YouSaid · the spoken record

Olhaye

lines on the record
631
first
1993-01-29
most recent
2013-10-22
sittings or episodes
73
sources
un-security-council

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

  1. We agree that, in due course, there will be an urgent need to arrange an international conference on the situation regarding Lebanon, to assemble an appropriate peacekeeping force capable of maintaining peace in the area, and to rapidly put together a donors conference to secure funding for an urgent aid package for the rehabilitation, reconstruction and development of Lebanon. Sadly though, while the Security Council and key players maintain a resounding silence as the carnage continues, each passing hour makes progress towards the realization of such goals much harder.

    2006-07-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5493Resumption1 (2006) · source

  2. Again, as the Secretary-General notes, whatever damage Israel's operation may be doing to Hizbollah's military capabilities, they are doing little or nothing to decrease popular support for Hizbollah in Lebanon or the region. Israel's actions are seen there for what they are: collective punishment of the entire civilian population of Lebanon. As one analyst has pointed out, what we are viewing on our television screens day in and day out is sheer arrogance, a distortion of reality and a projection of military superiority - all to the detriment of reaching a comprehensive, genuine and peaceful settlement of the conflict.

    2006-07-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5493Resumption1 (2006) · source

  3. It has been equally dismaying to observe the "no action" mode pursued by the Security Council and key players in the international community, many of whom have assumed the classic pose of the three monkeys who see no evil, hear no evil and speak no evil. The world is virtually devoid of leadership, to say the least, in bringing about the urgently needed immediate cessation of hostilities. What now exists is a conundrum in which each side must present a face more resistant to compromise than the other. The consequences for the region can only be further escalation and destruction, moving further and further away from peace and security for all.

    2006-07-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5493Resumption1 (2006) · source

  4. Lebanon has suddenly become a large prison, a huge humanitarian crisis, with people crying in desperation, "Where is the international community? Where is the Security Council?" If the destruction of a whole sovereign nation matters less than the capture or death of one or two soldiers, is not this scary for our civilization? Where is the proportionality? Are we condoning this bizarre act of impunity, a sort of law of the jungle that has no parallel in recent memory? Will we not heed the embattled Lebanese Prime Minister, in his sheer helplessness, crying that his country has been torn to shreds and that no Government can survive on the ruins of a nation? No doubt what has been unfolding over the past 10 days has created a dangerous precedent in international governance and in inter-State relations.

    2006-07-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5493Resumption1 (2006) · source

  5. That war is in its tenth day and is continuing as I speak, causing untold loss and suffering on both sides. Any country's right to self-defence is enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. Inherent in this right, however, is the principle, as well as the responsibility, of justified response to aggression. Israel's unchallenged large-scale assault and systematic destruction, before our very eyes, of a sovereign nation that is a Member of this Organization cannot be justified under any pretext as self-defence. The siege of Lebanon is illegal, unwarranted and reckless. It is totally unacceptable, unjustified and immoral to bring a whole country to a halt by subjecting it to a merciless and relentless pounding and blockade on all sides.

    2006-07-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5493Resumption1 (2006) · source

  6. The Hizbollah abduction of Israeli soldiers was both reckless and senseless and must be condemned. In the highly tense climate of the Middle East, that act was tailor-made to provoke a response from Israel, which it did. Israel lost no time in describing Hizbollah's action as an act of war. And what followed was, indeed, a war. The response was so excessive, so destructive and so inhumane as to bring into question the real motives of Israel. Israel declared a unilateral war on Lebanon, citing the unprovoked action by Hizbollah as a justification for the relentless and massive destruction of infrastructure and the collective punishment of the Lebanese people. Was the overreaction worth the virtual obliteration of a nation and its physical infrastructure?

    2006-07-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5493Resumption1 (2006) · source

  7. We are faced with a tragedy in the Middle East that threatens the viability and liveability of that region as we know it. An extensive array of weapons is being deployed to such an extent as to threaten the lives of everyone. No one, it appears, is out of range or safe. As the Secretary-General has said, what is most urgently required is the immediate cessation of hostilities, without which relief for survivors - the wounded and the suffering - cannot be given, or even humanitarian assistance provided to those in need. Even the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon itself has no freedom of movement and is running out of basic necessities. Given those circumstances and dangers, it was reassuring to hear the Secretary-General proclaim that we are not going to desert the Lebanese people in their hour of need.

    2006-07-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5493Resumption1 (2006) · source

  8. I commend you personally, Mr. President, for having calmly but persistently nudged your colleagues in the Council to do something, and to do it immediately, to halt what is increasingly becoming a dangerous, senseless and destructive war. I would also like to strongly commend the Secretary-General for laying before the Council yesterday comprehensive, bold and far-reaching proposals to bring about an immediate end to the carnage. First and foremost, however, we must work to achieve an immediate and unequivocal ceasefire. The elements contained in the Secretary-General's proposals provide the basis for diplomatic and political efforts to bringing about a lasting solution to the hostilities in accordance with relevant Security Council resolutions.

    2006-07-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5493Resumption1 (2006) · source

  9. One represents danger, and the other represents opportunity". In essence, we are here today to make a fateful choice between these two conflicting alternatives.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption2 (2002) · source

  10. That was a wise and very encouraging move, which accepted the primacy of international collective security. In his landmark speech on the same day, the Secretary- General made a number of important observations on the necessity and sagacity of working together to uphold international law and to maintain international order. Only by multilateral action, he said, can we defeat terrorism and tyranny, give people a chance to escape the ugly misery of poverty, ignorance and disease, and ensure the benefits and opportunities of open markets for all. Therefore, we could not agree with him more when he says that this universal Organization has a special place. In conclusion, Sir, as the late United States President, John F. Kennedy, stated: "When written in Chinese, the word 'crisis' is composed of two characters.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption2 (2002) · source

  11. My country obviously aligns itself with the Arab perspective of cautioning against the war option at a time when the international community is mobilized to combat terrorism, following the tragedy of September 11 and against the backdrop of the destruction and bloodshed prevailing in the Palestinian territories. These are issues that are crying for urgent attention and lasting solutions. They deserve the concerted action of the international community. No amount of prevarication and neglect will therefore be a substitute for dealing with the core problem in the Middle East: the occupation of Arab lands by Israel. President Bush's speech to the General Assembly on 12 September galvanized the international community because, as expected, it opened up the diplomatic option in the current crisis.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption2 (2002) · source

  12. The current state of negotiations between the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) and Iraq offers a glimpse of hope which needs to be seized. Let us not squander this opportunity to achieve the core objectives contained in Security Council resolutions 686 (1991), 687 (1991) and 1284 (1999), while ensuring full respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of Iraq. Iraq also needs to ensure compliance in good faith and cooperation with the International Committee of the Red Cross for finding a lasting resolution of the Kuwaiti claims, particularly with respect to Kuwaitis missing since 1991.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption2 (2002) · source

  13. As the primary custodian for the maintenance of international peace and security, the Security Council understands only too well that the challenge before it today is one affecting us all. Accordingly, the international community places its faith in the hands, heads and hearts of the members of the Council. The situation between Iraq and Kuwait is an old story which never seems to go away, while the people of Iraq continue to experience abject poverty and deplorable living conditions. It is unfortunate and unacceptable for the fate of a whole nation to be ensnared by an international political football that continues to have dire humanitarian consequences. While there has obviously been an interruption of inspections since 1998, we continue to believe that until that time, significant progress had been achieved in disarming Iraq.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption2 (2002) · source

  14. It is therefore up to Iraq to live up to the promise it has reiterated many times in the last few weeks that they assert their complete readiness to receive the inspectors and agree to resolve all issues that may block the road to joint cooperation. The Council is, indeed, confronted with an unprecedented situation requiring its immediate consideration. The Council must be satisfied with the accuracy and impartiality of information it receives, and which is expected to form the basis of crucial decisions. More than ever before, the integrity and credibility of the Council is at stake, for the international community believes that any decision or action the Council finally embraces will be taken with great care and conviction. The Council's choice must be made with moderation, judiciousness and utmost fairness.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption2 (2002) · source

  15. We believe that through patient and thoughtful negotiations, however tough, there will emerge a unified, internationally acceptable policy toward Iraq. We also believe that no one wants a war and that everyone recognizes that if a military action were authorized by the Council, it would be only as a justifiable last resort. We always need to be reminded that if the justification for the use of force is the existence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, then the logical solution lies in the return of inspectors to Iraq to carry out comprehensive and unrestricted inspections. If this process is given a chance, Mr. Hans Blix and his colleagues would soon embark upon their duties and the Council could expect a report in due course on the level of cooperation and on the degree of compliance or non-compliance by Iraq.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption2 (2002) · source

  16. As many who have spoken before me have already indicated, this debate has one major objective: to enable the more than 175 nations at the United Nations that are not members of the Security Council to be heard and to have their views carefully heeded. The heavy burden of responsibility placed on the Council cannot be underestimated. This is so because it seems - we are all in agreement - that the Security Council has the mandate and sole responsibility to decide upon Iraq's disarmament regime, the return of inspectors, the conduct of inspections and ensuring Iraq's full compliance with all relevant resolutions. Further, in the event of any non-compliance, refusal or obstruction by Iraq, the Security Council alone has the mandate to chart the next course of action.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption2 (2002) · source

  17. At the outset, I would like to state how pleased I am to see you, Mr. President, presiding over the affairs of the Council for this month. My delegation associates itself with the statement delivered yesterday by Ambassador Dumisani Shadrack Kumalo of South Africa on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement. I also wish to express my delegation's appreciation of the Council's positive response in holding this emergency meeting on the situation between Iraq and Kuwait. Given the conflicting objectives being pursued both within and outside the United Nations, the uncertainties clouding the current international political climate are daunting. We are at a crossroads of history.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption2 (2002) · source

  18. This brings us to another question in the context of addressing broader issues. Can the Council be even- handed in addressing all conflicts in the world, but particularly African conflicts? Finally, we hope that we may be near the point where talk, analysis and proposals are concluded, and that we move on to vigorous, comprehensive and meaningful measures, instituted in coordination with the OAU, African subregions, the donor community and the Economic and Social Council in order to combine the experiences, capabilities and resources of all concerned for the benefit of the lives of people crying for help.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  19. Where the strategic, political and economic importance of a conflict is deemed significant to some parties, usually a movement towards early action is discernible. Certain conflicts, however, are left to take their own course. With that inaction, incalculable loss of lives and destruction are experienced, and it takes years and generations to overcome the attendant stagnation and decay of economic activities. I am raising these broader but core issues because there is a certain sense of deja-vu with regard to the propensity to meet, discuss and analyse Africa's condition. Both the Council and the General Assembly have thoroughly examined the 1998 definitive report of the Secretary-General. The implementation of the recommendations, however, has been indecisive and slow, particularly in light of African expectations.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  20. While all this merits discussion, as should be the case - and I do concur with the inputs outlined by colleagues who preceded me this morning - I would also like to draw the attention of the Council to the broader and larger question that needs a frank and honest response: why does the situation persist despite all the initiatives and efforts to tackle the pernicious issues of conflict situations in Africa? Among the broader issues that require focus and commitment, in our view, is the inability to adopt effective, timely and necessary measures to deal with conflict situations in Africa. Where there is intervention after a lapse of time, mandates and resources available for the operations are not consonant with the requirements of the situation.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  21. What remains to be done has always been to put these recommendations into practice and to gather the resources necessary to guarantee their success, of course always trying to put in place the structures and mechanisms to promote their implementation. In this respect, we welcome the programme of work proposed by the ad hoc Working Group. Some of the issues identified are technical in nature; some call for strengthening and enhancing coordination as well as consultation with the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and subregional organizations; and some require further inputs in clarifying the roles and relationships of certain actors.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  22. We have the 31 January statement laying out in concrete terms the framework for Council actions, which resulted in the establishment of the ad hoc Working Group, which has already elaborated its programme of work, which is the basis for this meeting today. The analysis of the root causes of the conflicts in Africa has occupied this Council for too long, but it took a dramatic turn with the 1998 report of the Secretary-General on the causes of conflict and the promotion of durable peace and sustainable development in Africa (S/1998/318). For the first time, the links between the conflicts in Africa and, inter alia, poverty and development were clearly spelled out. In other words, the problems have been identified and solutions have been proposed.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  23. Fall has been a pillar of moderation and a source of wise counsel. This morning he made an eloquent statement that was clear testimony to his insightful appreciation of African issues. Perhaps the heart of the matter and why we are here again today in a public meeting on the situation in Africa is contained in the second paragraph of Ambassador Koonjul's letter of 10 January 2002 addressed to the Council President, who happened to be himself at that time (S/2002/46). Here Ambassador Koonjul observed that the Council had been dealing with almost all the conflict situations in Africa, but, unfortunately, we are not getting the desired overall results. It is proposed therefore that the issues be revisited, attention be refocused on Africa, a proactive approach for the continent be devised and a workable set of recommendations be worked out.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  24. Let me first express my greetings to you, Mr. President. I am very delighted to see you chairing this meeting today, thus underscoring the importance that Singapore attaches to Africa in general and to the prevention and resolution of conflict in Africa in particular. Our congratulations go also to Ambassador Mahbubani and to his efficient and capable staff, with whom we enjoy the best of relations. May I also pay a well-deserved tribute to Ambassador Koonjul of Mauritius for steering the ad hoc Working Group into action. I truly commend him for his earnest attempts to cooperate, liaise and contribute with respect to all issues of interest to us, specifically African issues. I would also like to echo fully and endorse the sincere sentiments expressed by Ambassador Kebe' towards Mr. Fall. Mr.

    2002-05-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4538 (2002) · source

  25. As the Secretary-General argued forcefully before the Council on Monday, security and peace must be addressed in parallel in the spirit of Security Council resolutions 1397 (2002) and 1402 (2002). The legitimate security concerns of Israel cannot be addressed independently or in isolation, without taking into full consideration the legitimate political aspirations of the Palestinian people. In this context, the readiness of the Arab world to live in peace with Israel deserves the undivided attention of Israel. This is, we believe, the only way out of the hatred, mistrust and pervasive vulnerability to acts of extremism on both sides. We hope that the Council will live up to expectations with respect to the maintenance of peace and security throughout the whole world, particularly given the current circumstances in the Middle East.

    2002-04-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4506Resumption1 (2002) · source

  26. The vengeful assault on the symbol of Palestinian nationhood will have serious consequences. It is also a slap in the face of Arab leaders who, for the first time in history, have offered Israel normal relations with all Arab States in exchange for ending the occupation of Palestinian lands and for withdrawal from all territories occupied in the 1967 war. One of the perplexing questions that is still begging for an answer is this: who has the power and influence to restrain Sharon's military machine? Given the current escalation of the bloodshed, the prevarication and impotence of the international community is numbing, to say the least. Those who are supposed to make a difference in this insane situation are trapped between inaction, incoherence and distant hope.

    2002-04-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4506Resumption1 (2002) · source

  27. Sharon's misguided display of military might may cripple and paralyse the infrastructure and the functioning of the Palestinian Authority, and may also worsen the plight of the people. But brute force will not kill their spirit. Mr. Sharon's relentless pursuit of a military strategy that basically seeks to undermine the Palestinian Authority, while at the same time demanding that it crack down on the militant groups, is short-sighted. Such a policy is bound to engender hopelessness and breed more violence. Both the Palestinian and Israeli peoples have the right to live in peace and security, with a sure future. The current one-sided war dims that prospect and helps only to further escalate the suffering on both sides. We are witnessing unbridled brutal aggression. Mr. Arafat continues to languish in prison in his besieged headquarters.

    2002-04-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4506Resumption1 (2002) · source

  28. I applaud the Secretary-General for his courage and for his forthright and candid statement on the continuing chaos and bloodshed. Indeed, resolution 1402 (2002) is the best available instrument for halting the undisguised menace to peace and security in the region. As we have stated all too often, my country condemns all attacks against civilian populations, whether Israeli or Palestinian. But the kind of terror inflicted upon the Palestinian leadership, people, security infrastructure and institutions in the past few days defied all imagination. Israel has embarked on an unprecedented military folly that will haunt it forever. The massive Israeli military operations point to a widening reoccupation of all territories under Palestinian control. Mr.

    2002-04-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4506Resumption1 (2002) · source

  29. I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for having convened this meeting at short notice, given the calamity in the Palestinian territories and the conflagration raging there. Since the adoption of resolution 1402 (2002) last Saturday, the situation, instead of improving, has got out of hand to an alarming and dangerous degree. The international outrage and the incessant calls for restraint, ceasefire and immediate withdrawal, have fallen on deaf ears. Israel has expanded its war and continued its relentless military offensive directed solely at the infrastructure and institutions of the Palestinian Authority. In the words of the Secretary-General, when addressing the Council on Monday, "It would take a reckless optimist to say that the worst is over".

    2002-04-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4506Resumption1 (2002) · source

  30. It is inconceivable that the international community will just stand by idly as this theatre ofthe absurd continues to unfold before our very eyes.

    2002-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4503 (2002) · source

  31. We call on Israel to respect international norms, to desist from harming Mr. Arafat, to desist from any further aggression and to withdraw immediately from the Authority's headquarters. This Council is called upon to move swiftly in order to bring about a ceasefire between these two peoples, in conformity with the solemn duty entrusted to it by the Charter of maintaining international peace and security. To do nothing in the current insane situation is to abdicate its primary responsibility under the Charter. Israel has decided to replace the offer of peace, recognition, security and normal relations with arrogance, rejection, force and futility. We call on Israel to heed the merits of the Mitchell report and the Tenet plan, the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General and the sense of this Council.

    2002-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4503 (2002) · source

  32. One wonders about the meaning of the words emanating from Israel to the effect that it has decided on the absolute isolation of Yasser Arafat and intends not to physically harm him. What we see, read and hear is the complete opposite of these words: the battle raging this very moment in Mr. Arafat's own compound, the Palestinian symbol of nationhood, as well as the demolition and occupation of buildings in it, with an unknown number of casualties and prisoners taken, and the confinement of Mr. Arafat to almost a corner of the complex. This is indeed alarming. It is unjustified, illegal and in complete violation of all civilized norms and behaviour. After all, the Authority's facilities and infrastructure, particularly its seat of power, are supposed to be inviolable and out of bounds to any infringement or incursion.

    2002-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4503 (2002) · source

  33. Where are the carrots? Thirty-seven years have elapsed since the occupation began, and the Palestinians are asked to continue being patient and not to lift a finger. Otherwise, they will be dealt with vigorously and mercilessly. That is the unfortunate dilemma that the Palestinians find themselves in today. Mr. Sharon's Government has embarked upon what it calls "widespread actions" against Palestinians throughout their territory. This is a declaration of war unleashed against the people under occupation who lost all hope a long time ago in the absence of any credible strategy or sense of direction for peace. By negating the Oslo Peace Accords, which provided the only meaningful hope for necessary compromises towards peace in the Middle East, Mr. Sharon seems determined to bury the Palestinian aspirations for good and on his own terms.

    2002-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4503 (2002) · source

  34. No one condones violence, and we have consistently condemned attacks against civilian populations, be they Israeli or Palestinian. What is unacceptable, however, is to place squarely on the shoulders of Mr. Arafat the blame for all the actions of Palestinians, who are revolting against unbridled aggression, gross injustice and relentless brutality accumulated over the last three and a half decades of occupation. The Palestinians are at a military disadvantage, and whatever they have achieved in the last decade by way of security infrastructure has been deliberately targeted and destroyed by Israeli air power and tanks. Yet this humiliated, embattled and disenfranchised leader, under complete siege, is required to deliver peace and to control his angry and frustrated people in order to abide by the dictates of Israel, the occupying Power.

    2002-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4503 (2002) · source

  35. Mr. President, I thank you for calling this emergency Council meeting. I also welcome the timely and pertinent statement made by the Secretary-General. We find it forthright and visionary. We applaud his courage and his relentless efforts to achieve peace and stability in that troubled region. Before the historic Arab League conference concluded its business, Israeli tanks were already at the gate of President Arafat's compound. Ironically, at the same time, Mr. Arafat was declaring an immediate and unconditional ceasefire. He was under intense pressure to make that declaration, and he did it. But what did he get in return? We all know by now what has transpired since then, and there is not the scantiest cause for optimism as things stand now.

    2002-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4503 (2002) · source

  36. It hardly needs any interference or divisiveness; rather, it seeks cooperation, help, understanding and nation-building. For the international community, it is perhaps appropriate to quote Nicholas Kristof, who, writing in his column in The New York Times on 5 February 2002, opined: "It is not even necessary to wrestle with the humanitarian argument for helping tottering countries. A number of countries, including Somalia, demonstrate the realpolitik merit of solving messes as they happen: If we leave countries to rot, eventually the rot spreads and comes back to infect us."

    2002-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4487Resumption1 (2002) · source

  37. The strength of a society is never put to a greater test than when it is confronted with the task of recreating itself." Finally, Djibouti believes that the time has come for the Horn of Africa region to accept responsibility for the lack of resolution in the Somali conflict. This conflict has been with us for too long. It is unsustainable; it is untenable. There remains an opportunity to harmonize our actions, minimize our differences and show care and compassion for the dire situation of the people. If we fail in this, history will not judge countries of the region too kindly nor will the Somali people forgive us for not rallying around the only entity, the Transitional National Government, that symbolizes their determination, sacrifices and compromises. Somalia needs extensive repair work in human, material and moral terms.

    2002-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4487Resumption1 (2002) · source

  38. Throughout this tragedy, admiration must be expressed for the valiant humanitarian efforts and genuine concern exhibited by the United Nations agencies and volunteer non-governmental organizations. Without these efforts, it would be difficult to comprehend the condition of the people of Somalia. We certainly join with the Secretary-General in recognizing the exemplary work they have performed, often at great personal risk and sacrifice. They are doing all they can in the wake of failing interest and support. One individual who stands out in objectively and courageously highlighting the humanitarian situation in Somalia is Mr. Randolph Kent, the United Nations Development Programme Resident Representative in Somalia based in Nairobi. He has been the real advocate for Somalia. He recently said: "Somalia is a country in transition.

    2002-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4487Resumption1 (2002) · source

  39. Without their military support and cohesive policies, the deployment of troops from the United Nations and the United Kingdom could not have been possible. These are good examples of what other regions in Africa have done by coalescing around particular conflict situations to forge a common, united position and approach to corrective action. We are also well aware of the series of ministerial delegations that have visited the United Nations over the years to take part in debates and to lobby for international support in such conflict situations as those in Angola, Liberia, Sierra Leone or the Central African Republic, to name just a few. The day we see a similar demonstration of commitment from the countries of IGAD, peace will dawn in Somalia. Let us hope this will happen, and that it will happen sooner rather than later.

    2002-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4487Resumption1 (2002) · source

  40. It goes to the heart of the matter, negating the will of the Somali people and thus posing a defiant challenge to peace and security in the region. That is why Djibouti is not keen to qualify the conclusions of the Secretary-General in the absence of coherent policy approaches on the part of the countries in the region. Let us not forget that the decade-long wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone were among the most brutal of modern times. Thanks, however, to the determination, sacrifices and perseverance of the countries members of the Economic Community of West African States, peace was restored. Sierra Leone has turned an important corner, a far cry from the chaos and hopelessness of only a year ago. The contribution of the neighbouring countries has been immense.

    2002-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4487Resumption1 (2002) · source

  41. Needless to say, the Somali people and its leaders bear full responsibility for reconciling and negotiating an end to the conflict. Equally important, however, no amount of goodwill, support or assistance on the part of the international community can bring about peace in Somalia unless the countries of the region bury their differences and demonstrate the ability to rise above their national interests and to put the interest of the people of Somalia first and foremost. Such squabbles over Somalia's destiny are taking place with little, if any, criticism from the international community. What is prevailing in the region goes far beyond mere honest differences. It is deeper, divisive and simply unwarranted.

    2002-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4487Resumption1 (2002) · source

  42. It is the inaction, rivalry, jealousies, mixed signals and inconsistency of our own region that are seriously hampering the full realization of the gains achieved by the people of Somalia at Arta. If only we, the countries of the region, had put our acts together in a rational, responsible and reassuring way; if only we had galvanized support and mobilized resources for this worthy cause; if only we had shunned apathy towards the Transitional National Government and rather checked the re-emergence of warlordism, factionalism and secessionist tendencies; if only we had refrained from rhetoric, sabre-rattling and deliberate and provocative threats; if only we had refrained from accentuating the weaknesses of the Transitional National Government; if only we had heeded the passionate cry of the Somali people, we would perhaps be here today addressing Somalia in a totally different context.

    2002-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4487Resumption1 (2002) · source

  43. The Transitional National Government is a fledgling, nascent administration that inherited nothing but chaos, destruction and empty coffers. As such, countries in its own region owed it every bit of compassion and material and moral support with no strings attached. To a great extent, everything depended on the unambiguous, clear and shared vision of the region. In the absence of a coherent and supportive policy from our own region, however, it was highly unlikely that the donor community, the United Nations and international organizations would become involved in our backyard for reasons other than humanitarian ones. That is precisely what happened before and what has been happening since the establishment of the Transitional National Government.

    2002-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4487Resumption1 (2002) · source

  44. We cannot truly speak of reconciliation in Somalia, however, as long as IGAD member countries are pursuing varying, indeed, opposing goals both with regard to what it takes to achieve peace and reconciliation in Somalia and what the final outcome would look like. Under these circumstances, one wonders whether we are looking for the same kind of Somalia. The clearest testimony yet to the region's contradictory and self-defeating policies regarding Somalia has been the relentless equivocation and systematic negation of the outcome of the Arta process, so that it, too, suffers the same misfortune as the preceding reconciliation efforts. This is a cause of much concern to all those who care about the plight and future destiny of the Somali people.

    2002-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4487Resumption1 (2002) · source

  45. In a nutshell, that was the conference, what it was all about and the challenges it faced. Both in January and February this year, IGAD member countries met to consider extensively the conflict in Somalia. It is hoped that the follow-up conference that will bring together the Government and other parties ranged against it will take place next month in Nairobi. One of the major achievements of these latest IGAD meetings was the recognition that countries in the Horn of Africa, particularly the frontline States, must coordinate their efforts toward national reconciliation in Somalia.

    2002-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4487Resumption1 (2002) · source

  46. With the notable exception of some who were apparently threatened by the democratic nature of the process, which was led and driven by the civil society, the overwhelming majority of Somalis attended the conference, which produced the first national framework in a decade. Djibouti persevered in the face of massive campaigns designed to undermine, destabilize, distort and denigrate the conference. In its statement of 29 June 2000 (S/PRST/2000/22), the Council warned these elements "to desist from obstructing and undermining efforts to achieve peace". The Council expressed its readiness to take appropriate steps against those engaged in such activities and urged all States to stop providing these individuals with the means to carry on their destructive activities.

    2002-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4487Resumption1 (2002) · source

  47. Against the background of unending despair and political paralysis in Somalia, Djibouti sponsored a reconfigured conference favouring the civilian population, which for years suffered violent bloodshed, destruction, neglect and marginalization at the hands of armed groups. The process was designed to be comprehensive, inclusive, transparent, and representative, and therefore not to exclude any individual, group or region nor favour or accord special status to any individual, group or region. All issues, problems or accommodations were left open for discussion in the conference. No prior conditions were accepted from any of the participants.

    2002-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4487Resumption1 (2002) · source

  48. If not brought to an end sooner rather than later, continued instability in Somalia will exacerbate conditions that make the Horn of Africa one of the most impoverished regions in the world. No one doubts, therefore, that Somalia's difficulties have regional dimensions, represent a menace to regional peace and complicate efforts to find a lasting peace in this part of Africa. My country endured unquantifiable sacrifice in initiating the Somalia National Peace Conference in the first half of 2000, following the historic statement of my President in the General Assembly in 1999.

    2002-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4487Resumption1 (2002) · source

  49. From a regional perspective, therefore, the question is whether this divergence is compounding Somalia's woes, further complicating the reconciliation efforts, despite the Somali people's keen desire for peace. Will the countries in the region come to terms with the reality that the Somali people have had sufficient squabbles and divisions of their own for too long that they hardly need to be mired by different regional interests? The longer and the deeper that instability and insecurity are allowed to fester and persist in Somalia, the greater the risk of engendering warfare in the region. The international community has turned a blind eye to brutality and bloodshed in that country for too long; it is now grappling with the lessons of its past mistakes.

    2002-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4487Resumption1 (2002) · source

  50. In the same vein, the European Union, in its statement of last August, exhorted the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and its member States to enhance their efforts towards encouraging the process of reconciliation in Somalia, on the basis of the achievements of the Arta conference so as to assist the Somalis to achieve peace and national reconciliation. The report also underscores the view that there is a need to bring into line others that opted to stay outside the process. But of great significance is what the report describes as a divergence of views among IGAD member States regarding national reconciliation in Somalia.

    2002-03-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4487Resumption1 (2002) · source