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“We cannot escape the fact that what is required is a firm and unequivocal demand by the Council to the parties that fighting must be stopped forthwith, coupled with measures which clearly show the Council's determination to back up this demand. We cannot continue to push the issues of security and peace into the background of human rights headlines, however well it may play at home for some of us. The reason we have this tragic human rights situation, with human beings dying every day in unacceptable numbers, is precisely that the fighting has been allowed to continue, and, with possible counter- offensives looming, it could grow even worse. Simply creating more safe areas to protect the victims has become a diversion.”
1994-06-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3388 (1994) · source
“Additionally, by sourcing the forces in one continent, one not inherently prepared for rapid mobilization and deployment or equipped for it, we have merely created a massive, multi-stage, time-consuming construct which can be activated only when all the players, at their own time and pace, agree to contribute their pieces. Against the backdrop of this international indecisiveness, the objectives and the intent of the warring sides in Rwanda remain the same, and the fighting continues. If anything, the calls for a cease-fire in the present draft resolution are weaker than those in the previous one; that cannot fail to catch the attention of the Rwandan parties.”
1994-06-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3388 (1994) · source
“No one will deny that highlighting the criminal, genocidal and human rights violation aspects of the situation is necessary, but as an approach to the ongoing situation in Rwanda it leads us to focus on a cure after the fact, rather than dealing with the real cause and necessary prevention of the disease. The decisive political and military aspects are receding into the background while a collective international hand- wringing takes place, seeking to assign blame for what has already taken place. Meanwhile, the death and dying continue at the totally unacceptable level of thousands of people per day. If we have now nearly composed the authorized UNAMIR force, but expect to take some three to four weeks to begin to deploy it, we are looking not at three to four weeks, but at some tens of thousands more people who will die.”
1994-06-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3388 (1994) · source
“The Secretary-General states in his report, and we agree fully: "it is unacceptable that, almost two months since this violence exploded, killings still continue ... There is the danger that, if not stopped, this would lead to reprisals and counter-reprisals, setting off a prolonged cycle of violence." (S/1994/640, para. 38) Make no mistake; this is the crux of the matter. The killings must be stopped now. If this is so, then it is abundantly clear that we are simply deceiving ourselves in emphasizing the human rights aspect of this tragedy, however stunning it is to us.”
1994-06-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3388 (1994) · source
“At the outset, Sir, I wish to congratulate you most warmly, on assuming the presidency the Council for this month. In view of your vast experience and abundant skills, I have no doubt that we are in good hands. I wish also to express my delegation's deep gratitude for the exemplary manner in which Ambassador Gambari of Nigeria conducted the Council's work last month. My delegation has reviewed the latest report of the Secretary-General on the situation in Rwanda, which we have found relevant, informative and comprehensive. The findings of the Secretary-General's special mission to Rwanda by Assistant Secretary-General Riza and Major- General Baril, which provided the basis of the report, are likewise reflected in the draft resolution, seeking to direct the activities of the expanded United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR).”
1994-06-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3388 (1994) · source
“The responsibility for this rests squarely on the shoulders of the Somalis, who must show "evidence of serious and productive pursuit of the reconciliation process" (S/1994/614, para. 76). My delegation will therefore support the draft resolution before us to renew the mandate of UNOSOM II, with the anticipated completion of its mission by March 1995.”
1994-05-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3385 (1994) · source
“The situation on the ground, as the Secretary-General says, is a matter of growing concern, and, if not addressed soon by the Somalis through a cease-fire and disarmament agreement, it could quickly escalate out of everyone's control. We fully concur with the sentiment expressed by the Secretary-General that the presence of UNOSOM II is a stabilizing factor which has prevented total anarchy. From this perspective, a United Nations pullout at this critical juncture would be a sign of abandonment, and would be completely unacceptable to my delegation. With positive signs to offset the negatives and with the growth of a police force, what Somalia needs is time. However, such time must be employed wisely and quickly.”
1994-05-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3385 (1994) · source
“UNOSOM II and the other agencies are to be congratulated, however, on the manner in which they have embarked upon emergency and contingency planning and on their concerted response mechanisms. Additionally, efforts aimed at resettling displaced persons, demining, and planning for rehabilitation and reconstruction by the Somalia Aid Coordination Body are proceeding apace. In every one of these endeavours the primary issue is that of security. We are clearly at a point in Somalia where subsequent steps must come from the Somali people themselves. Firm dates for the necessary preparatory meetings must be set as soon as possible so that a conference of national reconciliation can follow.”
1994-05-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3385 (1994) · source
“Naturally, while these attempts at setting up meetings continue, other activities go on as well. With the eventual withdrawal of UNOSOM II, the Somalis will have to assume total responsibility for their own security and justice system. My delegation is pleased to note the attention being devoted to the recruitment and training of Somali police and judges and to the rehabilitation of penal institutions. If there is any possible way to hasten this critical process, we would urge the Secretary-General to explore it, and we would also urge Member States to be generous in their cash contributions and contributions in kind. The current humanitarian situation remains, as always, a cause of concern. The declining security situation has made the delivery of aid more precarious and unpredictable and has hindered efficiency.”
1994-05-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3385 (1994) · source
“In fact, the initial preparatory meeting has yet to take place, and no firm date has been set for the major reconciliation conference. Repeated references by the Secretary-General to the deteriorating security situation, the rise in incidents and banditry, the reappearance of the feared "technicals", and, worst of all, the escalating level of rearming seen in all factions do not portend a happy outcome. Once again, the cease-fire commitments have not been honoured, and there is a real concern as to what will transpire in the coming months. Despite the negative aspects, however, efforts to reach agreement and to schedule the necessary conferences and meetings continue. Surprisingly, and perhaps another indication of seriousness, all the factions have requested a continued United Nations presence.”
1994-05-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3385 (1994) · source
“My delegation has read with considerable interest the further report (S/1994/614) of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM), dated 24 May 1994. It seems to reflect the mood of the international community: one of anticipation and appreciation, but also of hope. Almost unexpectedly, the factions met in Nairobi about two months ago and actually forged an agreement foreseeing a national Government, complete with all the normal structures and positions. Most encouraging of all, though, was the coming together of the principal protagonists to sign the Nairobi Declaration - perhaps their first face-to-face negotiations in some time. Unfortunately, the process has become riddled with postponements and delays.”
1994-05-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3385 (1994) · source
“The best proof that it will be a most interesting country lies perhaps in President Mandela's inaugural speech, in which he says: "We the people of South Africa feel fulfilled that humanity has taken us back into its bosom." That feeling of fulfilment, says Nobel Laureate om Archbishop Desmond Tutu, is like 'falling in love'".”
1994-05-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3379 (1994) · source
“Inasmuch as this brings to a virtual close the United Nations 19 monitoring of South Africa, we also agree with the dissolution of the Committee of the Security Council established under resolution 421 (1977). After long isolation because of its apartheid policies, the new South Africa can look forward to a deeper involvement in Africa, the third world, and international affairs. The road will be long and probably difficult, but as with any journey, it must begin with the first step. South Africa has, by any measure, taken a giant leap forward for its future.”
1994-05-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3379 (1994) · source
“My delegation must also take this opportunity to express its appreciation for the splendid efforts of our Secretary-General on the whole matter of South Africa, and the untiring efforts as well of his Special Representative, Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi. We should also pay tribute to the many members of UNOMSA, the other international observers, the non-governmental organizations and those who worked long and hard to realize the historic changes in South Africa. In line with political developments in South Africa, notably the emplacement of its first democratically elected, non-racial Government on 10 May, my delegation fully supports the draft resolution before us that seeks to terminate the mandatory arms embargo imposed against South Africa under resolution 418 (1977).”
1994-05-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3379 (1994) · source
“Understandably, President Mandela has made the basic needs of the majority the first item on his agenda, recognizing that the dreams of a people cannot be realized without electricity, clean water, sewers, or paved streets. The United Nations can be justly proud of the role it has played in bringing this transformation about. By galvanizing and directing unprecedentedly intense, and relentless international pressure on the apartheid regime over the last three decades, and with the possibilities which opened up with the demise of the cold war, the international community has succeeded in forcing that regime to realize that the "winds of change" had reached gale force.”
1994-05-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3379 (1994) · source
“One must also recognize the courageous and intelligent manner in which former President de Klerk politically prepared the white minority, culminating in the resounding referendum victory for continued negotiations with the African majority which served to isolate and deflate the extreme right. From this perspective, it is understandable that both men shared the 1993 Nobel Peace Prize, the crowning third Nobel recognition of the long fight waged by so many in the relentless quest for justice and dignity in that one country. This is undoubtedly the dawn of a new era for the black majority, who have languished for nearly 300 years in miserable wages, decrepit housing, and poverty.”
1994-05-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3379 (1994) · source
“No one can predict, of course, what the future may bring, but we can all take solace in what has been the very capable and wise leadership exhibited by President Mandela and former President de Klerk. The negotiating process has been surprisingly complex, laden with numerous political disagreements, power moves and difficult players. A wide chasm of trust had to be bridged, constituents and factions won over, and expectations and agendas scaled back. The manner in which Mr. Mandela was able to convince his supporters to accept power sharing, to keep the political process moving through quiet, behind-the-scenes negotiations with the leadership of Inkatha, the Government and the white right-wing, overcoming clear disagreements shows the kind of practical and realistic leadership that is so often found lacking today.”
1994-05-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3379 (1994) · source
“Many of us had held strong reservations in the preceding months, for key issues remained to be agreed upon, major and minor players refused participation and violence remained an ever-present and unpredictable factor, while the logistics and manpower requirements of the electoral process appeared daunting. Almost miraculously though, election day came, turn-out exceeded expectations, violence receded, and perhaps most encouraging of all, the results appear to have been generally accepted as substantially free and fair. The sight of South Africa's first freely elected Head of State taking office this month, was one a weary world badly needed to see in Africa.”
1994-05-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3379 (1994) · source
“We also wish to recognize and welcome the Honourable Thabo Mbeki, First Executive Deputy President of South Africa and Chairman of the ANC, and a venerable part of the struggle for justice and the termination of apartheid in South Africa who is among us today as the leader of his delegation. As President Mandela's right-hand man he no doubt speaks with authority for the new South Africa. The fascinating saga of South Africa's political transformation has passed another momentous milestone with the successful completion of the 26-28 April presidential and national elections and the establishment of the first democratically elected non-racial Government on 10 May 1994.”
1994-05-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3379 (1994) · source
“Mr. President, my delegation wishes warmly to welcome you to the Security Council. We are honoured, indeed pleased, to have you presiding over this important meeting today. It is quite fitting that an African country so heavily involved in the challenge and demise of apartheid, most notably as Chairman of the Special Committee Against Apartheid, should be presiding over the Council to remove the United Nations mandatory sanctions against South Africa. We also wish to express our gratitude to my colleague Ambassador Gambari for the constructive role he has played since joining the Council, in particular as its President for this momentous month.”
1994-05-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3379 (1994) · source
“Should the Secretary-General find that the measures called for are insufficient, it may be possible in the near future to upgrade UNAMIR's mandate to include more authority to halt the fighting. With some reluctance, therefore, and in the hope of immediate measures being taken, my delegation supports this draft resolution on Rwanda.”
1994-05-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3377 (1994) · source
“The fighting must be stopped and law and order in this tiny country restored before there is really no country left. We fully support the call of the draft resolution on Member States to restrict the sale of arms and related material to any of the Rwanda parties. Halting such shipments will be crucial to the overall success of UNAMIR, whatever that may be. Although, as is clear, my delegation would like to see a stronger mandate for UNAMIR, time is crucial at the moment. It is critical that we take immediate steps to halt the progression of fighting, aid those innocent civilians displaced by the war and control vital geographic assets in Rwanda, as the draft resolution proposes.”
1994-05-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3377 (1994) · source
“As it presently appears, it may be a considerable period of time before we arrive at such a point, until when we can expect the level of destruction and death to continue at unacceptable levels. Certainly the heaviest burden for this undertaking must be assumed by the countries of Africa, which we feel is possible with the cooperation and assistance of other Member States on an urgent basis. It is indeed a sad reflection on the state of collective security if this capability does not exist and cannot be expeditiously mobilized in the face of such relentless destruction and death. Without these measures, we believe the fighting will continue until little is left, possibly with contagious consequences for neighbouring countries.”
1994-05-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3377 (1994) · source
“The draft resolution before us, however, only partially addresses this requirement, with the hope that the whole spectrum of deployment will have been taken care of shortly after the next report of the Secretary-General. In the mean time, the job of the United Nations will be to remove the innocent from harm's way and protect them during this process, while responding forcefully only to direct attacks upon itself or the relief efforts. The mandate will not authorize the use of force to stop ethnic massacres and bloodshed. My delegation would like to agree with this scenario but, in truth, finds it difficult to accept. We believe the warring parties are of a mind to continue hostilities until there is a significant destruction of the opponent and his capability.”
1994-05-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3377 (1994) · source
“It clearly constitutes, as the draft resolution before us maintains, a serious threat to peace and security in the region, which must be addressed. The Secretary-General's aide-memoire of 9 May underscores the rapidly deteriorating situation in Rwanda, which, he states, it is imperative to stop. The heavy fighting, combined with the effects of a serious drought, has produced a catastrophic food shortage along with the other consequences of the war. Based upon a set of assumptions, the Secretary-General correctly recommends a revision in the mandate of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) and an upward adjustment in its numerical composition.”
1994-05-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3377 (1994) · source
“If there is a positive development in the relentless Rwandan tragedy, it is the apparently universal recognition that in some significant way the international community must now become directly involved. The approach of letting events run their course while diplomatic attempts were intensified to bring the Rwanda Government and the Patriotic Front to the negotiating table has, in the light of the seemingly diametrically opposed positions held by the combatants, proved fruitless. The resulting level of violence, death and displacement now qualifies as perhaps the greatest human tragedy in so short a time period in our century. The combined efforts of non-governmental organizations, surrounding States and the United Nations system to provide humanitarian relief fail to match the rising needs created by this catastrophe.”
1994-05-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3377 (1994) · source
“The introduction of the Civilian Police Component (CIVPOL) will mesh, to the extent possible, with the reduction of military units and other support staff to hold costs at prescribed levels; but, at the same time, the goals of monitoring, observation training and leadership will not be allowed to suffer. There are many to praise, it seems, in the Mozambique effort, from ONUMOZ members to United Nations agencies, non-governmental organizations and the Special Representative. My delegation will therefore support the draft resolution before us.”
1994-05-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3375 (1994) · source
“Then economic growth and development can move forward in earnest. In the area of humanitarian assistance, my delegation is pleased to see that the international community has responded to the Trust Fund set up to assist Mozambique in its reintegration and demobilization programmes, mine clearance and vocational training. The Secretary-General has also established a special trust fund for assistance to register political parties to enable them to carry out electoral activities; this also merits support. Finally, my delegation notes with appreciation the Secretary-General's efforts to contain the costs of ONUMOZ while refocusing its mandate, activities and manpower.”
1994-05-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3375 (1994) · source
“It is essential, of course, that Mozambique restart and intensify its efforts at economic growth, which has been considerably retarded by the past hostilities. | Mine clearance has presented a formidable obstacle to this process, particularly in the production of food, and my delegation is pleased to note the Secretary-General's continuing emphasis on this area. Unfortunately, the impact of cyclone "Nadia", which struck on 24 March, seems to have had widespread destructive effects on infrastructure and total crop production and may lead to significant food shortages in many areas, as the outlook for the coming harvest is only fair. Combined with the mine problem, this is another critical reason for Mozambique to move with all deliberate speed to implement the Peace Agreement, hold the elections and install a Government of national unity.”
1994-05-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3375 (1994) · source
“This problem has held up demobilization and may mean that projected Mozambican Defence Force and demobilization targets will not be met as required. Though these contingencies could have served as a pretext to delay the peace process and the elections, it is most encouraging to see that this has not been the case. The Government has officially announced the forthcoming election dates of 27 and 28 October 1994 and, along with RENAMO, has agreed that these dates will hold despite any delay in meeting the Mozambican Defence Force size requirements. The fact that there have been no military activities that posed a serious threat to the cease-fire or the peace process as a whole underscores the apparent spirit of the two parties and their resolve to complete the process of national unity under a new Government.”
1994-05-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3375 (1994) · source
“Although a number of procedural matters remain to be ironed out and some general agreements need to be transformed into concrete measures, it is encouraging to note the current evidence of progress in the Secretary- General's excellent report on Mozambique. Cantonment of troops from both sides has taken place, the surrender and storage of weapons is proceeding, demobilization is under way and the creation of the new Mozambican Armed Force was inaugurated in March. Bringing the new army up to prescribed manpower levels seems to be lagging well behind, which could have an impact on national security in the future. The problem appears to lie in the Government's financial resources, which may not be sufficient to offer a rewarding career choice to potential recruits.”
1994-05-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3375 (1994) · source
“My delegation would like to take this opportunity to welcome you warmly, Sir, and congratulate you wholeheartedly on your assumption of the presidency of the Council for this month. We are certain that with your considerable experience and your rare and proven skills you will provide the leadership the Council needs during this important period. We should also like to express our appreciation for the very capable manner in which your predecessor as President, Ambassador Colin Keating of New Zealand, guided the Council during a very strenuous month. His calming presence and imperturbability served us well indeed.”
1994-05-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3375 (1994) · source
“Should there be, for any reason, any further weakness in the resolve of the international community to prevent Serb abuse of this unfair advantage, then it would be less than honourable for us to continue to force the Bosnian Government to defend itself with both hands tied behind its back. It must be exempted from resolution 713 (1991). Barring this, the conflict becomes, as it has become, a conflict with a large cast of participants, all of whom bear a great deal of responsibility for the fate of that nation and of its people.”
1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source
“We owe its members once again a debt of gratitude and our thanks. Until such time as there is an effective cease-fire and concrete negotiations, my delegation feels it would be entirely inappropriate to reward Serbia, whose military participation cannot be doubted, with any thought of relaxation the economic embargo. If anything, a strong case exists for its strengthening. Finally, my delegation feels that we are where we are in Bosnia because of the blatantly unjust arms embargo forced on its Government under resolution 713 (1991). Time and time again, we witness its totally selective impact: the Serbs have anti-aircraft missiles, tanks, aircraft, helicopters, heavy artillery and _ sophisticated communications equipment, which they brazenly parade for the world to see.”
1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source
“Until such time, the international community - specifically NATO and its air power - must firmly demonstrate to the Serbs that continued violations of 27 humanitarian laws will not be tolerated, and, in fact, will draw retribution. As we said last week, we welcome NATO's air participation in this conflict, which, if carried out with conviction, could influence the course of events. We had hoped, and continue to hope, that UNPROFOR will be as decisive in its use of this force as the Serbs have been in their defiance. Both the United Nations and NATO need to sustain a credible image if we are to be effective in our roles. UNPROFOR has made considerable strides in this direction through its selfless and continuous attempts to assist the besieged people of Gorazde and Bosnia, in the face of dangerous provocations and extreme conditions.”
1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source
“And if the "Gorazde model" is repeated by the Serbs, we will again witness the deliberate shellings of an essentially undefended city, its hospitals and refugee centres - all of which are straightforward war crimes. One would certainly hope that efforts to activate the work of the war crimes Tribunal will proceed with renewed vigour, thereby at least bringing a pause to the relentless genocide and bringing to book those responsible for the perpetration of these flagrant and reprehensible crimes. There is a drastic need for an immediate cessation of hostilities and a return to the negotiating table, if it is the intention of all parties to reach a fair and lasting settlement.”
1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source
“Frustration is also the result of the overly cautious, deliberate pace of consultations between many parties to this conflict. Decisions are a long time in coming and even slower in their implementation. We believe this has become a decisive factor in transmitting the wrong signals to the Serbs, allowing them valuable additional time to step up their aggression in the belief that any settlement will accept the situation on the ground as a given. All that is required is a suitable pretext, such as the current "double-speak" of "Muslim provocation". Not surprisingly, therefore, we are beginning to hear of Serb retaliation against expected "Muslim provocations" in other safe areas, so that it should come as no surprise if fighting erupts in another safe area very shortly.”
1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source
“Therefore, any new initiatives to refocus on the safe areas for reasons other than those already contained in resolutions 824 (1993) and 836 (1993) must be considered in this light. In truth, we cannot escape the fact that our primary concern is for a realistic, overall and fair distribution of Bosnia which allows all the parties to live in peace and security, with territorial continuity, freedom of movement and, certainly, economic productivity and potential. If this is to be realized, as the heads of two leading western States have said, it will be necessary for the Serbs to make territorial concessions. An arbitrary division of Bosnia which leaves any party in a_ weakened, unsupportable, indefensible position is merely a formula for disaster - a device to invite the resumption of hostilities in the near future.”
1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source
“Given the inhuman level of crimes against defenceless and innocent civilian populations, the international community deemed it necessary to protect strategic enclaves from this terror in order to provide an outlet - a safe haven for fleeing populations. One has only to imagine the spectacle of thousands of fleeing civilians wandering the countryside with nowhere to go to realize what Bosnia would have become without these transitory collection points. But that is all they were meant to be - temporary civilian population areas - while efforts were made to bring about an overall cease-fire and a fair political settlement of the whole conflict. They were not intended as a permanent feature, to be negotiated as separate entities in the settlement process.”
1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source
“Now - with some 50 Security Council resolutions adopted since the commencement of the hostilities - we continue to witness scenes of naked aggression, "ethnic cleansing", open defiance of the United Nations and of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and gross violations of humanitarian rights. Our basic concern, of course, lies with the overall situation in all of Bosnia, in which the issues of Gorazde and safe areas are but the latest and most prominent. In its creation under resolutions 824 (1993) and 836 (1993), the concept of safe areas was not meant to be a permanent feature.”
1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source
“My delegation would like to take this opportunity to warmly welcome you, Sir, to our deliberations and to express our appreciation at your participation. We also wish to warmly welcome the Ministers of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) Contact Group and the Secretary General of the OIC and to strongly endorse their laudable efforts in this grave matter regarding Bosnia. We believe they speak for more than the world's Muslim community; they speak for all people of goodwill who are outraged at the continuation and extent of this evil conflict. What we heard from representatives has been the expression of their profound and perfectly understandable frustrations over the pace and nature of developments in Bosnia.”
1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source
“To look into the eyes of Rwanda's innocent civilians and see the terrible fear of death when there are so many things the United Nations should be in a position to do, if mandated, is difficult to accept. This is perhaps a basic purpose of the United Nations: the safety and protection of the innocent, particularly in a situation that would allow such actions in many non-military ways. And, contrary to what some have said, there does exist a will to do this. In the words of Roger Booh-Booh, "We came to assist Rwanda, but we cannot impose any solution on the Rwandan people, who have to help us to help them".”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3368 (1994) · source
“What we have is an overwhelming ethnic disparity in numbers tied to a history of disparity in power which can be resolved only through a coming together of all parties to arrive at a consensus. This is exactly what is provided for in the Arusha Agreement. Domination by any party would simply be a return to the situation which led to the breakdown in the first place. Hopefully, this realization has taken hold in neighbouring Burundi and is responsible for its relative calm in the face of nearly identical circumstances. If so, it may be an example of what can be achieved in Rwanda if prompt action is taken for a cease- fire and negotiations.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3368 (1994) · source
“On the other hand, great responsibility for this tragedy must be borne by the Government forces, which have been much less than successful in restraining their cadres and_ instilling discipline. Likewise, for its part, the Rwandese Patriotic Front has not helped matters by its implacable posture towards negotiations and its rigid set of preconditions. Thus, while each party gears itself for a final showdown, the badly needed cease-fire eludes us, and the hacking, spearing and shooting continue. Before all else, we must have an immediate cease-fire. What makes Rwanda a real tragedy is that there does not seem to be any way to avoid a return to the Arusha principles.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3368 (1994) · source
“It will perhaps not permit the United Nations to undertake those tasks which we feel they can and should undertake, and, through its reduced presence and visibility, may indirectly contribute to prolonging the violence. While this is certainly regrettable, it is preferable to a total withdrawal. UNAMIR should also attempt to play a role in the continued delivery of humanitarian aid, and both sides should be held responsible. There should be areas of the country where civilians can receive such aid without the conditions of chaos prevailing the capital, Kigali. Mention must also be made of the strong contribution of the Organization of African Unity (OAV) and of Heads of State in the region, particularly Tanzania.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3368 (1994) · source
“We see not so much the need to coerce the combatants into a cease-fire and force law and order as the need to maintain minimum safety for innocent civilians and to offer some protection, while pushing for a return to negotiations. The United Nations should certainly be able to provide, with the acceptance of both parties, safety and refuge for innocent civilians. By agreement, neither party would attack such areas under the threat of being charged with international human rights violations. Additionally, by agreement, United Nations headquarters should be considered secure or diplomatic areas which neither party could violate. Given these factors, therefore, my delegation feels the most workable option is probably option two, which we support, through the draft resolution before us.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3368 (1994) · source
“And the country remains a killing-field. It is a situation in which the United Nations is perhaps the only entity capable of preserving some order and saving lives, while bringing about a halt to the fighting so that negotiations leading to a return to the Arusha Agreement principles can be initiated. Of the three options offered to us by the Secretary- General for United Nations action, option three - complete United Nations withdrawal - given the likelihood of the bloodletting which would certainly follow, must be seen as both inhuman and unacceptable. It would undermine all the good the United Nations has done and stands in a position to do. My delegation, in fact, would argue for a position intermediate between the Secretary-General's options one and two.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3368 (1994) · source
“While we believed that no incident was capable of being such a trigger, the downing of President Habyarimana's plane and his death provided the necessary pretext to commence the disruption that led to the ensuing chaos. Therefore, while the Secretary-General could note in his report just three weeks ago that "Through their respect of the cease-fire, the parties have demonstrated that they remain committed to the peace process" (S/1994/360, para. 45), it must have been known that the President's death would overwhelm the political process - unlike the surprising situation in neighbouring Burundi, whose President died in the same crash. The results are familiar to us all. Reports tell of piles of bodies, mutilated in indescribable fashion, littering the streets, and of hospitals transformed into virtual prisons.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3368 (1994) · source
“As the Secretary-General noted in his report to us of 30 March 1994, the cease-fire was holding, although deteriorating, and UNAMIR continued to play a stabilizing role. In fact, UNAMIR's phase-one military tasks were completed ahead of schedule. In the humanitarian assistance area, as would be expected, many problems were encountered, but here again the situation was being contained and met. One of the chief areas of concern was that of difficulties caused by the number of returning refugees - a good sign in fact. Unfortunately, as later events have demonstrated, surface calm simply masked a tide of emotional power capable of exploding with a sufficient trigger.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3368 (1994) · source
“Certainly, it is to be regretted that it did not happen in a timely manner, having been delayed constantly by a lack of consensus among the participating political parties. Without the agreement of all parties, the consensus upon which progress in the transitional period and the establishment of transitional institutions were based could not be achieved. My delegation feels that the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) and its Force Commander, General Dallaire, and the Secretary-General's Special Representative, Mr. Jacques-Roger Booh Booh, have performed a very commendable task in holding this situation together in order to buy time for the many internal manifestations to work themselves out.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3368 (1994) · source