YouSaid · the spoken record

Holbrooke

lines on the record
676
first
1999-09-11
most recent
2001-01-19
sittings or episodes
43
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un-security-council

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  1. It takes 120 to 180 days from the time one commits oneself, and the longer we talk, the longer we wait; and this needs to be done. After it is done, this Council and the world community will face an even greater challenge. On the next point - the future and final status of Kosovo * I can only offer some speculative opinions, because one cannot really deal with this issue - the final status - until the elections have been held. But I believe the elections will be a success and will produce a reasonable group of elected officials who will represent the aspirations of the people of Kosovo. I hope that this election will include the Serbs and other ethnic groups besides the Albanians in Kosovo so that it can be fully representative. After that election, however, we will need to recognize the underlying fact.

    2001-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4258 (2001) · source

  2. In fact, as most present will recall, it was my view that the election held last September should have included the Kosovo- wide level as well as the municipal level. That was not the decision made by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). So be it. The election took place. It was successful. It was peaceful. Then the Serbian elections took place. They were successful. They were peaceful. Contrary to the fears of many people, including my own concerns, they took place inside Kosovo as well without problems. So I think the situation is now open for this all-important election. My own hope is that it will be held as early as this spring. That may be overly optimistic, but I urge the Security Council, and I urge the Under-Secretary- General, and I urge Mr. Haekkerup and the OSCE to start planning it now.

    2001-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4258 (2001) · source

  3. While there is a legitimate disagreement in the Chamber about certain aspects of that resolution - and I know I will hear in a moment from some of my friends about views of theirs that differ from the ones I have stated - there should be no disagreement on the next major step, because resolution 1244 (1999) definitely calls for self-governing status internally. I recognize the ambiguity on final status, and I will address that in a minute. But I say to my friends in the Chamber, and particularly to my friends from the Russian Federation and China - with whom we have had previous disagreements on this matter - that there should be no disagreement about the Kosovo-wide elections. If there is, I would hope that it will be aired publicly and prominently so that we can address it. But my view is that that is unambiguous.

    2001-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4258 (2001) · source

  4. Anyone here who has been in Pristina knows that just working in that atmosphere on a day-to-day basis is so difficult that one can lose track of the larger issues. But I have no question that Minister Haekkerup, with his vast experience as a former Minister of Defence, will be able to succeed there. I believe that while he continues his day-to-day efforts Mr. Haekkerup's primary focus should be to hold Kosovo-wide elections as soon as possible so that the people of Kosovo can govern themselves democratically. That is what is called for in resolution 1244 (1999).

    2001-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4258 (2001) · source

  5. I am sure that it will be taken into account as the legal proceedings against her proceed, and I believe that it should send a powerful signal to other people in the region that they can run but they cannot hide. The situation in Kosovo, which is what we are here to discuss today, also remains extremely difficult. I warmly welcome the successor to Mr. Kouchner, Hans Haekkerup, to his new task. I had excellent talks with him during his trip to New York. I urge him publicly, as I did privately, not only to continue the excellent work of his predecessor in accordance with what the Under-Secretary-General has reported to us today, but also to focus on two overriding issues of transcendent historic importance.

    2001-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4258 (2001) · source

  6. I call on the High Representative in Bosnia to watch the new Governments carefully and to act aggressively against those who violate the spirit and letter of the Dayton Agreements. I continue to believe, and I will say it one last time as an official of the United States Government, that the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) - the party of Radovan Karadzic and his fellow war criminals - should have been banned a long time ago. It has no place in Bosnia's future. They are the Nazis of the Balkans. I am hopeful that when the dust from that election settles, the extreme nationalists will be further marginalized. I take note of the voluntary detention of Madam Plavsic, who is now in The Hague. What she did was courageous and correct.

    2001-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4258 (2001) · source

  7. As the people of Bosnia continue to assemble their governments at every level, I have a simple message to my friends in that country: the extreme nationalist parties have no future; they are backward-looking and corrupt, they victimize the very people who support them, and they keep them isolated and weakened economically. They have no place in the future of Bosnia or in the future of Europe. But there was also good news in those elections. For the first time in Bosnia's post-war history there is a real chance that moderate politicians will be able to assemble a functioning legislative majority at the national level, as well as a fully functioning Government. If that works, it will open up dramatic opportunities for progress and send a powerful message to the world.

    2001-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4258 (2001) · source

  8. I especially congratulate the European Union on its significant economic efforts. We can now move farther and faster, in the light of the changes in Zagreb and Belgrade and those occurring in Sarajevo. Extreme nationalists too often blocked the implementation of Dayton, and they drew support form their neighbouring capitals. That era is over, and the future of Bosnia therefore looks much brighter. The elections that took place in Bosnia underline several points. In the short term, the strengthening of some of the nationalist parties was not good news, and we must be honest about that. The nationalist parties took advantage of democracy to strengthen their positions; but they are the enemies of democracy.

    2001-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4258 (2001) · source

  9. That is directly contrary to the dire predictions made by so many people in the early 1990s. We salute the more than 1,000 brave United Nations peacekeepers who died or were wounded in Bosnia. We note - and I want to stress this - that of the over 1,000 casualties among United Nations peacekeepers the largest single number of casualties was sustained by our great allies the French. But there were no NATO casualties. The difference is inherent in the difference between the United Nations presence in Bosnia and the NATO-driven presence as a result of Dayton. This has given the United Nations and the international community a chance to build a single nation. While we are far from finished in Bosnia, we have made huge progress. Refugee returns to minority areas have increased significantly, and they are increasing across the board.

    2001-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4258 (2001) · source

  10. But I want to stress that the terrain on which that argument is being handled is totally different, and that an entirely peaceful and mutually satisfactory resolution should be achievable, given the leadership in both Republics. In Bosnia there is much left to do, but progress has been steady and Dayton has been a success. The nation is at peace with itself and with its neighbours. Since we met last, Yugoslavia has recognized Bosnia. Anyone here who has been involved in this issue for a long time - and I think that, in this Chamber, I am probably the person involved in this issue the longest ~ can say that it was the very issue of recognition that was an animating force in the war itself. All this has been done without injury from hostile action to a single solider of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

    2001-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4258 (2001) · source

  11. They must clean out the remnants of the old regime, and they must work with the brave leaders of Montenegro to reconcile conflicting approaches to Yugoslavia's constitutional future. President Gjukanovic deserves our appreciation for his steadfastness in the face of Milosevie's efforts to crush democracy in Montenegro. How the dispute between Montenegro and Serbia will be resolved is a matter for the two Republics within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to resolve for themselves in a peaceful fashion. I cannot predict how that dispute will be resolved, although I have talked at length to both President Kostunica and President Gjukanovic about that.

    2001-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4258 (2001) · source

  12. Let me turn now to the Balkans, and particularly to the remarks we have just heard. Of course, the last year has marked a profound change in the situation, almost entirely for the better. Rather than managing constant crises, we now face the more reasonable task of constructing a peaceful and stable future. Still, I want to emphasize that the problems in front of us are extraordinarily difficult. We need to overcome the legacy of corruption, cronyism, economic mismanagement and just plain, downright criminal activities that are so common to countries in post- communist transition and that are particularly endemic in this war-torn region. The people of Montenegro and Serbia have tough political challenges ahead.

    2001-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4258 (2001) · source

  13. We believe that countries of concern should be here in this room and should have their views heard. My principle is very simple: transparency and openness in deliberations and all points of view heard, but changes in the actual rules of the Security Council should be part of a comprehensive process. I regret that that has not moved forward further since our announcement in April. But we have left it on the table, and Secretary-designate Powell addressed it yesterday in very open terms at his hearing. I urge the Council to look at what he said on Security Council reform. Again, I want to stress to the troop-contributing countries present here - and I am glad that Ambassador Schori is at the table with us to represent the European Union - that I strongly support their active participation in our deliberations.

    2001-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4258 (2001) · source

  14. Since this is my penultimate appearance before the Security Council, I should like to make a general remark first about the situation and also about the troop-contributing nations. I am delighted to see that so many of them are represented here today. I want to echo what my colleague, Ambassador Cunningham - who will take over the Mission this weekend and remain as the strong charge' d'affaires, fully and personally backed by the Secretary of State-designate, General Powell, who has personally asked him to remain- said to the Council Tuesday about troop- contributing countries. I strongly support what he said concerning the role of the troop-contributing countries in these deliberations, pending the full-scale reform of the Security Council, which I called for in April, when I changed the American position on Security Council membership.

    2001-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4258 (2001) · source

  15. Let me express my great appreciation and pleasure at speaking on my next to last day in this job before you, Mr. Foreign Minister, my old friend, from a country I have been associated with for most of my professional career. It is our honour to be here under your presidency today, and tomorrow as well, I hear, which will be an even greater honour. It is a great pleasure to see you again here in New York. I want to thank the Under-Secretary-General for an excellent and comprehensive briefing, one that responds to all of the issues in front of us. I praise him and his colleagues, and I share in his strong appreciation of the outstanding work of the former Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Bernard Kouchner.

    2001-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4258 (2001) · source

  16. In this regard, we" - that is, the United States - "will be talking to Prime Minister Barak and Chairman Arafat about creating a mechanism which will allow Israelis and Palestinians to carry out these commitments. The United States, for our part, will continue to help Israel and Palestine as they help themselves to turn the current situation around and to move forward to an Israeli- Palestinian agreement." That is how Secretary Albright concluded. Once again, I would ask the people who care about peace not to begin the issue by calling for public meetings in the Security Council, but to end it with public meetings in the Security Council and to approach these issues in the spirit of quiet diplomacy which is going to be necessary to reduce the growing tension in the region.

    2000-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4231 (2000) · source

  17. Whatever their differences on permanent status issues, the only place for the parties to resolve them is around a negotiating table, not through unilateral actions designed to pressure, to intimidate and to create facts on the ground. There is no unilateral answer to this conflict and there is no way to reconcile violence with negotiations. "Clearly, both Israelis and Palestinians feel they are the aggrieved party and each feels the other has failed to live up to its commitments, but now is not the time for trading accusations. Now is the time for both to make good on commitments to take the practical steps agreed to and to work to repair the damage to a negotiating process and a partnership that still holds great potential and promise. "Fulfilling commitments and creating a structure of accountability is essential.

    2000-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4231 (2000) · source

  18. The analogy to East Timor is correct and that is the analogy we should follow, but let us not misapply it or misstate it. We must stand ready to help the parties in the Middle East to implement the decisions they reached to restore calm and return to negotiations. Engaging in one-sided discussions is of no value and will aggravate rather than reduce the tensions in the Middle East. In conclusion, allow me, on instructions, to quote briefly from Secretary Albright's press statements this morning in Washington: "Both Israelis and Palestinians need to accept the reality that there is no place for violence, incitement and economic pressure in a genuine search for Israel-Palestinian peace.

    2000-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4231 (2000) · source

  19. They are in this room here today; they have met; they know each other well; I believe they respect each other as diplomats. Let them work it out and let us, the Security Council, help them get there and then endorse it, rather than participate in attempts to impose something that is opposed by one side or the other. Let me add also and be very clear, because several people have made the analogy to East Timor a year ago, that when we met on East Timor 14 months ago, we did not impose a solution on Indonesia. It was negotiated by the Security Council on behalf of the world community and accepted by the Indonesians. That is how we got there and Ambassador Andjaba deserves great credit for his role in that, as did his colleagues, many of whom are in this room.

    2000-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4231 (2000) · source

  20. We have made clear our View in Geneva, in the General Assembly and in this Chamber that rhetoric and unbalanced criticism diminish the role of the United Nations and the United Nations opportunity to play a constructive role at conflict resolution. The Security Council will continue to follow events in the region closely and has already directed the Secretary- General to explore ways in which the United Nations could assist the parties. Regarding the proposal for a United Nations observer or military presence, I repeat our position - and I cannot state this too clearly - that any proposal to introduce outside observers, peacekeepers or any other form of United Nations-sponsored presence in the region requires the agreement of the parties to the conflict.

    2000-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4231 (2000) · source

  21. Instead of lending support for efforts undertaken at Sharm el-Sheikh by both parties, the United Nations has taken actions that undermine bilateral efforts at reaching peace. This morning, the Economic and Social Council narrowly endorsed a resolution condemning Israel and calling for the creation of a redundant inquiry commission and the dispatch of rapporteurs, who will contribute little to ending the violence that has gripped the region in the past two months. That measure was not necessary and it was supported by less than half the members of the Economic and Social Council. In fact, only 21 members of the Economic and Social Council voted for the resolution, out of a membership of 53, if I am not mistaken.

    2000-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4231 (2000) · source

  22. We have reported to the Council on our efforts, undertaken in consultation with the Secretary-General, to establish the fact-finding committee agreed to at Sharm el-Sheikh, and we note with approval that Secretary-General Annan has already met with Senator Mitchell and plans to meet with the entire committee in the very near future. In that meeting, Senator Mitchell outlined the committee's intended plan of action and the committee will gather here in New York this weekend to begin its work. The committee's mandate is to investigate the recent violence, with the objective of preventing its recurrence. I urge the Council and all United Nations Members to extend unambiguous support to this committee. Today is a sad day as well for the United Nations.

    2000-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4231 (2000) · source

  23. To that end, our valiant Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, President Clinton and other world leaders worked hard to bring the parties to Sharm el-Sheikh to reach agreement on ending the violence. In this regard, President Mubarak of Egypt played an especially important role. Members of the Council called on the parties to implement the obligations they accepted at the Sharm el-Sheikh summit without delay to end the violence, to set up a fact-finding committee and to discuss how to best resume negotiations. There has been some progress in implementing Sharm el-Sheikh, and we must continue to urge follow-through by both parties on their commitments.

    2000-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4231 (2000) · source

  24. We continue to believe that the parties must take action to end the violence, to maintain calm and to return to negotiations. This is the only viable path to peace, as Chairman Arafat and Prime Minister Barak have repeated time and time again. At the start of this crisis, the Security Council met in extended sessions and called for an immediate end to the violence and a return to negotiations. Our Government disagreed with the one-sided tenor of that resolution and registered its disapproval by abstaining on resolution 1322 (2000). We did, however, certainly concur with those portions of the resolution that called for an end to violence and stated that that was of paramount importance in maintaining the peace process.

    2000-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4231 (2000) · source

  25. I believe that this is much more in the nature of a meeting designed to exchange verbal barbs which are best left to different forums, and I am saddened to see the Security Council, a historic organization with a historic role, diminished in this way. Nonetheless, we participate in this meeting, as we always do, because the United Nations is the central Organization of the world, and the Security Council is its most important organ. The cycle of violence in the Middle East has tragically escalated again today with the bombing of another busload of Israeli citizens, this time in Israel itself, between Tel Aviv and Haifa. This morning in Gaza, a number of Palestinians were killed by the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) in circumstances that, in the words of Secretary Albright this morning in Washington, are still unclear.

    2000-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4231 (2000) · source

  26. I thank Ambassador Lancry and Ambassador Al-Kidwa for their statements today. For over 50 years, this great historic institution, the Security Council, has been the site of many important debates on the Middle East. The history of the Middle East has been written not only in the region but in this Chamber, sometimes productively, sometimes less so. I do not feel that we are making a contribution to peace with the kind of discussion we are having here today, and I must say so quite frankly. I do not view this kind of meeting as responsive to the mandate of the Security Council to be a forum for conflict resolution.

    2000-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4231 (2000) · source

  27. President, if and when Bernard Kouchner does leave-and in the end all people leave jobs, particularly ones this trying and demanding, and with this much personal sacrifice-I hope that the Secretary-General will be able to find a successor as extraordinarily talented as the man we have heard from today.

    2000-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4225 (2000) · source

  28. Kouchner referred several times indirectly to the possibility that he may not be reporting again to the Security Council in his present capacity. That is very subtle, but I am a trained diplomatic observer, and I heard the references, Bernard. I hope that this is not true, and I frankly doubt it. I think we will see you here in this Chamber again before you leave, and I personally would want to see you here. We need your leadership. We need your guidance, as long as you are prepared to make the personal sacrifices - and they are very substantial- that this extraordinarily difficultjob entails. Mr.

    2000-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4225 (2000) · source

  29. The expeditious release of the rest of the prisoners would ease the crisis in Kosovo enormously. I look forward to movement in that direction. I want to end on a personal note about the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, my friend and colleague, Bernard Kouchner, with whom I have been associated now over eight long years in the search for peace in the Balkans, and whose prior career in other parts of the world, with Medecins sans Frontieres and other groups, needs no reiteration here. Not only does the United States support him strongly, but we admire him at the highest level and are grateful for his remarkable efforts in the most difficult of circumstances. Without his leadership, his strength and his efforts, the progress of the past year and a half would almost certainly not have been possible. I note that Mr.

    2000-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4225 (2000) · source

  30. Kouchner's view that UNMIK, and by extension, KFOR, cannot run the elections in Kosovo on technical grounds, independent of the complicated legal issues - which we are not going to be able to resolve here today. Again I want to state my view that this is in the context of the strongest possible support for the Republic of Serbia, in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, to conduct these elections in a free and democratic way, and to express the will ofthe people of the Republic of Serbia. Let me finally turn to the problem of detainees and missing persons. The enormous importance of that issue and the repetition with which it comes up require us to address it. We are encouraged by President Kostunica's support for an amnesty law and by the release of Ms. Brovina.

    2000-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4225 (2000) · source

  31. The Serbian people need to express themselves clearly about whom they wish to run Serbia. I am not going to argue today the legalities of the Serb election as opposed to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia election, or the complexities that resolution 1244 (1999) raises with regard to that. These are very difficult calls. I will simply say that the elections are eight weeks away. If Mr. Kouchner says that UNMIK cannot do what it would have to do to make the elections possible on technical grounds - and let me add to that the fact that commanders of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) have told me and others that if UNMIK conducted these elections it would require a significant number of additional combat battalions to go in and keep security - those are to my Government dispositive. Therefore the United States supports Mr.

    2000-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4225 (2000) · source

  32. So I strongly support my friend's call for an early election. I will continue to oppose this continual foot-dragging that comes from some OSCE members for what they call technical reasons that are actually bureaucratic reasons. With regard to the 23 December elections for the Government in Serbia, I also wish to state my strong support for what Mr. Kouchner has just said. But I want to underscore another point that was implicit but not explicit in his statement. That point is that the 23 December elections in Serbia are of immense importance to the future of the region. Nothing that he has said, and nothing that I am about to say, should be misunderstood as in any way vitiating our strong support for those elections. Those elections are historically important.

    2000-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4225 (2000) · source

  33. Kouchner's call for Kosovo-wide elections as soon as possible, elections that should include the participation of all groups in Kosovo. I will say what he did not say, that when I was in Pristina there was a dispute in the international community over when those elections should be held. Many members of the OSCE thought that they could not be held for at least a year. I want to associate myself with Mr. Kouchner's preference for early elections. I think a one-year delay would be a tremendous mistake. I think the idea that one needs a year to prepare them is ridiculous. I want to be as clear as I can on this point. We will continue to press for early elections. The longer we wait, the more difficult it will be to conduct them and the more likely that they will turn on the wrong sets of issues.

    2000-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4225 (2000) · source

  34. I will address this at greater length at Dayton tomorrow night, when I speak in more detail to these issues. I am encouraged to hear from Mr. Kouchner that the process of implementing resolution 1244 (1999) is well launched. The municipal councils have been set up. The self-governance that resolution 1244 (1999) calls for is beginning to be launched. Serbs and other minorities are being appointed to the councils, and I hope they will participate. I understand from the briefing we have just heard that they will, but we all know that things can change. I look forward to following this with great attention. These trends must continue. Kosovo must have the opportunity to develop full, democratic self- governance, as called for in resolution 1244 (1999). In that regard I strongly support Mr.

    2000-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4225 (2000) · source

  35. When I met with them in Skopje and New York, I was deeply impressed by their commitment to democracy and the rule of law, regional cooperation and the full implementation of both the Dayton Agreement and resolution 1244 (1999). President Kostunica referred to his three "constitutions": the Yugoslav Constitution, resolution 1244 (1999) and the Dayton Agreement. He also said that he accepted the Dayton Agreement and resolution 1244 (1999) as having the effect of international treaties. We welcome that commitment to the rule of law, which makes the possibilities for reconciliation in Kosovo very great. As I have said before, and I wish to repeat again today, the region has not yet absorbed the full implications ofthe "earthquake" that took place in Belgrade in September. The opportunities are only beginning to become clear.

    2000-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4225 (2000) · source

  36. We now have a democratically chosen President in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is now a member of the United Nations and of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). I am pleased to state today that the United States and Yugoslavia will establish diplomatic relations over the next few days. It gives me great pleasure to welcome the Yugoslav Charge d'affaires to the Security Council today. I look forward to him speaking later this morning on behalf of Yugoslavia. That will be the second appearance by a Yugoslav representative in the Security Council in the three short weeks since Yugoslavia joined the United Nations, another symbol of the speed and effectiveness with which President Kostunica and Foreign Minister Svilanovic and his colleagues are moving.

    2000-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4225 (2000) · source

  37. The Serb boycott of the election on 28 October and their desire to participate in elections for the Republic of Serbia's own leaders bespeaks the deep, unresolved question of status that, in accordance with resolution 1244 (1999), must be addressed at a future date. I made this point to the principal Albanian and Serb leaders when I was in Kosovo. I am delighted that Mr. Kouchner continues to follow an aggressive strategy of pressing for reconciliation. These serious problems are the result of centuries of ethnic dispute in Kosovo. Again I stress that that was not true in Bosnia. The ethnic dispute in Bosnia was superficial and manageable. This one is much deeper. The ethnic dispute in Kosovo was particularly exacerbated by years of repression and mistrust by the Milosevic regime.

    2000-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4225 (2000) · source

  38. Kouchner that it will take time to sort this out. We are five years past Dayton and we are still far short of where we want to be, although the progress has been dramatic. If that progress is sustained; if we do not lose heart in Bosnia; if we stick to it, we will achieve our goals. Kosovo is at an earlier stage of development, barely a year after the end of the bombing and the introduction of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and the troops of the Kosovo Force (KFOR). I am encouraged by much of what I have seen, but I do not think that we should fool ourselves. The bitterness is deep.

    2000-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4225 (2000) · source

  39. But the fact that they are now travelling to Dayton to celebrate the fifth anniversary of the Bosnian agreements reinforces Mr. Kouchner's point that peace in Kosovo is essential to regional stability; it illustrates the centrality of implementing the Dayton Peace Agreement to everything we are doing; and it is a highly symbolic act in many other ways. I know others of you in this Chamber and elsewhere will be going to Dayton, and I look forward to seeing you there. I myself will be leaving for Dayton shortly. Mr. Kouchner has also pointed to the problems that remain in the region, and especially in Kosovo. We should not be oblivious to them. The basic problem is that the two communities really do not like each other. The bitterness and enmity between them are far deeper than in Bosnia. I agree with Mr.

    2000-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4225 (2000) · source

  40. Turnout was high and the balloting was peaceful. The vote was primarily for moderate civilian leaders. I would note that the leaders of the two parties with the largest number of votes, Ibrahim Rugova and Hashim Thaci, are both headed, as we speak, for Dayton, Ohio, to participate in marking the fifth anniversary of the Dayton Peace Agreement on Bosnia. That in itself is also symbolic and significant, because, as all members know, one of the complaints of the Albanians was that Kosovo was not discussed at Dayton. That is not true; in fact, Kosovo was repeatedly discussed at Dayton. But an agreement on Kosovo was not possible because the three leaders there-Milosevic, Izetbegovic and Tudjman-refused to discuss it, and we had other business to deal with.

    2000-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4225 (2000) · source

  41. The success of the 28 October municipal elections is one testimony to that effort. Mr. Kouchner's inspired and dynamic leadership has helped begin the rebuilding of a devastated and demoralized society. Before we talk about the future-and we must-let us remember how many things warned about and predicted in this Chamber have not happened, how many criticisms were unjustified in the light of what has happened. Let us recognize that, as difficult as it has been, the effort that the United Nations has made in Kosovo has prevented a continuation of violence and, with the change of political leadership in Belgrade, which was not anticipated at the time, has created new opportunities. Contrary to the predictions of many, and of some in this Chamber, the elections were not plagued by violence, as Mr. Kouchner has pointed out.

    2000-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4225 (2000) · source

  42. It is truly an honour to welcome Mr. Kouchner back to the Security Council, which has become his home away from Pristina. I congratulate him on his extraordinarily moving, important and comprehensive presentation, and, on behalf of my Government, on his extraordinary accomplishments in Kosovo over the past year and a half. I join him in remembering the brave United Nations peacekeepers who have died in Kosovo, and elsewhere, in the service of peace. About three weeks ago, when I visited Mr. Kouchner in Kosovo, I saw first-hand the progress which he has described today. Who could have imagined a little more than a year ago that Kosovo would have reached the point it has today? The achievements are due to Mr. Kouchner's dynamism and his leadership, and to the entire international effort.

    2000-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4225 (2000) · source

  43. I hope and pray that we will continue this discussion in private and that the underlying thoughts that bring us here together will also underlie the ongoing debate about implementation of the Brahimi recommendations so that they will assist our new Under-Secretary- General - who has our prayers, hopes and support - in his difficult task.

    2000-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4223 (2000) · source

  44. I do not know what the term is in Spanish. What is it? No indiferencia; it sounds much nicer in Spanish. But in either language it is a wonderful concept and I strongly endorse it. Non-indifference commands us to fix United Nations peacekeeping, to save it by giving our Blue Helmets the means they need to succeed. Those include a realistic exit strategy based on sustainable commitments to peace and accountable governance. In conclusion, let me again thank you, Mr. President, for giving us a chance to discuss this issue.

    2000-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4223 (2000) · source

  45. As we have said many times before, we need to make sure the resources the United Nations needs to conduct peacekeeping are in place as rapidly as possible. The military component of peacekeeping, while important, can only bring the stability necessary for the search for political solutions to political problems. Our job in the Council is to create the conditions necessary for that dialogue, to assist it and to remain in place to help build and rebuild shattered societies with more democratic institutions. The United Nations must provide countries and regions a chance for peace. During the Millennium Summit, President de La Rua of Argentina found a word he thought would describe this doctrine. Speaking about the principle of non- interference, he said that there was an equally valid and countervailing principle, non-indifference.

    2000-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4223 (2000) · source

  46. We are all aware that the capacity of the Department of Peacekeeping Operations to plan, manage and backstop peacekeeping is severely inadequate. That is why we want the Brahimi report implemented to the maximum extent possible. Unless we move decisively on meaningful peacekeeping reform, those that threaten peacekeepers across the globe may draw the conclusion that the United Nations lacks the will, the cohesion and, even, the capability to perform its essential peacekeeping functions. Absent reform, those people who rely on the United Nations and look to us for hope in places like East Timor, Kosovo, Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of the Congo will suffer, as they have in the past.

    2000-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4223 (2000) · source

  47. I do not believe they are adequately represented in the staff of the Department. I say here today that, as part of improving peacekeeping, I strongly urge that troop- contributing countries, which carry the burden and, increasingly, the human risks involved, have a stronger role in the consultative process and in the personnel structure of the Department. I cannot understand why major troop-contributing countries do not have any significant representation in the Department. As for my own country, I do not feel that we have much representation either, right now. Of 420 people in the Department, only one is an American. I hope that will also be corrected. I speak here on behalf of my many friends in the audience who have talked to me directly about this. I support them strongly.

    2000-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4223 (2000) · source

  48. I welcome our new Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations, Mr. Jean-Marie Guehenno, to the Council this morning. I say to him, and again to my colleagues, that the implementation of the Brahimi report, while not sufficient, is an essential next step in moving forward. I welcome the resolution that was passed earlier this week on that issue, and I hope that the United Nations, and other bodies within the United Nations, will act to give the new Under-Secretary- General the additional resources he needs to carry out his incredibly difficult and vital job. I feel, by the way - and I must say this quite frankly - that troop-contributing countries, some of whom are represented in our audience today, have not, in my View, been adequately consulted by the Department of Peacekeeping Operations in the past.

    2000-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4223 (2000) · source

  49. If we look at the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo we will again see that peace-making and ensuring accountability go hand-in-hand. At the end of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first we are learning that peace and stability are inextricably linked to democracy and questions of tolerance and good governance. You cannot want peace if you are not prepared to accept democracy and accountability. I fully support the views of your Government, Mr. President, and those of our Dutch colleagues, that we should focus on getting the job done right rather than on getting out. Getting the job right is the primary responsibility of the Member States of the United Nations acting through a Secretariat that has the institutional capacity to help shape and implement our resolutions.

    2000-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4223 (2000) · source

  50. Those examples deserve to be registered as peacekeeping successes in a world that continually looks at the most difficult cases and tends prematurely to judge peacekeeping as hopelessly difficult. We reject that; we think peacekeeping is of vital importance to the world. The United Nations has an important role to play in peacekeeping, but not an exclusive one. These are examples of successes. A lack of desire for peace is not what sabotaged the peace processes in Angola and Sierra Leone. What sabotaged the peace in those troubled countries was Jonas Savimbi and Foday Sankoh. Therefore the United Nations role in Sierra Leone needs to be strengthened, not diminished. I think we should take another look at the tragedy in Angola.

    2000-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4223 (2000) · source