YouSaid · the spoken record

Krishna MENON

lines on the record: 599
first: 1956-09-24
most recent: 1961-09-24
sittings or episodes: 5
sources: un-general-debate

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“the statements of the parties mainly concerned and by the willingness shown by the Chinese Government to negotiate at Warsaw — to negotiate not on the internal issues of China, but on issues that are of international concern. 83. The main problem that faces us in this Assembly is the problem of disarmament. The United Nations has been considering this problem for the last ten years without any appreciable results. Indeed at one time it was given up altogether and the Disarmament Commission reconstructed. Some four years ago my delegation initiated the idea of the establishment of a sub-committee, in the hope that discussions in an intimate body, without all the glare of publicity, would lead to some compromises.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The eight million people of Formosa have no part in the Government of Taiwan and are by and large only members of local bodies. They do not enjoy the advantages of a government of their own. They would come into the larger State with all that goes with it. Then if we had to criticize China, it would be here and would criticize us too. This would be a more realistic position. That is all I wish to say about China, and I hope that advantage will be taken of the present situation in order to arrive at a more peaceful solution recognizing the realities, and also the constitutional position, the position conceded, the position established by the Declarations of Cairo (1943) and Potsdam (1945), by.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“It would assist the forces of peace, it would speed the pace of disarmament, it would give strength and substance to the Security Council and to the security provisions of the United Nations, My Government therefore pleads not for any intervention by the United Nations because I do not see how that is possible. For one thing, the United Nations has tied its hands for a year by refusing to discuss, it. But over and above that, it is not an international problem. 82. So far as Taiwan is concerned, it is the question of two Chinese parties, one of them a small one with an émigré party. I have no doubt there are large numbers of people in the Kuomintang itself who have the common sense and ambition to realize that a greater China, unified and strengthened, is an asset to them as much as to anybody else.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“But we cannot separate this problem from the whole question of the unity of China. Happily at the present moment, out of humanitarian considerations, the Government of China has ordered that the shelling cease for a week. There is no use trying to determine whether it is a formal cease-fire or otherwise. Whenever there is an opportunity for peace, it is the business of those who believe in United Nations ideas to take advantage of it. The whole world is convinced that the United States has no imperial ambitions in these areas, that there may be, as in the case of Lebanon, a misinterpretation of ideas, and there is also in the minds of many the fond feeling that there is a solution to this problem on a two- China basis. 81. The coming of China here would be an advantage to the United Nations.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“And it is not beyond either the power or the imaginative quality of a great country like the United States to be able to seek ways whereby this can be settled. 79. The internal ideology of a country is not the concern of the United Nations. As I have said several times on this/ platform, if we could admit to this Organization only nations which are approved by the other countries, by one other nation or some other nations, then none of us would be here because there would always be someone who disapproved of somebody else. So that the problem of China has to be considered in this way. 80. So far as the immediate position is concerned, as I pointed out, the acts of aggression started in July of this year. This has aroused response and fighting, and a certain amount of shelling of the Quemoy Islands has been going on.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“It is not for me to argue the legality of it one way or the other, but we will have to recognize that there is no war about Korea today. What is more, unless it can be proved to the contrary, the Chinese troops in Korea have been withdrawn and the unity of Korea, given a degree of reality, is possible. 78. The only restraint, as I said the other day [755th meeting], against untoward incidents in this area is the United States. It is the restraint exercised by the United States on Chiang Kai-shek that very often prevents the precipitation of a crisis. But in a situation of this character, especially when we hear reports of dreadful instruments of war going into this place and feelings naming so high, with public opinion worked up in different places, the security of the world demands that we terminate this set of events.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“As a Government and people, we would like to see the solution of these problems take place speedily and peacefully. But I do not think we shall get anywhere by seeking to intervene or in any way trying to disregard or ignore the rightful claims of China to be united and to come here. So far as we are aware, China presents no menace to the internal stability of any country. We are their close neighbours. This is not a testimonial meeting, but we express the opinion that it presents no menace to the stability of any country any more than any of the eighty-one nations represented in this Assembly. There is no question of qualification under the Charter because China is a Member of the United Nations. 77. Then there is the problem that it was declared an aggressor in the Korean war.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The problem of Taiwan and the coastal islands and all these are really a problem for the Chinese people, in the same way that the problem of Lebanon is one for the Lebanese people. I think that we should not only not hinder but that we should encourage the Chinese parties, so-called, to talk to each other and come to a situation where their entire motherland would be liberated. 75. So far as international problems are concerned, the problem today concerns only the United States and Chinas and not anybody else — because Chiang Kai-shek is not an international entity except in a legal sense. Therefore, any international negotiations in this matter, as is indeed recognized by the Warsaw conversations, must take place between China and the United States for the purposes which they agree upon. It is not for us to say, 76.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“I submit from the rostrum of this platform — and I do not do it in any partisan way — that the whole problem or the remainder of it is the unfinished part of the revolution. There will be no settlement of the Chinese problem, whatever is the Government of China, by the filching away of any of its territories. The problem can only be looked at from the point of view of the unity of China and not from that of an alleged conception or of the safety of other countries or of any other part of the world, because no part of the world's safety is challenged. We would therefore submit, as we have done before, that the Chinese people have a great genius for reaching agreement. In the last thirty years of Chinese history there have been many instances where often some opposing parties have entered into negotiation.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The question arose when the Government of China became not acceptable to one side or the other, and then the situation changed. What is more, President Truman said at that time the following: "Having in mind statements by the Generalissimo that China's internal political difficulties will be settled by political methods, it should be clearly understood that military assistance furnished by the United States would not be diverted for use in fratricidal warfare or to support undemocratic administration..." 74. The undemocratic administration, or the administration that did not have the support of the people as the result of thirty years of civil war, left China. The émigrés went to Taiwan.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“A statement at that time was made by the President of the United States to Dr. T. V. Soong in regard to China. At that time the Government of China was the Republic of China. There was no other Government, But the issue is not which Government, but whether this territory is part of China or otherwise. If that is clear, the rest will become clear. In the course of this statement. President Truman said: "The United States is prepared to assist China in the development of armed forces of moderate size for the maintenance of internal peace and security" — and this is the important part — "and the assumption of adequate control over the liberated areas of China, including Manchuria and Formosa." 73. There was no doubt at any time that Taiwan was a part of China.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“It has been argued that Taiwan is part of the Republic of China and that it is not part of the mainland and therefore the solution in some minds lies in the creation of "two Chinas". We do not submit these observations with the desire to add to any controversy, but as time goes on, it will be found that it is far better for us to look at these facts as they are. Taiwan was for many years under Japanese occupation. It was part of the imperial conquest of Japan and it became a Japanese colony, and like all colonial countries, passed through those phases of resistance and protest and what not. Then came the Second World War and Japan was defeated and former colonial territories of Japan were not placed this time under trusteeship as before. But Formosa and Manchuria were liberated; they were made part of China.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“What is the position regarding the representation of China? It is that Formosa — with a million and a half of Chinese immigrants in Formosa calling it "the Republic of China" — takes in the United Nations the seat of China, a permanent member of the Security Council. 71. That is the basic problem, and neither an eruption of trouble in regard to Quemoy, or one speech or the other, is the main Chinese problem. My Government submits that unless China takes its rightful place in the United Nations, it would not be possible to obtain stable conditions in the Far East; it would not be possible for the Security Council to function with any effect. What is more, the Chinese people and their proper representatives will bring an impact to bear upon this Assembly which will be of a healthy character. 72.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“referred to the problems in the Far East and spoke about China. Now it fell to my delegation, as in previous years, to bring forward this question, not of the admission of China, but of the discussion of the representation of China in the United Nations. It is common knowledge that the debate became prolonged, not acrimonious. Very few people spoke against my proposal [A/3851] and there was a considerable amount of support for the idea that the question should be discussed. Nevertheless, the discussion did not take place. 70. We pointed out at that time that here was a continent of 639 million people and that they were not represented in the United Nations. There was no question of the admission of China. At that time I imposed upon myself a self-denying ordinance saying that we would not go into the merits of the question.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“My delegation welcomes this recommendation and will join in efforts to do so. But I think that the best celebration for human rights would be if the Assembly — especially those who abstain in voting, not to speak of those who vote against — would take a more definite attitude in regard to the violation of human rights, wherever they may take place, and not allow Article 2, paragraph 7 of the Charter to be pleaded in bar. If the Declaration is to have any meaning, it can only be — at least to those of us who believe in human rights — to express our belief in very tangible form, 69. No one says that we will wage war on those who violate human rights, because the remedy may be worse than the disease. When this session of the Assembly began, the Secretary of State of the United States, in his opening address [749th meeting].”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“Similarly we may say of the Algerians, whether they be of French origin, of Arab origin or of African origin, that they are all Algerians, and we think that they qualify in every way for the status of nationhood. It is rather Incongruous to think that with the greater part of North Africa — Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, the Sudan, Ghana — all these areas liberated, and now the other French territories being added — that this part would remain unreconciled. This is not to exclude any form of fraternal co-operation. But the solution of this by methods of violence would not be the way. 68. This year it has been recommended to us by the Economic and Social Council that we should especially celebrate the tenth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“A solution of the Algerian problem, as in all other things, must lie in seeking not the ways where those on whom self-government must make its impact are sought to be divided, but those where encouragement is given to their unity and where compromises are sought on the basis of the recognition of the personality and independence of Algeria, where racial discrimination, whichever side it may come from, is sucked away, and it is recognized, as in the case of Cyprus, that nationalism is territorial, and that it is a territory that makes the nation. 67. We tell peoples of Indian origin who may be in the Federation of Malaya or in East Africa, or in South Africa for that matter, that they belong to that country. They are Indians by origin, but they are East Africans or Malayans, or whatever it may be.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“But in the case of Algeria there has been a very sanguinary war where — and it is not for me to say — a very large number of French troops has been tied down fighting a population that is, according to them, part of France. We cannot call it a civil war because there is no equality between the sides. There is nothing civil about this war; it is a war of colonial suppression. I cannot pretend to know what is the solution. But it appears to us that violence is not a solution.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“I have no doubt that if the problem were looked at in that way, our colleagues from Turkey and from Greece and from the United Kingdom would appreciate that they would have friends in this area far more than otherwise. 65. Then there is the ever-disturbing problem of Algeria. The representative of France, and all those who share his views on this matter, will bear with me when I say that we do not approach this problem with any malice or with any disregard of the practical. My delegation and my Government is the first to recognize that there has been liberation in the French Empire. As I said, we hope Togoland will become a Member of the United Nations very soon, and Guinea perhaps in a few weeks or months. 66.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“We shall not subscribe to the doctrine which makes this part of the international scramble. But at the same time we shall not subscribe to any counsel which postpones the settlement or adds to violence in the area. There has been a large amount of violence. It is not for me to say how and why. But people die; they are killed; it leaves ill-will, and what is more, the position of Cyprus as a place of turmoil also makes it a place from which troops can easily take off for the Middle East. 64. For all these reasons, it is better for the Cyprus problem to be settled and for the Assembly to address, itself to that as a colonial question and recommend to those concerned the Independence of the Cypriot people.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“Imperialism can no more be internationalized than apartheid can be internationalized: 62. Therefore, to avoid this question of conferring national independence on the Cypriots is to prolong this problem. In our view, it is for the Cypriots to decide — after the establishment of their independence and when there is no outside restraint — whether they should be allied to one part or the other, or, in the course of the establishment of their Independence, establish cordial relations with the United Kingdom, as that country has done with a great many others. I am sure this can be done. That would be our position in this Assembly on this issue. 63. We shall not subscribe to any solution which means the partition of Cyprus. As I said, the older idea was "divide and rule” now it is "divide and leave".”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“We have, as part of this chapter, some other items on our agenda, and none of them are items the discussion of which gives anyone any happiness. There is first of all the problem of Cyprus. My delegation, at that time without support either from the Greeks, the Turks or the British, has said from this rostrum that the only solution of the Cyprus problem is to regard it as a colonial question — which it is — and recognize that fact. Cyprus is a nation. If Iceland, with a population of £50,000, can be a sovereign country and take its place here, making its contribution, then so can Cyprus, with a population of half a million. There is a Cypriot nation which is entitled to its independence, and the only solution is national independence, not internationalized imperialism.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The problem that faces the world today is the future of this great African continent, and in this we must look to the liberated countries of Africa and, what is more, to those other sovereign States in Africa which are not strictly of African origin, that is to say, which have people who went to Africa three, four, live and ten thousand years ago. We must look to them in the main for the liberation of those territories and also to those who belong to the metropolitan countries whose liberalism, whose humanity and whose allegiance to the Charter would be even a surer and sounder weapon of liberation than anything else. If that does not happen, then we shall have a continual quarrel. As my Prime Minister said this morning, "It is not possible to still the voice of these resurgent people anywhere". 61.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“There are 5 million Europeans in Africa and 600,000 Asians. One would not think there were only 600,000 with the noise they make, but that is all there are. This vast continent of Africa has less than 200,000,000 people, the majority of which are dependent. But that is not all. The continent of Africa has the largest proportion of all the mineral wealth of the world, whether as tapped resources or otherwise. It has 98 per cent of all the diamonds — not that we can eat them; it has 94 per cent of the columbite; 84 per cent of the cobalt, 55 per cent of the gold, 33 per cent of the manganese and 22 per cent of the copper. In these territories is now locked up the great mineral wealth pf the world, to which the indigenous populations have little access and from which they derive little benefit. 60.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“But my delegation cannot but say that whore there are conditions which are in total violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which are in total violation of the ethical principles that lie behind the Charter of the United Nations, where forced labour is normal, where human beings can be practically bought or sold and where they are treated as commodities in that way, then the United Nations at least ought to express its opinions very strongly. That brings me to the consideration of the position of the whole of the African continent. 69. The world has paid too little attention to this most ancient part of the world which has an area of 11,262,000 square miles of which 6.2 million square miles are under colonial occupation. Of the 193,000,000 people in Africa, 103,000,000 are colonial.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“Western Samoa is to have full cabinet government in 1960. 57. This Is the brighter part of the story and it is one of the triumphs of the United Nations. With the older system of empire, an individual breach was made by the mandates system and afterwards by the more voluntary Trusteeship System of trusteeship, for the establishment of so many independent countries which today as sovereign nations are making contributions to their own continents and to the world as a whole. 58. The picture is not nearly so good when we look at some other parts, and I would not like to mention any of them because one hopes that If there is not so much public discussion which may be misinterpreted, some of these problems may be solved.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“We are also happy to note the progress made in the former colony of the Gold Coast, the new Independent country of Ghana, which, in the first year of its existence, has established a fine record of international co-operation, of the economic development of its own territory, of service in the form of leadership — I do not use that word in a bad way — to the peoples of Africa themselves. 56. We are happy to think that we can hope that the Italian Trust Territory of Somaliland will become a Member of the United Nations in 1960 and that the same thing will happen in the case of Togoland under French administration and I hope that my United Kingdom colleagues will not take it amiss if I say that with the attainment of independence by Togoland it will be very difficult for the British Cameroons not to go forward at the same time.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“I have no right to speak for the French Government, but one can read the news and one can see that 200,000 people, against 18,000 people have voted for their independence, and the very fact that the French Government asked for an opinion must be presupposed to mean that it would accept the verdict, and our very confident hope is that Guinea will come here as a Member of the United Nations In a very short time. That day will be a very proud one for the French Government. 55.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The information relates to non-political conditions and the metropolitan countries that have transmitted information in the past have not found the United Nations making bad use of that information. We hope that where this information has not been forthcoming in the past it will be forthcoming in the future. 54. We are happy, too, that great parts of former colonial empires are now independent countries and that they have added to the number of nations represented here. The most recent entrants have been Ghana and the Federation of Malaya and others, and if our Information is correct we shall soon have the opportunity of welcoming what was formerly French Guinea as a Member of the United Nations.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“There is one colony, one hundred times the size of the metropolitan country under Belgian rule. There are three colonies with a population of 10 millions — twenty-one times the size of Portugal — under Portuguese rule. With regard to the Portuguese territories, the Portuguese Government has informed the United Nations that they are not colonial territories in the sense that they are part of Portugal and, therefore, no information is required. But, at any rate, it is a state of affairs which is totally inconsistent, both politically and morally, with the principles of the Charter. After all, this information is merely examined and there are no sanctionary powers attaching to the Article of the Charter.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“Those who accept human rights, those who accept the idea of self-government and the idea of the equality of races, those who want to see the world rid of the main causes of international disputes — namely, the scramble for colonial powers — those who are Members of the United Nations, should be willing voluntarily to transmit this information, and it stand to the credit of the traditional empires like those of the United Kingdom and France that they have had no hesitation at any time and that they have volunteered to do this over the years. 53. There are today twelve colonies with a population of 50 millions under the French rule. There are twelve colonies with a population of 63 million under United Kingdom rule. In each case, the populations are greater than those of the metropolitan countries.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“Since we are critical of colonial rule, we are only too happy to pay our tribute to the metropolitan countries, which, for one reason or another, and not the least for liberal and humanitarian reasons, have contributed towards the liberation of those territories. But all the same, there are now sixty-two Non-Self- Governing Territories in the world, and in the case of two of these colonial countries, one transmits information but lacks the obligation to do so and the other refuses to transmit the information. We think that the obligation under Article 73 e of the Charter whether legally binding or not, Is morally obligatory.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“In 1945 when the United Nations was established, there were some seventy-two Non- Self-Governing Territories which were sending in reports on conditions in their areas. We are happy to think that their numbers are diminishing. This is a part of our agenda which we should like to see lightened. Now some ten countries have gone out of this group. They were former dependent territories of the United Kingdom, France, the United States, the Netherlands and Denmark. They have become independent countries or countries from which such information is no longer required, since they have control of all those matters on which the metropolitan countries were supposed to report. 52.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“At the same time, I am happy to say that in all these places, whether it be in Indo-China, in the Gaza strip or in Lebanon, the nationals who have gone there — and I believe the experience is common to others — have received both from the machinery of the United Nations and the local machinery, as well as otherwise from the Governments concerned, nothing but courtesy and co-operation. Perhaps if they were armed troops trying to assert their authority, the results might have been different. 51. That brings me to two other problems. One is the problem of colonialism, and there are two or three items with regard to colonies and Non-Self-Governing Territories on our agenda. We shall deal with these when we come to them.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The United Nations Emergency Force in Gaza has taken — there is no secrecy about this — a total of 1,166 personnel. Mr. Hammarskjold has recently annexed another 70 officers for Lebanon. We hope they will return as good Indian nationals. Consideration should be given to the problem of the vast burdens that are placed on countries by these actions. 49. I want to add that we regard this as a great opportunity and we do not in any way resent being called upon to serve in this way, because It Is a contribution to the cause of peace In the world. However, this other aspect remains. Those who have contributed in one way or another to the creation of the trouble must carry some more of the responsibility, especially since we are going around looking for aid and loans for reconstruction purposes. 50.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“They are not philanthropic institutions, and therefore I suppose ultimately the consumer will pay. It is quite true that the Indian shipping companies have declared that they will not pass on this burden to the consumer. But the poor consumers are so very many that they probably will not know when it is passed on. Therefore, I should like the question to be considered whether it is not possible for these great countries who incur very considerable expenditure for their own national defence, and, what is more, for what they consider to be the defence of liberty in the world, and who have the capacity, to make these contributions and to leave poor people like.us alone. We have today approximately 303 officers in Indo-China. At one time there were 961 officers, which is a Considerable number.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“I want now to address myself to the two or three problems which my Government feels should have the attention of the Assembly. There is nothing new about them, 'but they do concern us very much. First, the maintenance of forces in other parts of the world imposes very considerable burdens upon countries. We ourselves do not subscribe to the view that sovereign nations with self-respect would hire out their troops even to the United Nations and, therefore, to a certain extent, the countries contributing carry the burden of somebody else's misdeeds. The problem was put sharply by the question, "who will pay for the Suez Canal?". The Secretary-General, with a deftness that is characteristic of him, has passed it on to the shipping companies. But the shipping companies, so far as I know, are composed of people who want to make profits.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“It may have been much to our advantage in these immediate situations, and it will therefore be for us to think out how we should face new situations that might arise. We have to see that we do not exceed the cautious balances that have been introduced into the Charter for the preservation of national sovereignty and for the preservation of small nations. If this rather superior power should be at the disposal of a snap vote of a two-thirds majority, the position of small States and of minorities would be far from, enviable. 47. I have great hesitation in dealing with this problem, because it is not possible to deal with it at great length from this rostrum, but, at the same time, it would be both cowardly and, I believe, a disservice to the Charter and to this Organization not to mention it. 48.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“However, I should like to say — and I hope that, the observations I am going to make, which arise more or less from the developments of the last two or three years, will be accepted in a more or less philosophic sense — that it is all very well in an emergency to produce some sort of machinery and say "deliver the goods", but I think we must think hard and see that we do not get a situation where the United Nations, as at present composed, becomes a kind of superior authority, a kind of super-state with its representatives directing governments, which is not provided for in the Charter, and where the Secretary-General will be pushed away from his Charter functions into other matters.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“I feel sure that the Canadians and the Poles feel the same way, from what we know of it. 45. These are some of the unresolved problems which face us, which seem comparatively easy of solution, however, if we approach them from the point of view of realism and if we exercise a degree of tolerance in seeing the position of the other side. 46. Before leaving this aspect of matters, we should like to express our appreciation of the fact that in dealing with the problems in the Middle East, the Secretary-General and his staff have played a part which is historic.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The former French authorities have completely withdrawn from this area and there have been no attempts on the part of France to interfere. 43. We should also like to say that if all these countries, while sovereign nations, as the representative of Cambodia said the other day [756th meeting], have the right to ask for assistance, and indeed may do so, and the countries that come to their assistance should not be called aggressors for that reason, it is not in the interests of peace to entangle them in defensive alliances or to have them assist in the spread of large quantities of arms. 44. We hope that the problem of Indo-China will be resolved in the not too distant future. We have some special national interests in this matter because we would like to withdraw the personnel who have been there for a very long time.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“The same thing applies to Laos, which is a member of our Organization and where elections have taken place, but where the complete carrying out of all the conditions under the Geneva agreements has not taken place. The main difficulty with regard to Indo-China is the presence of the partition line in Viet-Nam. In the old days it used to be said, "divide and rule". Now the maxim seems to be, "divide and leave". Even though this matter is not on the agenda of the General Assembly, I believe that world opinion should exercise its influence on both sides in Viet-Nam to come together as one country so that it may participate here and so that the danger of an eruption in that part of the world will become a thing of the past.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“It came about as a result of direct negotiations between the participants in the Geneva Conference on Indo-China in 1954 who asked Canada, Poland and India to assist in guarding the peace. There are no troops there, but there are large numbers of officers who have been there for three or four years. 41. In Cambodia, happily the situation has settled down except for incursions into the territory from South Viet-Nam whose people are challenging the authority of the Cambodian Government by infiltration. I have no doubt that the Government of Cambodia will be able to deal with this problem. However, the peace in that part of the World is threatened by this particular action. 42.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“What is more important is that the elections should be fair and impartial and have the consent of everybody concerned, It is our understanding that the North Korean Government has repeatedly stated that it would be willing to participate in elections which were internationally supervised, but, as the United Nations had involved itself in the war, from their point of view, it would be rather difficult for them. My country would like to see Korea take its place in the United Nations and be able to add Its own contribution to our deliberations. 40. The same thing applies, to a certain extent, to Indo-China. There Is in Indo-China an international machinery which is outside the United Nations.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“My Government does not see any reason whatsoever why the problem of Korean unity should not be resolved if a degree of realism and, if I may say so, a tolerant attitude were adopted towards it. I firmly believe that, especially in view of the withdrawal of the Chinese personnel from Northern Korea, there should no longer be any objection to the supervision of elections by international authority instead of insisting that they should have a United Nations label.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“Thus, whenever those propositions come forward, I hope that delegations will appreciate our position and will know that we shall in no sense support such proposals. 39. We need only look at the provisional agenda of the General Assembly to see the unresolved problems of the world. We note that about seventy-two items always appear. They have both a positive and a negative aspect. It is perhaps a good thing that they appear because it is far better to talk at each other than to shoot at each other. However, the fact remains that some of these problems should have been out of the way a long time ago. Korea is an outstanding example. I shall not go into the origins or the development of that quarrel, but that unhappy land remains divided instead of being represented here with us.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“At that time, as in municipal communities, it may be possible for us to consider the establishment of police forces. 38. At the same time, there is no reason whatsoever why the experience gathered — whether by the peace army that went to Korea, or by the few officers of Canadian, Polish and Indian nationality who are now serving in Indo-China outside strict United Nations organization, or those in the Gaza Strip, or by the United Nations Observation Group in Lebanon — should not be studied and kept for future reference. We have no objection to a proposal of that character; but anything that creates a force on which responsible popular opinion cannot play and, what is more, whose authority and power of sanctions is questionable, is not only impractical, but is fraught with danger.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“So, whether it is a permanent standing army of the United Nations, with some generalissimo here, or the farming of an international police force in other countries, my Government, as things are at present in the world, is irrevocably opposed. We could not consent to the taking of troops to the soil of other countries, even though they are United Nations troops — they are still foreign troops. It may be that some delegations may regard this as an excess of nationalism, but the experience of foreign troops on the soil of our land is too fresh for us to forget. The world must disarm; the world must establish world law; there must be some sovereign authority that must be obeyed; it must be possible to exercise sanctions. These are all conditions which may take years to come about.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“It is not possible for any country to put by a certain number of soldiers and officers and say: "You are there to go out when there is trouble in the world." First of all, what do they do when there is no trouble in the world — which, I hope, will be the longer period of time? Secondly, if they were so kept and did not participate in the general military organization of the country, they would be no longer competent to perform the task for which they were; sent out. Over and above that, which country is to be selected for this purpose? One country may be acceptable in one situation; the same country may not be acceptable in another situation.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)
“My country does not yield to any in its desire to make contributions to the maintenance of peace — indeed, our record will stand examination — but I am directed by my Government to say that we are irrevocably opposed to the conception of the creation of an international police force unless the world disarms. We are not prepared to subscribe to the idea that there should be a police force placed at the disposal of any organ over which there is no legal control. It has been mentioned to us by friendly delegations that it would ease the work of the administrators and make it easier to deal with a crisis if each country could allocate a certain number of officers or men for this purpose. 37. I should like to submit that it is an entirely impractical proposition.”
1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)