Diane Dodds
West Belfast · Democratic Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“Minister, that is a brilliant segue into the question that I will ask. Just over 5% of women who are now seen within the 14-day target for a suspected breast cancer in Northern Ireland. That has happened since the list was regionalised. I get the fact that cancer cases are rising, but —”
“Minister, for Members and those who are listening to the debate, it is important that you tell us what "actively being considered" means on a day-to-day basis.”
“Thank you, Minister. The Muckamore inquiry report demonstrates a shameful period for our health service, and no one involved can, in any shape or form, come out of this with any kind of credibility.”
“Let me be clear: experimental treatment on children that can have lifelong implications is unconscionable. Children of 11 or 12 are in no position to give clear consent to the use of such drugs, especially when those administering the treatments had them banned because of the lack of evidence on their long-term impacts.”
“Once again, I will speak in the House about puberty blockers and the nationwide trial run by King's College. I now understand that the Government will issue new guidance that will allow such a trial to go ahead.”
“It is now anticipated that more than eight out of 10 couples in which the woman is under 40 will conceive naturally, but that leaves two out of 10 who will need additional interventions. Over a lifespan, that is a fairly substantial number of people.”
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“She was confined to what are lovingly called "window visits". <BR /> <BR />There are a lot of areas in which we need to address the problems that create the pressure points in the hospital. For the purpose of workforce planning, if we simply cannot get staff — staff are tired, weary and, at times, burnt out from what has happened to them — we should consider using our armed forces —”
“<BR /> <BR />Other Members have pointed to other areas in which we see a huge gap in services. That gap relates to the number of beds that are taken up by those who cannot get appropriate care packages to enable them to go home. In my constituency office, I have dealt with a number of those individuals in past weeks. The situation is critical. The chief executive of the trust, whom I will be meeting later today, has said that families should work to get their relatives into care or residential areas, as that would help relieve the pressure on beds. I have been in contact with the trust on a number of occasions in past weeks about the types of visiting arrangements that care homes allow. In June, one constituent's mum went into a care facility run by the Southern Trust. She was not allowed to go into the facility to see her mum.”
“Like colleagues across the Chamber, I voice my concern about what has happened, and continues to happen, at Craigavon Area Hospital, and, indeed, in the wider Southern Health and Social Care Trust. At the outset — I know that colleagues will agree — I thank the staff who turned up last night, having been called in at very short notice, and those who will continue to do so night after night. <BR /> <BR />There is no doubt that the situation in the Southern Trust is at breaking point. Many Members here today have identified some of the crucial issues. One such issue, which is a long-term issue that keeps coming up, is lack of investment in the Craigavon Area Hospital estate. It is hugely important that we see a long-term plan for the hospital estate.”
“I would like to see a more cross-cutting element in the Bill, because it will touch on many areas across the Executive. It will touch on Health, Education, Economy and Communities. It is about equality for women and girls and equality of opportunity. <BR /> <BR />In principle, I support the Bill. I have outlined reasonably, I hope, some of the things in the Bill that we need to address and some of the issues on which we need a greater depth of information before it can progress. I look forward to engaging with you at Committee Stage.”
“Certainly, we need to address that and have much more substantial information on the cost and, in particular, on that clause where — I apologise: I cannot find it at the moment — the Bill sponsor talks about people who are visiting Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />Clause 3 is important. Preserving someone's dignity when they access period products is hugely important, and there should be a reasonable way of doing that. That is an extremely important element of the Bill. The Bill puts an onus on the Minister of Health, making it a responsibility to ensure that product is available. As many others across the Chamber have said, access to period products is about eradicating poverty and providing opportunity, and it is about education and employment.”
“No. I want to continue. <BR /> <BR />The Bill sponsor, when he was going through the Bill, made much of the reference in clause 1 to products being available to people while they are in or visiting Northern Ireland. That brings me to an important issue with any legislation that we should and need to explore much further, and that is the cost involved. The explanatory and financial memorandum indicates that the Bill sponsor believes that the cost for schools would be around £2m per annum and less than £1m per annum as it becomes embedded and that the universal scheme should not cost more than around £3m per annum. I am not sure where those figures came from and how they were estimated.”
“<BR /> <BR />While I support the principle of the Bill at Second Stage, there are issues with it that we need to talk about. One of those is the language of the Bill. We have to be open and honest and address the issue in the context of women and girls. I would like to see the language of the Bill reflecting that by its Final Stage. <BR /> <BR />The Bill sponsor, when he was going through —.”
“The scheme was launched in September, and I understand from Department for the Economy officials that there is a strong uptake of the scheme, perhaps reflecting the need for such a scheme. We cannot and should not countenance a situation where young people attending those institutions might miss out on attendance at class, work placements or, indeed, examinations owing to the inability to access products. The Education Minister has just announced £2·6 million of funding to cover period products in schools and youth facilities. Those are all positive and welcome steps in addressing the issue, but we always want to see more being done to ensure that women and girls have their rightful place in education and the workplace.”
“For many women, success in careers and life chances has been hard-won, and missing out on those life chances because of period poverty is a dreadful thought. <BR /> <BR />The Bill comes on the back of steps that have been taken during this Assembly term to address the issue. I am glad that we are not only taking steps to address the issue but talking about it and addressing it in an open session of the Assembly. It is important. During my time as Economy Minister, I launched a pilot scheme to address period poverty in higher education institutions, and that scheme provides period products for students attending Ulster University, Queen's, Stranmillis and St Mary's.”
“I support the Second Reading of the Bill in principle, although, as the Bill sponsor acknowledged, there are issues in the Bill that need to be addressed. I look forward to engaging with the Bill sponsor at Committee Stage. <BR /> <BR />At the outset, let me say that I support any step that the House takes to provide period products to women and girls who need them. A survey by Plan International UK found that, in the UK, one in 10 young women between the ages of 14 and 21 cannot afford to buy sanitary products and that one in seven struggle to afford them. That is a very concerning situation. It impacts on a person's dignity but also on their ability to get ahead in their education and career.”
“I look forward to its Committee Stage, but I acknowledge the work that has been done to ensure that the facility is already available to children and young peopl in the education system,”
“I support the Bill, but we should acknowledge that the Minister has moved to ensure that CPR training at Key Stage 3 is part of the curriculum from September 2022 and that additional funding has been secured to make sure that that is possible. Further work is being done not only with the Education and Training Inspectorate (ETI) but with the Council for the Curriculum, Examinations and Assessment (CCEA) and the Education Authority (EA) to make sure that there is proper inspection of the curriculum and that they take forward the development and dissemination of the appropriate support materials for young people. <BR /> <BR />I remain supportive of the intent of the Bill.”
“That gives weight to the idea of embedding CPR training in the curriculum, and that is important.”
“I commend not just schools and teachers and what we are trying to do with the Bill, but those community groups that reach out on this very important issue. <BR /> <BR />Again, many have quoted the statistic from a recent survey by the British Heart Foundation. Of those who responded, 97% felt it was important that pupils left post-primary school with CPR skills, and 90% agreed that CPR training should be made compulsory.”
“Like many others across the House, I support the Bill at Second Stage. Many have quoted today that every minute without CPR and defibrillation reduces a person's chance of survival by up to 10%. If we can give confidence and help to young people in dealing with emergency situations, that is an excellent thing. <BR /> <BR />I also want to acknowledge the work of very many groups across our community and, indeed, my constituency that offer CPR training on a regular basis. Over the past few weeks, I have been involved with a mental health charity in my community that has just received additional funding to give CPR training throughout the Armagh City, Banbridge and Craigavon Borough Council area.”
“I thank the Minister for his answer. If I recall correctly, one of the issues that we wanted to tackle in the independent review of the agri-food sector was competitiveness and productivity. Recently, I read that the Finance Minister is interested in low productivity in Northern Ireland. He seems to think that the way to increase productivity is within the EU, despite the fact that we have just spent 40-odd years in the EU and it has not been a particular help. Will the Minister bid to the Finance Minister, along with the Economy Minister, for funding to invest in those world-class businesses in Northern Ireland's agri-food sector to help them increase productivity and competitiveness?”
“That kind of "mea culpa" from the First Minister — "it is not for me to decide or discuss" — just will not do. Her Majesty is an exceptionally important figure across Northern Ireland. We want to see her remarkable record of service celebrated and acknowledged. I accept that it is probably early days, but will the deputy First Minister commit to discussing in the Executive Office and, indeed, the wider Executive the establishment of a fund so that local communities can celebrate the platinum jubilee in a way that is fitting?”
“I thank the Member for taking a question. I have engaged with many young people over many years about ERASMUS. Does the Member accept that ERASMUS only ever reached 9% of European young people and thus was quite an elite programme that was available to very few?”
“I will finish by saying that the amendment to the motion is merely a distraction. The economic recovery plan is a fully costed set of interventions, and the Finance Minister is aware that this is COVID money for one year for Northern Ireland.”
“It will mean driving increased participation in STEM subjects that are key to our future economic prosperity. It will mean ensuring that appropriate pathways are in place and that young people have access to the right advice. We need to break the cycle of the continuous funding deficit in skills and education, and that will need additional funding that is ring-fenced and available over the next three-year Budget.”
“It was extremely concerning that 69% of the young people interviewed knew little or nothing of the growth areas or the areas of decline in the labour market. There is clearly a need for parents and young people to have a greater understanding of career options, including the need to raise the profile of vocational options. <BR /> <BR />A significant number of initiatives are already in place. The flexible skills fund, which was launched in September, is an investment of £23 million to address the skills imbalances in growth industries in our economy. Essential Skills aims to develop literacy, numeracy and ICT skills. Assured Skills and apprenticeship programmes all aim to deliver a highly skilled workforce for the future of the economy, but we need more. We need to see an investment in skills that will boost research and innovation.”
“Growing the skills base in Northern Ireland must also mean giving suitable guidance and advice to young people about the variety of career paths that they may follow. One of the barriers to achievement is the often regimented way in which young people are advised about opportunity. There are many ways to a successful career, and innovative careers advice has never been as vital. <BR /> <BR />In a recent submission to the Education Committee, the think tank Pivotal reported that, among the 300 young people that it interviewed for its report, only 20% found careers advice helpful and that 25% found it not helpful at all. Seventy-nine per cent of those young people thought that careers advice could be improved.”
“Investing in skills in a tailored way will bring huge benefits to many of the most disadvantaged communities in Northern Ireland. We already see life-transforming work being done by organisations such as Impact Training on the Shankill, where young people are given the opportunity to gain skills that will help them to access jobs and to have stability in their lives. Community-based training organisations perform vital work, and community education reaches those who will never access formal education providers. <BR /> <BR />Inclusivity is not just about removing social disadvantage but about making sure that STEM subjects are attractive and available to all. The women in STEM action plan aims to make sure that, by 2030, 30% of all young people moving into STEM roles are women.”
“That will include greater flexibility and breadth in the curriculum at Key Stage 3, a partnership with business that will enrich and broaden experiences at school, and greater partnership and cooperation between formal education and further education. The constraints of the current system often pit those two elements of our skills system against one another, particularly in allocation of the available funding. <BR /> <BR />Growing the skills of the future must also be inclusive. Research by the Social Mobility Commission in the UK found:”
“The CBI survey reinforces that projection, with 83% of businesses expecting highly skilled roles to grow over the next five years, but 76% expecting that it will be difficult to fill those roles. The rebalancing must start with our primary-school curriculum and having a greater emphasis on teaching science as a separate subject. Since digital technology increasingly underpins our society, we also need to see the development of the digital spine of Northern Ireland and the incorporation of ICT as an integral part of the curriculum throughout our children and young people's education. <BR /> <BR />Building for the jobs for the future must have firm foundation blocks in the curriculum and in the way that young people view education.”
“but that the projected skills imbalances within the economy will present significant challenges for the labour market for some years to come. <BR /> <BR />There are significant challenges, but there are real opportunities as well. When I talk to many sectors across the economy about the need to invest in future skills, almost all of them say that they want to see a refocus in the curriculum right through the education system, so that the needs of the future economy, science and technology can be delivered. <BR /> <BR />The motion notes the need to "rebalance ... towards STEM subjects". Indeed, the Northern Ireland skills barometer projects that, from 2018 to 2028, professional, scientific and technical jobs will see the greatest growth.”
“The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development's report on Northern Ireland's skills landscape noted:”
“<BR /> <BR />Building an economy for the future will require a range of commitments from a range of Departments. The challenge is significant. Northern Ireland has some of the lowest levels of high-paid jobs, innovation and productivity of any region of the United Kingdom. Northern Ireland has the highest economic inactivity rate of all the regions of the United Kingdom. Seventy per cent of all young people aged between 18 and 21 are in roles that are below the real living wage, and 89% of employers report difficulties with finding suitably skilled applicants. In addition, investment in education and skills, as a proportion of all public expenditure, fell from 14·8% in 2010-11 to 12·7% in 2018-19. Only 30% of businesses in Northern Ireland have a dedicated training budget, compared with 37% in the rest of the United Kingdom.”
“We now need to embrace the opportunity to build a truly world-class economy, focus on our strengths and build for the future. <BR /> <BR />The Department for the Economy's 'A 10X Economy' strategy document focuses on building an innovation-based economy in areas in which we have real strength: the digital economy, cybersecurity, fintech, advanced manufacturing, agri-tech, the green economy, the creative industries and health and life sciences. Investing in the skills of our people and tailoring our education and skills programmes to meet the emerging needs of the economy will be key to the success of all of this. That is vital and will help us to grow an inclusive economy that lifts individual aspiration and supports jobs and families across Northern Ireland.”
“I am delighted to propose the motion. I know that this is an issue in which many in the House take great interest. Building the skills base is a sound investment for our economy and our people. It is the key to economic growth. It is also the key to highly paid jobs that will support families and see Northern Ireland prosper as a region. <BR /> <BR />We all know that the COVID-19 pandemic has pushed our society to its absolute limits. We have each felt the strain, whether through ill health, the distance from loved ones or struggles with mental health. Recovery will be multi-layered. Our economy has suffered a massive impact, but, thankfully, due to the support of our national Government and local schemes, we are seeing economic recovery.”
“I thank the Minister. I know that she has the issue on her radar. I stress the absolute importance of dealing with the matter. Perhaps, at an early opportunity, she will give an exact start date for the works in the Banbridge area. Has the Minister made a bid to extend the safety scheme in the three-year spending review? It is a hugely important issue.”
“I have a question on another COVID-related issue. As you will know, Minister, there is a multiplicity of them in every constituency office. I had occasion to attend a family funeral at the weekend at which the undertaker in Lurgan approached me. He is concerned at the massive mental health issues that are being built up in our community because loved ones cannot be at the bedside of those who are receiving end-of-life care. Access and visiting varies across trusts and across trust residential and care facilities. Will the Minister tell the House what he is doing to bring some resolution to the issue in order to allow families to have time with their loved ones at what is a very difficult and emotional time in their lives?”
“I thank the Minister. What is the message for businesses and employers who still have staff working from home but who would like to return to a level of normality?”
“— my amendment is not driven by fear and insularity but by fact and reality?”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. May I say, though, that —”
“I will finish in one second. I asked how it will ensure that there is fair competition. I will finish —.”
“Westminster is already legislating for differences between different parts of the United Kingdom. I recently wrote to the Competition and Markets Authority to ask how it is going to regulate the situation and ensure that there is fair —.”
“No, I want to get through this. Now, they are saying that we can move on the protocol. However, it is hard to escape the fact that the EU moves only when pushed to do so in extreme circumstances. <BR /> <BR />Members talked about the challenges and benefits of the protocol and even the genuine competitive advantages. The Subsidy Control Bill is going through Westminster — our national Parliament. That Bill will legalise differences between how Northern Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom are treated under the protocol with regard to state aid. When I talk to businesses in my constituency, I hear of their fear that there will no longer be a level playing field for businesses in Northern Ireland within the internal market of the United Kingdom. That is what we should be worried about.”
“It is not a gotcha; it is a reality. That is what happened. <BR /> <BR />We are not standing and shouting from the sidelines. My party leader has said that we welcome the movement from the EU. Not that long ago, they were telling us that we could never renegotiate the protocol.”
“The Member for South Belfast was really keen to tell us all this, but he does not tell us what he is going to do about the Belfast Agreement that sets up that very delicate balance of relationships and demands consent from one side of the community and from the other on these very strategic and important matters. It seems that the people who created the Belfast Agreement no longer really care about it in all of its parts. <BR /> <BR />We had a further contribution from Alliance that said that it did not support the protocol, yet, in the middle of a pandemic, it went down to Dublin to tell Simon Coveney that it wanted to make sure that he called for the rigorous implementation of the protocol. It is hard to acknowledge that, and I know that Alliance Party members get a bit embarrassed when they are reminded of it.”
“No, I want to get through this. There is a lot of stuff in this debate that has exercised me as I have listened to it. <BR /> <BR />We then had the other circular argument that we are in a unique position and have the best of both worlds. I visited a logistics business in my constituency last Friday. That business told me that it had had to employ four extra people to manage customs between one part of the United Kingdom's internal market and another and that that Brexit, because of lorry drivers' times, was adding cost — 18% to 20% in its estimation — to its business. You cannot absorb 18% to 20% of costs; ultimately, that will be passed on to the consumer. <BR /> <BR />We then went on the circular argument around constructive and sustainable dialogue and consent, and, of course, we heard that we did not consent to Brexit.”
“I regret that the Boris Johnson Government did not do that, and I think that it will be to their shame forever that they did such a thing.”
“Every time that the Member for South Belfast gets up, he is at pains to say that there are some things that he and I will agree on but many, many things on which we will not agree. He also always says that, when we engage in Brexit conversation, we go in a kind of circular argument. Then he proceeded to go in a circular argument. Let us pick up some of the issues in the circular argument that I have heard right across the House this afternoon. <BR /> <BR />First, let us deal with the issue that the protocol is the child of Brexit. Of course, those of us who voted for Brexit voted for the United Kingdom to leave as one United Kingdom and that we in Northern Ireland would leave on the same basis as every other part of the United Kingdom.”
“As I close, I ask the House to support the amendment. The motion ignores the fundamentally undemocratic nature of the current arrangements for Northern Ireland in favour of having a talking shop. When I talk to those in business and to people whose life has been impacted on by the operation of the protocol, they tell me that they do not want any more talking shops. We need to get rid of the protocol and the fundamental damage that it is doing to our democracy and economic prosperity.”
“Until that is addressed, any further exercise in inter-parliamentary dialogue will be entirely superficial and detached from the needs of our constituents. <BR /> <BR />I can hear some Members already thinking that there is a consent mechanism in the protocol. Of course, that is true, but it is a mechanism that rips the Belfast Agreement to shreds. That is the same agreement that some Members vowed to protect in all its parts. The current vote offered to MLAs every four years under article 18 has cynically removed the cross-community voting mechanism and subsequent safeguards. It further marginalises one community: the unionist community. Even Professor Katy Hayward described that process as a:”
“Of course they do not contradict each other. Many who are looking in on the debate will see a superficial motion that helps us to go and have tea and buns — or wine and cheese, or whatever it is that you have in Brussels — with MEPs but does not acknowledge the core fundamental problem of the undemocratic nature of where Northern Ireland finds itself. The same people who seek to open up this front of cooperation between MLAs and MEPs ignore those fundamentally undemocratic arrangements. <BR /> <BR />Northern Ireland is now in a situation where we are governed by laws that are not consented to by the people of Northern Ireland and which are arbitrated by the EU's own court, the European Court of Justice (ECJ). The protocol does not have the consent of one unionist Member of the Northern Ireland Assembly.”
“If you let me develop this point, I will, of course. <BR /> <BR />There is no direct role for Northern Ireland civil servants or Ministers on the Specialised Committee — the very committee that was set up to deal with the protocol and its impact and influence on daily life here. There has been a dearth of information and clarity on the functions of the joint consultative working group, which is intended to allow Northern Ireland officials an input into relevant EU law. There is a high level of secrecy around those bodies. Officials are often kept abreast of new laws passing through Brussels, but local legislators are not. We have all heard recently about hundreds of new laws that have suddenly been dumped on Northern Ireland. It will take more than tea and buns with MEPs to fix that. <BR /> <BR />I give way to the Member.”
“Only the EU and the UK have the power to make decisions. Executive Ministers can give a view, but it is only that.”
“The commissioner recognises that conversations are to be set up in the context of structures and institutions agreed nationally. Indeed, the European Parliament's rules and procedures provide for joint parliamentary committees that are co-chaired by MEPs and representatives of third countries — in this case, the United Kingdom — and drawn from our national Parliament at Westminster. Not only would the type of structures envisaged by the motion go against the grain; they would be window dressing when we consider the entirely undemocratic and unfit-for-purpose governance arrangements that are at the heart of the protocol. <BR /> <BR />Let us briefly consider some of the issues. Executive Ministers can attend the Joint Committee only if they are invited, and the Irish Government have a veto.”
“They are ignoring the core democratic deficit that has been created and sustained by the protocol, and ignoring rules around inter-parliamentary dialogue within the European Parliament and the Trade and Cooperation Agreement. They are more interested in hanging on to Europe's coat-tails than in acting in the interests of people and businesses of Northern Ireland. Ultimately, that comes at a cost, namely the constitutional, democratic and economic damage that is being done to Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />It suits the narrow agenda of some parties in the House to bypass our national Government, but let us not forget what Maroš Šefcovic said on 10 September. He said:”