YouSaid · the spoken record

Olhaye

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1993-01-29
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2013-10-22
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un-security-council

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  1. If UNITA is determined to defy the United Nations and the expressed will of the Angolan people, it must realize there will be a price to pay. My delegation feels that only when UNITA is convinced the Council is serious will it negotiate in earnest. Perhaps it is important to call attention to the tactics being employed by UNITA in Angola and in its dealings with the United Nations. We are simply reliving a nightmare in which a belligerent party has seen what has worked, has witnessed the rewards of unimpeded aggression and has determined to follow the proven course. Our eventual failure to stand up to this brazen defiance may be the real tragedy of Angola, and indeed that of international peace and collective security.

    1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source

  2. We must also begin to look at those measures which we know will demonstrate the Council's determination to foster the peace process and the implementation of the "Acordos de Paz", reduce the war-making capability of UNITA and give pause to its external supporters, specifically to its suppliers. The Council must look more seriously at placing monitors at borders; using observer flights; instituting trade embargoes against UNITA suppliers, including an arms embargo; closing UNITA offices overseas and denying them international travel and representation; closing foreign accounts and seizing foreign assets; and implicating UNITA officials who promote human-rights violations in possible war-crimes trials.

    1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source

  3. Specifically, this gives the peace talks another chance, and depending on the outcome, the Secretary-General will be in a better position to make realistic recommendations on the future strength and mandate of UNAVEM II. My delegation feels that the continued presence of the United Nations in Angola is imperative. Without a restraining international presence in Angola, there is a strong likelihood of even more widespread human-rights violations, a total breakdown in the delivery of humanitarian aid, and the loss of all mechanisms of any type of peace initiatives. We must not give the Angolan people the idea that the United Nations is deserting them. But the matter cannot end there.

    1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source

  4. We have all witnessed the numerous false starts and aborted or unsuccessful "reconvened peace talks"; the misleading equating of atrocities by both sides so that "all are equally guilty": the depopulation of many areas, which we now label "ethnic cleansing"; the widespread use of terror and human-rights violations as a tactic of conflict; and the denial of desperately needed humanitarian aid, again as a tactic of war and terror against innocent civilians. And, of course, there is the expected harassment of international relief personnel and UNAVEM II personnel. In fact, if we replace the names of a few principal towns and actors, Angola could be, say, Bosnia. The draft resolution before us calls for the extension of UNAVEM II's mandate in Angola for two months, until 15 September 1993.

    1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source

  5. The combination of the absence of a cease-fire and the complete intransigence of UNITA are indeed a source of great concern to us and the Security Council must express itself forcefully in no uncertain terms - consistent with the Organization of African Unity (OAU) resolution adopted by the African Heads of State and Government in Cairo and with the joint communique issued by Russia, the United States and Portugal in Moscow - in particular, to limit UNITA''s ability to continue the military campaign and to stop UNITA's defiance of the international community in pursuing its singular aim of conquering the whole country.

    1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source

  6. We know, because we have seen the play before; it is just that someone else acted the "bad guy", the language was different and the setting was elsewhere. We have even become adept at identifying the behind-the-scenes backstage supporters who enable the "bad guy" to continue. We cannot, therefore, lose sight of the odious parallels elsewhere: the relentless seizure of acditional territories, while pretending to negotiate; besieging cities and towns under Government control and depriving the residents of humanitarian aid by increasingly tightening the Siege; and heightening mistrust, which inhibits a meaningful political process.

    1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source

  7. All this is because someone felt that democracy in Angola was irrelevant as long as he was not in charge, opting to gain by force what could not be achieved through the ballot paper. The uncompromising stand thus adopted by UNITA gradually plunged the country into anarchy, economic paralysis, and a grave humanitarian crisis, with almost 2 million displaced people now at risk, according to the Secretary-General's report. It is stunning to see how closely the script being followed by UNITA in Angola follows the pattern of other well-known world conflicts. Perhaps the main difficulty this presents to some of us is determining how to sound the alarm again without appearing to be alarmists. For, as in a bad play or television programme, we all know who the "bad guy" is, what he has done, what he is after and what he is going to do.

    1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source

  8. I should like to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Council for this month. Suffice it to say that your broad and sound leadership qualities are becoming increasingly evident in your conduct of our work. Let me also express our gratitude and respect to your predecessor, Ambassador Yanez Barnuevo of Spain. My delegation would like to extend a warm welcome to the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia, who are here in our midst to underscore the gravity of the situation in Angola. This meeting of the Council today is crucial in the unfolding tragic events in Angola, which so far have shown no sign of any abatement of the bloodshed, atrocities and destruction.

    1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source

  9. Those who oppose lifting the arms embargo as it applies to the Bosnians will have to not only repeat their litany of the dangers this move poses but also state flatly what they propose to do to ensure the safety and survival of the Bosnians, halt Serb aggression and end hostilities in the country. We suspect they are, in fact, prepared to do very little, which is why Bosnia must fully, within its rights as a sovereign Member of the United Nations, seek to protect itself. My delegation fully supports this draft resolution to exempt the Bosnian Government from the arms embargo imposed on the former Yugoslavia by our resolution 713 (1991).

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  10. The Bosnians can no longer afford a United Nations Protection Force that, despite its formidable, heroic and humanitarian engagement, cannot even rattle its sabre in the face of the most gruesome atrocities - and this for lack of a mandate: in other words, for lack of political commitment on the part of the international community. Finally, to claim that arming the Bosnians would halt the flow of humanitarian aid is a weak argument, considering the feebleness of such aid at present. The time has come, in our view, for candour and transparency, and for a real re-evaluation of our policy towards this unprecedented tragedy. We all know what has happened in Bosnia and what is still taking place there.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  11. This must surely be the factor that would give pause to the aggressors. If, as we are told, the Serbs have completed their territorial aggression, then to put the Bosnians into a position to defend themselves should have only a positive bearing on the situation by putting a price on a resumption of hostilities. Though arming the Bosn:.ans might not enable tnem to reverse the results of the aggression, at this point that is not the issue: the issue is their survival, and who is to take responsibility for it. If the arming of Bosnia poses a threat to United Nations forces, then these forces should either be better armed and reinforced to protect themselves, removed to "safe areas" or removed completely out of diunger.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  12. We wholeheartedly support this initiative as the best measure to achieve peace, given the current realities of the situation unfolding in Bosnia. Whatever any of the players decides, accepts or negotiates to resolve this crisis, the chances of a continuation or resumption of hostilities will be lessened only if that continuation or resumption comes at a heavy price. But no one is ready to exact that price. Ironically, the most readily acceptable option has become to exact more and more from the helpless victims and pressure them to make concession after concession. My delegation has lost all patience with the standard, often repeated and self-justifying cries for the arms status quo. We do not believe it will lead to the spread of a general Balkan war if a key victim is seen to defend itself.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  13. The declaration also reaffirmed that a negotiated settlement must be based on the principles of the London Conference reflected in the Vance-Owen peace plan, and on the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force. The bottom line is that the Bosnians face certain extinction. By default the Bosnians must protect themselves if they are to survive, for no one else is prepared to step in. That is the stark truth. Obviously, if the Bosnians are to defend and protect themselves, they must have the means to do so, and that requires a lifting of the arms embargo imposed by the Security Council in its resolution 713 (1991) as it applies to the Government of Bosnia, consistent with Article 51 of the Charter.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  14. But this Council has consistently reaffirmed the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina: are we now to bend before the endorsement of any makeshift meeting that does not truly represent the constituent peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina? In this respect, we draw some solace from the latest declaration of the European Council, issued in Copenhagen on 22 June, whic':, inter alia, encouraged the Co-Chairmen to pursue their efforts to promote a 'air and viable settlement acceptable to all three constituent peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The European Council stated that it would not accept a territorial solution dictated by the Serbs and Croats at the expense of th? Bosnian Muslims.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  15. While the details are still sketchy, the public pronouncements of Serb and Croat nationalists leave us with no doubt that their devious strategy would force the Muslims, who comprised 44 per cent of the pre-war population with 34 per cent of the land, onto 10 per cent of its land. What is happening in Geneva is therefore a direct challenge to the authority of President Alija Izetbegovic, the sole remaining symbol of legitimate leadership in Sarajevo. His crime is his insistence that Bosnia remain a single, multiracia., multicultural State. The Serb and Croat nationalists, in full view >f their chief patrons, are carrying out a shabby and indecent plot to force the beleaguered and hapless Muslims into accepting the division of Bosnia.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  16. This places the Bosnians in very grave danger: they obviously can no longer rely on the actions >>r words of the United Nations. Even the ubiquitous Lord Owen has begun to abandon his own ship. Serb aggression, however, continues unabated, while the ever widening arms imbalance, coupled witi: the arms embargo, militates heavily against the outgunned Muslims. This community is in a dire dilemma, and the available choices, if any, are most unappealing. The international community's paralysis of will has now hastened a carve-up of Bosnia along communal lines that will face the almost two million Muslims with the prospect of being forced out into an economically bankrupt mini-State.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  17. The last major resolution we adopted, the "safe areas" resolution, was replete with such bold assertions as adherence to the Vance-Owen plan as the basis for peace; the territorial integrity of Bosnia; the reversal of gains achieved through aggression; the condemnation of human rights violations; the evil of "ethnic cleansing"; support for a war crimes Tribunal to bring the violators of human rights to justice, and so on and so on. There was also the open threat of stronger action if results were not forthcoming. We have all come to realize - the Serbs sooner than anyone - that the implied threat had all along been a veiled bluff: nothing of direct significance was to be done to halt the Serbs. Even more worrisome, probably nothing is to be done to protect the "safe areas".

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  18. Having furiously and lavishly painted the diplomatic and international landscape for the past year and a half with every imaginable colour and pattern while ignoring pleas to stop painting and come outside and do something, we now come to the realization that we have in effect painted ourselves into a corner. It is tiresomely redundant for us to reel off yet again the litany of bold resolutions, pronouncements and statements that have emanated from the United Nations over this period, each of them pregnant with the implied threat of real United Nations intervention to halt the aggression. More and more it seems that the only party that realized it was all perhaps a bluff was the one it was most intended to fool: the Serbs.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  19. The sense of frustration and outrage inherent in Bosnia's tragedy is perhaps best epitomized by the woman who, together with hundreds of Muslim civilians evicted from their homes, was marched out of Mostar, down a mountain to a detention cam>> last month, and then broke down and sobbed: "We are all Muslims; we are prisoners. This is a crime, a shame, and this is Europe!" It looks more and more as if it is not only the Bosnians who have been herded and shunted into so-called "safe areas" by the continuing Serbian aggression, but the entire United Nations too.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  20. Pitched battles have raged over the last twelve months; cities and towns have gone up in flames, killing tens of thousands and condemning the rest to the reprehensible practice of "ethnic cleansing", which has driven these the large majority of destitute people to severely overcrowded, insecure and inhumane destinations, or to wander hopelessly in other countries in Europe as refugees. Famous historical and religious landmarks have been intentionally targeted and destroyed; this happened amongst people who had lived together for centuries.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  21. The draft resolution before the Council is the culmination of a series of failed policies, decisions not fully implemented or decisions ostensibly deferred indefinitely when implementing them could have made a significant difference to the plight of a million defenceless Bosnians. And now Bosnia's future political structure is in the process of being seriously undermined as the parties are set to institutionalize their spoils of war. Saving Bosnia requires a sea change in the attitudes and conceptions of a goodly number of countries on this Council. Few areas, particularly Muslim ones, are being spared.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  22. We regard the draft resolution before the Council as an appropriate response to the criminal elements that recklessly attacked the United Nations forces in Mogadishu on Saturday and caused an unacceptable, incredibly high level of deaths and injuries, particularly to the Pakistani contingent. We must not condone this unwarranted hooliganism. However, so long as certain individuals or groups responsible for the loss of many lives and for the devastation of their country continue to enjoy a high profile and continue to influence events in Somalia, the United Nations is bound to be frustrated in carrying out its mandate. Let the Pakistani martyrs provide us with the spark we are missing, but which we need to peer deeper into the Somali situation, which continues to defy all our imaginations.

    1993-06-06 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3229 (1993) · source

  23. This naturally underscores the permanent and continued danger the warlords and their gunmen pose to Somali society in particular and to the United Nations Operation in general. We believe the situation in Somalia calls for a careful and determined approach to disarm all factions and movements, to collect all weapons and to inculcate a sense of security. UNOSOM II has both the capacity and the authority to enforce peace in Somalia. It must therefore be tough and punish anyone who violates civilized behaviour and who unduly incites others to commit acts of intransigence and violence.

    1993-06-06 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3229 (1993) · source

  24. We are very grateful to Pakistan for its continued support for United Nations efforts to restore Somalia as a functioning and credible nation. We are deeply saddened, and indeed outraged, at the resurgence of violence in Somalia. This incident represents the bloodiest clash since the United Nations troops landed to ensure the delivery of food and other humanitarian supplies and to disarm the factions that drove that country into an incurable civil war. Sadly, this incident also marks the biggest single loss ever incurred by a United Nations peace-keeping operation - not as a result of factional cross-fire, but as the result of a direct attack against the United Nations forces.

    1993-06-06 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3229 (1993) · source

  25. On behalf of my delegation I wish to offer sincere sympathy and profound condolences to the delegation, the Government and the people of Pakistan, and in particular to the families of the more than 20 who were killed and the more than 50 who sustained injuries while serving the cause of peace with the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM ITI), in that country, which is still under the intensive care of the United Nations. For a long time, Pakistan was the only country in Somalia, with a contingent of 500 peace-keeping personnel. Later, it also contributed generously to the unified task force. With the transition to UNOSOM II on 1 May, the Pakistani contingent of over 4,700 became one of the largest within the combined UNOSOM II force of over 20,000.

    1993-06-06 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3229 (1993) · source

  26. Mindful of those many reservations and with a feeling of deja vu, my delegation, after considerable thought, is supporting the draft resolution, and accepts in good faith the strong affirmation of the sponsoring members that this time they do indeed mean business.

    1993-06-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3228 (1993) · source

  27. Safe areas must therefore be protected, rehabilitated, and supplied with basic humanitarian necessities and services. We must be prepared to let the Serbs know firmly that the United Nations can be pushed no further, and that measures indicated in the draft resolution will be carried out. There should be United Nations monitors on the borders of Yugoslavia despite the objections. Serbian heavy artillery must be removed from the vicinity of safe areas. We are a CNN world. If the results of this draft resolution are simply more of the same - killing, starvation, Serbian brutality - then the world may have to accept the fact that international collective security does not exist.

    1993-06-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3228 (1993) · source

  28. Its sponsors have seen fit to accept a number of strong measures, which, if sincere and followed through, can provide some basis for a near-term halt to the killings, and for a long-term solution to the crisis. There is the bold reaffirmation of Bosnia's sovereignty and territorial integrity, that "ethnic cleansing" and its consequences, including the acquisition of territory by force, must be reversed, and support for the Vance-Owen Plan as the continuing goal for resolving this conflict. There are many forthright words in the draft resolution, indeed. We must, however, expect the Serbs to test us, to defy us, to obstruct us. Their feeling is that they have won, and that the West must be praised for its "more realistic approach".

    1993-06-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3228 (1993) · source

  29. Like all previous resolutions, the present draft resolution affirms Bosnia and Herzegovina as no less a member of the United Nations than any one of us. Yet the pervasive fear persists that the current policy of "safe areas" may condemn this unfortunate people to a precarious Palestinian-style existence. And this scepticism essentially underlined the painful and tedious negotiations the Non-Aligned Movement Caucus had been undertaking with the sponsors of this draft resolution, as well as with the remaining members of the Council. In many ways the "safe areas" draft resolution may be considered a watershed in the history of the Bosnian conflict.

    1993-06-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3228 (1993) · source

  30. The entire world, however, has cast doubts on the whole concept, as lacking a connection to an overall political solution, not to mention the genuine fear that the concept could legitimize "ethnic cleansing" and the status quo ~ created by the Serbs - largely through the unwillingness of the international community even to rattle its swords. Again, there is a legitimate fear that the "safe areas" strategy may translate as the only viable alternative to an acceptable peace plan, and that the concept is merely a euphemism for "ghettos" or "concentration camps" for refugees who have little to aspire to by way of normal life --- politically, socially, or economically - in the foreseeable future.

    1993-06-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3228 (1993) · source

  31. Something, then, needs to be done immediately. Certainly, the Bosnian Government has the inherent right of self-defence against armed attack, and no one can claim the Council has taken measures "necessary to maintain international peace and security" in that region. At a minimum, therefore, we feel there must be a lifting of the arms embargo as it applies to the Bosnian Government. We must also move to take out Serbian heavy weapons if the Serbs do not themselves remove them, and we must be prepared to protect the delivery of humanitarian aid. Now we are talking of a new concept which we of the Non-Aligned group proposed a few months ago and which was the basis of resolutions 819 (1993) and 824 (1993). ' Are the "safe areas", then, the answer? That may be the case to contain the hellish situation in the immediate future.

    1993-06-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3228 (1993) · source

  32. If there is somewhere in the murky world of diplomacy a hidden agenda to accept in the end Serbian aggression and its fruits, so that all we say and do now is essentially a charade, so that the loss of human lives, the destroyed homes, the suffering and the death are in vain, then we must be prepared to add another chapter to the United Nations Charter and label it "International cynicism and deceit". But if we do plan to hold fast to the spirit and provisions of 'Vance-Owen, the nine constitutional principles, the provincial map, the interim arrangements and the peace arrangement, then to permit the Serbs to continue their atrocities and defiance unchallenged, at the cost of so many lives, and to continue to acquire additional territory that we do not plan to let them keep, is equally senseless and tragic.

    1993-06-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3228 (1993) · source

  33. The ceaseless bombardment of civilian populations, the detention camps, the murders of innocent women and children, the widespread rape, the refusal to let badly needed humanitarian aid reach the suffering victims of this war, are all evidence of Serbian efforts to impose a final solution. Perhaps worst of all, there is a conviction that the Serbians have never really negotiated in good faith, that the countless repudiations of their sworn word indicates a criminality and cynicism rivalling the worst in European history. Virtually every act of good faith, every peace meeting, every attempt to reach an equitable cease-fire has been used by the Serbs simply to strengthen their military advantage. We can no longer believe them and their leaders.

    1993-06-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3228 (1993) · source

  34. But we can full well understand the plight of so many of the world's "little people", like the Bosnians, whose living and dying, whose life and death, have refused to fuse into a sort of distant irrelevancy. We may have in the end to thank the vicious Serbians for awakening the world's "silent majority", for shaming us into an increasingly unified cry: "Enough"! We are prepared to be counted among those ready to do whatever they can to stop what has been so correctly labelled a moral outrage, an evil. We are incensed that the relentless litany of atrocities in Bosnia seems always to remain the same, only worse.

    1993-06-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3228 (1993) · source

  35. Allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency for this month. I am confident you will carry us through with skill and professionalism. May I also pay tribute to Ambassador Vorontsov of the Russian Federation for the efficient and creditable manner in which he guided the Council's work last month. My delegation senses that many of us, as evidenced by some of the Council's recent actions, have appreciated the rising groundswell of world opinion against the continued atrocities in Bosnia, and the demand that they be stopped. My country obviously can make no claim to being a great military or economic Power capable of tipping the balance in world confrontations.

    1993-06-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3228 (1993) · source

  36. We fully agree with the recommendation of the Commission and the Secretary-General that the United Nations personnel involved in the implementation of the surficial representation of the boundary should enjoy unimpeded freedom of movement in the area of the demarcated boundary as well as all necessary privileges and immunities for the fulfilment of their task. The issue of the boundary between Iraq and Kuwait is now settled once and for all. We appeal to both Governments to respect the inviolability of the boundary, which will be guaranteed by the Security Council. It is our earnest hope that peace and good-neighbourliness will come to prevail between these two countries, and that political prudence and pragmatism will govern their relations in the future.

    1993-05-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3224 (1993) · source

  37. My delegation agrees with the Secretary-General that the demarcation of the Iraq-Kuwait boundary has direct implications with regard to the implementation of paragraph 5 of resolution 687 (1991), relating to the establishment of the demilitarized zone. We note with satisfaction that the Secretary-General has already instructed the United Nations Iraq-Kuwait Observer Mission (UNIKOM) to finalize the realignment of the demilitarized zone with the entire international boundary between Iraq and Kuwait as demarcated by the Commission. The next stage will be to display boundary markers along the course of the boundary line.

    1993-05-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3224 (1993) · source

  38. My delegation would like to extend its warmest congratulations to the Iraq-Kuwait Boundary Demarcation Commission on having fulfilled its mandate and on the excellent work it has accomplished. Its unprecedented achievement is a great contribution to the cause of peace and stability in the Gulf region. While the terms of reference of the Commission were accepted by both countries, Iraq's failure to participate in the sessions of the Commission was regrettable. It is to be underscored once again that the demarcation of the boundary between Irag and Kuwait under the formula agreed upon in 1963 was really technical, not political. In that regard, the objectivity and professionalism of the Commission are highly appreciated. It is against that background that we lent our full support to the draft resolution on which we have just voted.

    1993-05-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3224 (1993) · source

  39. That country will have its peace and its unity restored once the guns have been silenced, the militias have been dissolved, the causes of the conflict have been rooted out, the barriers between the regions have fallen, when all the refugees have gone back to their homes and, lastly, when all citizens have rallied round their State, the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

    1993-05-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3217 (1993) · source

  40. Let us, I beg, not lose sight of the fact that bringing the guilty to justice, whatever their ethnic origin, and compensating the victims must be considered as two factors that are indissolubly linked and are the ultimate goal of the resolution, The right of a people to territorial integrity is sacred, the more so because the Bosnian pluralism is deeply rooted in Bosnian soil: it cannot be shifted and cannot, either in the south or in the north, in the east or in the west, suffer any amputation.

    1993-05-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3217 (1993) · source

  41. Those forces, which have death squad commandos operating in their midst who are quite rightly being called war criminals, have been hired and paid by former Bosnian Serb political chiefs such as Karadzic and his ilk, who are thirsty for blood and for absolute power. This is why it is not appropriate to Lump the whole thing together and call it a civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, The concentration camps, the mass expulsion and deportation of civilians, the raping of women ~ in short, the "ethnic cleansing" practiced by the Serbs in Bosnia most particularly - are not only an insult to humanity but, unfortunately, a yet unanswered challenge to the international community. The resolution just adopted by the Council is just one measure among so many others that we hope will be taken in the days to come.

    1993-05-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3217 (1993) · source

  42. Mr. OLHAYE (Djibouti) (interpretation from French): Resolution 827 (1993), which we have just adopted following the report of the Secretary-General, to whom we pay a tribute, is a new measure taken by the Council to judge those charged with serious violations of international humanitarian law committed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia since 1991, in particular in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Since the Serbian forces in Bosnia, supported by the Belgrade Government, started the war in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, they have, faithful to animal instincts, never stopped carrying out their insane policy of dismantling a sovereign, independent State and of wiping from the face of the Earth all that was Bosnia.

    1993-05-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3217 (1993) · source

  43. We fully agree with the Secretary-General that it is for the Cambodian people themselves to bring peace to their country. Negotiations and dialogue among Cambodian parties should always be encouraged. However, scrupulous implementation of the Paris Agreements remains the only guarantee of a lasting peace in Cambodia.

    1993-05-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3213 (1993) · source

  44. My delegation deplores the ongoing politically motivated acts of violence, and urges ail Cambodian parties to rely on reason during and after the election. Ail Cambodians should cooperate to ensure the creation of the neutral political atmosphere required for the election, which is essential. The democratic choice of the Cambodian people should be respected. The international community will endorse the result of the elections and support the emerging national constituent assembly, if the elections are certified as free and fair. Moreover, the international community will assist in maintaining political stability during the process of drafting a new constitution, and will extend every support to the Cambodian Government.

    1993-05-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3213 (1993) · source

  45. Holding the election is one of the pillars of peace anticipated in the Paris Agreements. We are pleased that this crucial element is scheduled to be implemented from 23 to 28 May. The pre-election period was a resounding success for the Cambodian people, UNTAC and the international community at large, despite the acute constraints and the apparent shortcomings. Voter registration indicates that the overwhelming majority of the Cambodian people have opted to participate in the United Nations-sponsored election. The conduct of the election will be crucial. We agree with the criteria envisaged by the Special Representative, in coordination with the Supreme National Council, for determining the freeness and fairness of the election and the protection and secrecy of the ballots.

    1993-05-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3213 (1993) · source

  46. The resolution we have just adopted underlines the resolve of the international community to see justice restored in Cambodia. My delegation would like strongly to commend the Secretary-General, his Special Representative and the personnel of the United Nations Transition Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) on the exemplary work they have been doing in the cause of peace in Cambodia, In that regard, my delegation appeals to all Cambodian parties to respect the mandate of UNTAC and to ensure the safety of its personnel. In this connection we also highly appreciate the invaluable and continuing efforts of His Royal Highness Prince Norodom Sihanouk for his country. The United Nations-supervised election is oniy a few days away; there is potent and growing harassment and intimidation by the Khmer Rouge aimed at aborting the long-awaited process.

    1993-05-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3213 (1993) · source

  47. We cannot hide our dismay that Armenia should be insisting, in defiance of international conviction and knowledge, that this is a conflict between Nagorny-Karabakh and Azerbaijan. In this respect, we demand that Armenia and Azerbaijan accept a cease-fire and that Armenia withdraw from all territories occupied during the recent aggression. The Council, in our view, cannot remain on the sidelines for too long in the face of an act of aggression of this gravity that has created a major humanitarian crisis and that threatens peace and security. The sooner we move in the right direction consistent with reality, the better.

    1993-04-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3205 (1993) · source

  48. Mr, OLHAYE (Djibouti): My delegation voted in favour of the resolution in the hope that, in the near future, we will be in a position to call a spade a spade. It disturbs us to have had to accept that this is a local conflict perpetrated and carried out solely by local Armenian forces. However, we all know only too well that the truth is that this is a conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. In our view, it is impossible to be very optimistic so long as we continue to postpone any action on our part ~ as a minimum, a condemnation, pending the outcome of the protracted negotiations within the framework of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE).

    1993-04-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3205 (1993) · source

  49. If we are to promote such a justification in Bosnia, then it has to be in a way that permits each side to defend its very survival.:. Not to do so may have more lasting repercussions for us than our unwillingness to forcefully come to the aid of victims of aggression. For this and other reasons, my delegation, while supporting this resolution, has few illusions it will go far enough by itself to correct the fast-deteriorating situation in a timely and meaningful manner. Raising the cost of aggression by sealing Yugoslavia and the Bosnian Serbs off and | allowing the Bosnian Government the means to defend itself clearly offers the best hope for a way out of this moral dilemma.

    1993-04-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3200 (1993) · source

  50. The time is opportune, for the Serbs must know that events in other parts of the world are unlikely to conspire, as I have already said, to protect them from the inevitable course of justice, The high-profile defiance of the Serbs has caught the world's attention, particularly in the light of the , reprehensible methods they have used to achieve their purposes. It has raised profound and significant moral issues that will have long and serious implications for the world as we enter a very nationalistic, post-cold-war era, and no amount of effort to impart a less moral spin to this issue can hide this fact. Historical enmity, however deep, cannot be accepted by the world as a justification for behaviour that contradicts international humanitarian standards.

    1993-04-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3200 (1993) · source