an agreement, we make use of it to show that one party is opposed to, and the other party for, war. "Speeches made in commission, committee and plenary Assembly have more often been designed to influence different segments of opinion than to reach an accommodation with the other nations represented at the conference table. Both East and West have become masters of the art of appealing directly to peoples over the heads of their governments.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“First of all, we would like to express our opinion that many of the differences about which there is a great deal of noise made, especially where there is the modern medium of publicity and where, of course, disagreements between great peoples are better news than agreements between them, lack substance when looked at In the cold light of reason. Coming from a country like mine or from an individual like me, this may perhaps be regarded as tendentious phraseology. Therefore, I will refer to what may be called sources which will be unimpeachable in a great part of this Assembly.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Those are the common grounds, and while the substance of this will be discussed in committee, I want to draw attention to Article 11 of the Charter, which definitely lays down disarmament as part of the purposes of the United Nations. Article 11 provides that one of the functions of the General Assembly is to consider “... the principles governing disarmament and the regulation of armaments and make recommendations with regard to such principles ... to the Security Council… and so on. Having said that, we would like to put forward the position of our Government, especially with regard to this. 121.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“Phased disarmament is accepted, but not phasing in order to avoid reaching the ends we want to reach. Third, it is common ground between the two sides that disarmament measures should be so balanced that neither side has at any time any significant military advantage. Fourth, it was agreed that the implementation of the disarmament measures should be carried out from beginning to end under effective International control through the establishment of an organization within the United Nations. Finally, it was agreed that as the disarmament steps were implemented there should be an international force within the United Nations for the maintenance of international peace and security. 120.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“But in spite of all this, there is no doubt in our minds that there are large areas of agreement and we have not quite exhaustively put down some of the areas in which there is agreement even though it is of a general character. 119. In resolution 1378 (XTV) — which was passed unanimously, not by acclamation — the Assembly agreed on general and complete disarmament. For the first time in a resolution, we laid it down that it was to be a world without war, that disarmament should be general and complete. Second, there was agreement on the fact that disarmament should be carried out in agreed stages and completed as rapidly as possible within specified periods of time. That is to say, the Assembly, in a practical and reasonable way, has accepted the view that we should not throw out the good because we want the best.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“At San Francisco Field Marshal Smuts said: "Men and women everywhere, including dependent peoples still unable to look after themselves," — that is, according to him — "are thus drawn into the vast plan to prevent war, to prevent it not only by direct force but also by promoting justice and freedom and social peace among the peoples." 118. Therefore, looking at the disarmament problem, we would say, first of all, that there are large areas of agreement or near agreement. My delegation cannot be regarded as being escapists in saying this and as trying to escape the reality of conflict that exists between the two sides.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)