Arlene Foster
Fermanagh and South Tyrone · Ulster Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“Yet, like too many projects, it has been tied up in legal wrangles. Too many infrastructure projects are being swallowed up in the courts. We need to improve the expertise in infrastructure delivery. We need better infrastructure for the next generation, but key projects being delayed by 10-plus years is unsustainable.”
“Any agreement involves compromises but NDNA had two central pillars that, I believe, remain important: ambition for devolution and a new cultural deal. The breadth and depth of issues that NDNA set us all to deliver on would have been enough to fill an entire term or perhaps more, let alone two years of government.”
“That confidence-and-supply agreement will leave a legacy but also highlights our challenges. Some £150 million has been rolled out via Project Stratum to bring broadband to rural areas and leave Northern Ireland as the best-connected region in Europe. When it is completed, the project will be transformational to our economy.”
“However, such short-term advantage comes at the cost of long-term harm to relationships. It is not a real partnership. Imbalance and instability are built in that will fester and deteriorate. If Brussels continues to think that the protocol is enough, it is in denial.”
“Colleagues inside and outside the House know very well that all periods of leadership must come to an end. That is why, when we are privileged and, indeed, honoured to hold such a position, we must not waste a moment in frivolous brinkmanship but forge ahead on behalf of those whom we represent.”
“The recommendations of the Commission on Flags, Identity, Culture and Tradition (FICT) are to be taken forward as well. I encourage all of you to do all of it, to take it forward in its totality and to speak of and implement it as one complete, independent package: a new cultural deal for Northern Ireland's new century.”
The complete record
Every one of 3,345 lines we hold for Arlene Foster, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 39 of 67.
“Eight hundred and sixty-six employees left the Civil Service on 30 September; a further 1,540 will leave between 30 November and 31 January. Those exits will deliver a pay bill saving in 2015-16 of £23·6 million and £69·1 million per annum thereafter. The compensation cost will be £68·4 million. Further offers will be made at the end of November for exits at the end of March.”
“As he knows, we are hoping to find a home for the financial transactions capital in the Northern Ireland investment fund so that we do not lose any financial transactions capital. We believe that we have a home for normal capital, if I can call it that, as well, so we do not foresee any capital being handed back to the Treasury.”
“That is certainly not our plan in relation to the capital funding. As I said, in June monitoring, there was a significant pressure appearing. Very significant monitoring bids were made at that particular time. I took the decision to write to all Departments to say to them that they needed to stop all discretionary spend. I am very pleased to say that that had an impact and there is a greatly reduced monitoring round now in November, and we will be able to deal with that, hopefully, in the coming days when we will be able to make announcements.”
“I am sorry; I did not catch the very last part of that about the Treasury.”
“I thank the Member for his question. He will know that the Budget for this year — 2015-16 — is predicated on the Stormont House Agreement being implemented. The financial consequences would be significant, if not dire, if the December 2014 Stormont House Agreement was not honoured. There is no realistic way in which we could live within the 2015-16 DEL control total if the Stormont House Agreement flexibilities in particular are not dealt with. The key financial pressures that would bite would be the need to pay a £100 million reserve claim for 2014-15 and the welfare reform costs, both of which would come out of our resource DEL. It is very important that we reach agreement in relation to Stormont House and that we do so as soon as possible.”
“With your permission, Mr Deputy Speaker, I will answer questions 2, 7 and 10 together. <BR /> <BR />I have commissioned a November monitoring round, with a view to seeking Executive agreement on outstanding budgetary issues in this financial year. Departmental returns submitted as part of the process indicate that significant progress has been made in managing the significant pressures identified early in this financial year. I will update the Assembly in due course, once Executive agreement on the November monitoring round has been secured.”
“However, there is scope to look at other issues, and I think that we should look at other issues when we are thinking about the next Programme for Government.”
“Hopefully, once we have completed the current talks process — I use the term "current", but, hopefully, it is the last talks process — in relation to the difficulties that we currently face, we will turn to looking at the Programme for Government for the next Administration and what the outcomes should be around all that. Indeed, revenue raising will be looked at, but it is a very controversial area, and many in this House share with me the view that some of the revenue-raising options that have been suggested by others are simply not something that we would engage in, such as water charging. This party has been very clear in relation to water charging. We believe that it would be a retrograde step, particularly for householders who have been through a very difficult time over the past couple of years.”
“Of course, we will not know what the Budget envelope will be until it is announced by the Chancellor on 25 November. Whilst we do not have the exact Budget envelope, the economic and fiscal outlook, as published by the Office for Budget Responsibility in July indicates that, once again, we in Northern Ireland will be largely protected from the worst of the cuts that will come to UK public expenditure. However, we will continue to see a real-term reduction until around 2020-21. That is when the Office for Budget Responsibility thinks that things will start to move in the opposite direction, but, as I said, we will have more clarity on 25 November when we will be able to look at how we are going to be directly impacted.”
“We have heard a lot about how some Departments at Westminster are facing cuts of up to 30%, which is an incredible amount of savings. Unfortunately, we have not had much engagement with the Treasury or, indeed, the Chief Secretary to the Treasury on how this will impact the devolved Administrations. That is a frustration that is shared by not only my Welsh colleague but my Scottish colleague, and we have raised it directly in correspondence.”
“That is what we are considering at present. As I said, the preferable way would be to have the usual 12-week consultation on the draft Budget and allow people from all the different sectors affected to put forward what they believe is the right way to move ahead. However, we will have to be more targeted. Presumably, we will hold events to go out and engage with different sectors on what we think are the emerging priorities for the Budget. We simply do not have the time to engage in a draft Budget process, and I regret that. Indeed, I regret the fact that we do not have clarity on where Westminster is going in the comprehensive spending review. There has been not much negotiation, or meetings, on how the devolved institutions will be treated in the comprehensive spending review.”
“<BR /> <BR />As for whether it should be a one-year Budget or a multi-year Budget, obviously, I am of the opinion that it should be a one-year Budget because we will be entering a new mandate after May next year, and it would not be right to set budgetary priorities without allowing the new Executive to set those in the new Programme for Government. Of course, it is a matter for the Executive as a whole, but it is my opinion that we should just set a one-year Budget.”
“I thank the Member for his question. He has put his finger on the problem that faces us in this spending review. Ordinarily, we would issue and consult on a draft Budget, and that would give us time to listen to all the stakeholders and, indeed, all the Members here about how to address strategic priorities. However, given the lateness of the spending review, on 25 November, we are having to look at different ways of engaging with stakeholders. We cannot go through the process that we normally go through for the draft Budget and confirming the Budget, so I am considering alternative ways of seeking the views of stakeholders to make sure that we hear from all the voices about what the priorities should be.”
“The UK spending review 2015 will determine the Executive’s Budget allocation for the five years commencing 2016-17. The outcome of the spending review will be announced on 25 November 2015. I will bring a Budget to the Executive and the Assembly for consideration after that date.”
“As politicians, we need to watch what is happening in the real world when we set our local taxes and decide on our policies, so that we do not kill the golden goose and hurt our businesses. It is a delicate balancing act that we are all involved in. The contributions from the Floor have been useful in starting, I think, the wider debate that we need to have during this review.”
“<BR /> <BR />The outlook is better than it was, and I have had the opportunity to visit the Lisburn Road on a number of occasions with Mr Jimmy Spratt and to talk to the traders there. In that regard, I concur with Mrs Pengelly, who referred to Mr Spratt. We will miss him in the House. I will certainly miss him as a colleague. He brought a lot to the House, particularly concerning the Lisburn Road. I met him and the traders there on a number of occasions when they had issues, so I concur with all that Mrs Pengelly had to say, and I very much welcome her to the House as a representative for South Belfast. <BR /> <BR />The outlook is better than it was. I am not saying that we should be complacent about recovery anywhere in Northern Ireland. Clearly, it is fragile; it is vulnerable. Nor should we be complacent about the rating system.”
“I want to allow empty shops to avoid full rates if window displays are used by adjoining businesses to display their goods, and I hope to take that to the Finance and Personnel Committee in the very near future. <BR /> <BR />I want to close by referring to some comments that were made by Paul McConaghie of the Lisburn Road Business Association in the 'Belfast Telegraph' this year. The article pointed out that we had a "helpful correction", as he called it, of revaluation. He commented that, alongside the revaluation, the road has seen an upturn in trading over the past year, that there are fewer empty units and that there is a bit more buoyancy among some traders in the area, who have witnessed an increase in footfall.”
“Of course, that is entirely a matter for it, but a rates freeze such as that has an impact, and, given that 33,000 new properties came into the Belfast City Council area as a result of RPA, you could ask whether it could have done more, such as having a rates reduction. The Executive have also set real-term freezes on the regional rate for the past two years, and both poundages were lowered to take account of the effects of non-domestic revaluation. <BR /> <BR />The Department has looked at ways in which to help. Much has been made of the issue of empty shops, and we are doing all that we can on that. We have the empty shops rate concession, which gives a 50% rates discount to new ventures that set up in long-term empty shops. As you know, empty shops pay only 50% of their rates here, whereas they pay 100% in England and Wales.”
“We have to recognise the causes of what is happening up in Ballymena, and, no doubt, there will be a lot of looking over that over the next few days and at whether it was the result of overproduction, product coming in from the Far East or, indeed, energy costs. Michelin has been the beneficiary of £700,000 of rate relief through industrial derating. That is something that the Assembly should be very proud of. It is unique to Northern Ireland, and it plays its part in south Belfast. <BR /> <BR />To go back to talking about south Belfast, for the past two years, Belfast City Council has implemented successive freezes in the district rate.”
“Some £4 million was allocated in small business rate relief in Belfast as a whole this year. Some £1·3 million of that funding will go to 1,600 businesses in the South Belfast electoral area, which is in addition to around £850,000 that is being paid out to the 66 manufacturing firms in south Belfast. As you know, we have industrial derating here that is specific to Northern Ireland. In that respect, Mr Ó Muilleoir mentioned Ballymena, and I join him in marking just what a sad day this is for Ballymena. During my time as Enterprise, Trade and Investment Minister, I made many visits to Ballymena and to JTI and Michelin, and the work that went on there was tremendous.”
“I do not accept that they are opaque, because they are evidence-based. The revaluation was evidence-based, and LPS did not just pick a figure and decide that that figure applied to an area. If there is more that we can do to make the system transparent, I will certainly want to do that in the reforms that we are looking at. As far as I am concerned, the system is there if you want to challenge. It does not cost you anything to challenge — in other words, to appeal — and, as I said, I am somewhat surprised that only 35 ratepayers have taken up that option to date. <BR /> <BR />I want to touch on rates support for a little while. It is worth mentioning that we have the small business rate relief scheme, and that has been spoken about. That has had a big impact in areas such as south Belfast.”
“If she has a particular issue that she wants to raise with me in relation to that after today, I am happy to speak to her about it.”
“The revaluation has been generally welcomed, even by NIIRTA, and it has been accepted that we definitely needed to have it, although I bear in mind that NIIRTA is a representative organisation and therefore reflects the pain that some of its members are feeling. I totally understand that, but some of its figures are a little out of kilter with what is actually the case. <BR /> <BR />That means that locations and sectors of the retail market that have fared well pay correspondingly more in rates and that those that have fared less well pay less. That is exactly what a rates revaluation is supposed to do. It is also worth noting that only 35 ratepayers in south Belfast have challenged their new assessment, which I am a wee bit surprised at. I am not sure where Ms Hanna was coming from when she talks about the opaque nature of the LPS.”
“The revaluation resulted in shops in south Belfast doing well, with a 20% reduction common on many parts of the Lisburn Road and Stranmillis Road. On the other hand, some shops on the Ormeau Road have seen increases of up to 25%, while the figures for retail warehouses in the Boucher area are up by more than 50% in some cases. That reflects changes in shopping patterns. Mr McGimpsey mentioned out-of-town shopping and its impact on areas like the Lisburn Road, but he should understand that, since the revaluation, the rates that those shopping centres pay have been on an upward trajectory. The revaluation means that they are paying a lot more than they were a couple of years ago. <BR /> <BR />The reason why some of the changes are so big is that our last revaluation was in 2003.”
“<BR /> <BR />I recognise that I probably do not have enough time in this mandate to do anything too radical, but I am determined to get the process up and running so that, when the next mandate comes in, the information is there and that the next Assembly and the next Finance Minister, whoever that may be, will be able to take the issue forward. It is important that the process be completed early in the next Assembly term, as there are no easy answers or choices. As Ms Lo said in her closing remarks, giving particular groups of ratepayers a tax break has, as a natural consequence, a direct impact on somebody else. Either someone else ends up paying more or we cut back even further on public services. <BR /> <BR />The situation for south Belfast ratepayers is certainly not all bad.”
“The recent rates revaluation has, if you look at the facts, been relatively good for small businesses in south Belfast. I will come back to that at the end of my comments, but the figures show that that is the case. Now that the revaluation is out of the way, we can look at reforming the system. Today has been a good scene-setter, but I need opinions, I need evidence — not anecdotal but factual — and I need realistic ideas from organisations and individuals on changing the system for the better so that we can present options to the Executive and the Assembly.”
“I accept that and you accept that, but we have to find a way to have a fair system for south Belfast and across Northern Ireland, because every penny raised through the regional rate in Northern Ireland helps to fund Northern Ireland Departments, which, as we all know, are under extreme pressure in relation to the block grant and the fact that it looks as if, moving forward into the next spending review, we are going to have flat cash in what we are granted by the Treasury. Therefore, we need to make sure that the revenue raising that we do in Northern Ireland is effective. The review is something that the business community and other ratepayers have been asking for for some time, and I hope that it will be a good engagement with all stakeholders.”
“I am now looking forward to hearing from the wider public and, indeed, from many stakeholders, to try to give me their wisdom in relation to the direction they want to see business rates going in Northern Ireland. The review also seeks views on alternative forms of taxation, either as complete replacements or as supplements to the existing rates system. <BR /> <BR />It is not that we raise more money from businesses. I want to put that on the record this evening. Indeed, the recent revaluation has been revenue-neutral. I know that a lot of people do not accept that, but it is the reality. It is revenue-neutral. I want to look at ways to keep rates as low and as acceptable as we can, bearing in mind what some colleagues have said about the fact that nobody wants to pay rates.”
“I am pleased to be able to come and answer some of the points made this afternoon and set out the facts in relation to the recent revaluation that took place and how it has impacted generally in south Belfast, but particularly in some of the areas mentioned today. <BR /> <BR />As Members have said, only last week, I launched a 12-week consultation exercise on a zero-based business rates review to try to look at business rates in a new and innovative way. It actually came about as a result of an innovation lab that we held in the Department, working with a lot of stakeholders and across government to engage in new thinking about what we needed to do in the business rates system.”
“Ultimately, I see no need for legislative change. I invite Members to join me in rejecting the motion.”
“Of those who did, only one was gracious enough to acknowledge my right to hold a different view. All others engaged in abusive emails. We had an initial facade and then the abusive follow-up. I regret that people in our society use abuse to push their own views forward. As I said to one of the correspondents who came back to me, when one engages in personal abuse, one has essentially lost the argument. <BR /> <BR />Those who support same-sex marriage are quick to suggest that any change to the law could be carefully managed to ensure that there are appropriate protections for people of faith. We have heard that here again today, but we have heard the contrary view as well. Given recent developments at home and abroad, as Mr Weir pointed out, I think that it is right to adopt a cautious approach and to leave things as they are.”
“We should be proud of the fact that our law strikes an appropriate balance between the interests of same-sex couples and the interests of people of faith. Those who are truly committed to diversity will see the intrinsic merit in protecting a diverse range of values and beliefs. They will not seek to elevate their own interests above all others, nor will they seek to silence those who may have different views. <BR /> <BR />Like many others in this House, I have received many emails from those who support "same-sex marriage" and more, in fact, from those who support the institution of marriage as it is. All the emails that I received in support of the motion were, essentially, drafted by Amnesty International. When I responded, only a handful came back a second time.”
“Some jurisdictions may claim to have extended marriage to same-sex couples, but closer scrutiny reveals significant qualifications, particularly in relation to assisted conception. <BR /> <BR />As you know, Mr Speaker, resources are extremely limited at present and I see little merit in a repackaging exercise for Northern Ireland. By the way, on Mr McKay's point about public opinion, it might interest him to know that, during the consultation on the Civil Partnership Bill, 86% of correspondents opposed civil partnership at that point. He may want to reflect on arguing that point. At the point of introduction, the Civil Partnership Bill was assessed as being compliant with international law and standards and the law on civil partnership remains so today.”
“No, I will not. I do not for one minute accept the suggestion that, because Northern Ireland has not followed suit and has not followed along as if we do not have our own mind on these matters, we are less enlightened than those jurisdictions that have "extended" marriage to same-sex couples. I place "extended" in inverted commas because, in reality, some of those jurisdictions have essentially repackaged their law on civil partnerships and, consequently, the rights and responsibilities of same-sex spouses are essentially the same as the rights and responsibilities of civil partners. I expect that that is why those jurisdictions offer the option of a simple conversion process.”
“That is entirely a matter for people if they want to do that, but we are not bound to follow suit. That is what devolution is all about.”
“Specific provision has been made to ensure legal recognition for same-sex relationships, and nothing — nothing — turns on the fact that same-sex couples are referred to as "partners" rather than "spouses". Let me assure Ms Hanna, who made the point that some of us on this side are probably struggling with our faith in relation to this issue, that I am not struggling with my faith in relation to any of the issues raised here today. <BR /> <BR />Put simply, the current law regarding same-sex relationships is operating perfectly well, and the usual drivers for legislative reform do not exist. Other jurisdictions are free to determine their own legislative path and to laud their own approach. We have heard the approach of the Republic of Ireland and, indeed, Great Britain being lauded.”
“Those opposite and, indeed, some in the UUP, would like to say that this is an equality issue for their own political reasons, but just because you keep saying that it is an equality issue does not make it an equality issue. We have heard from the ECHR and the United Nations that it is not an equality issue. Those of us on this side of the House recall well what the president of Sinn Féin had to say about equality when he spoke in Enniskillen some time ago. <BR /> <BR />Contrary to what has been suggested, the law in Northern Ireland does not disparage or denigrate same-sex relationships, and same-sex couples are not precluded from having a loving, secure, stable and permanent relationship.”
“<BR /> <BR />For my part, I think that it is unhelpful, to say the least, to have to go over the same ground just six months down the line. I spoke as a Back-Bench politician in the previous debate on this issue. I said that every time this debate comes before the Assembly, it causes distress; it causes distress to the faith communities and it causes distress to the LGBT community as well. The more it comes up, again and again, without any prospect of resolution, it causes distress to everyone involved. However, I am content to reiterate the arguments in support of the policy position on same-sex marriage because I believe that those arguments are principled and persuasive and cannot easily be set aside. <BR /> <BR />This is not an equality issue. I think a number of commentators have attempted to make it so.”
“I note that the call to act in the motion is directed at the Executive. However, as the subject matter falls within the remit of my Department, I have agreed to respond. <BR /> <BR />Apart from a few notable exceptions, the debate, which we have heard for the fifth time in this place, has taken place in a spirit of generosity. When my predecessor responded to the most recent motion on the subject, on 27 April this year, he referred to his feeling of déjà vu. Having listened to, essentially, the exact same arguments on this occasion, I have a similar feeling. I wonder whether the debate on this motion represents the best use of the Assembly's time. We have heard various opinions as to why the debate has come before us again, and I must say that I tend to agree with them.”
“We have drafting already completed. We are keen to move on this as quickly as possible but, of course, there is very little point in us moving ahead if the Committee decides that they will block accelerated passage and do not allow us to move forward. <BR /> <BR />The window dressing rates relief issue that was brought to us by the manager of the Buttercrane Shopping Centre has been consulted on and is ready to go; we do not need to consult on that point. Of course, the Bill that we are proposing is an enabling piece of legislation. It is not detailed legislation, so we would be able to move on it quickly. However, that is a matter for the Committee. I am happy to work with them on that matter but, as things stand, we will be voting against this Bill. I will be voting against this Bill as Minister of Finance and Personnel.”
“Out of necessity, the Department's approach will be run on a parallel process, with one process associated with the progression of the primary enabling power and another to complete the due process work on the consultation. Of course, that all depends on how the Committee for Finance and Personnel is going to react. They may well decide, "No. We don't want to play ball. We're going to huff because you wouldn't allow the Bill to proceed." I urge them to look at the bigger prize, which is having legislation that is properly thought out and that properly deals with the risks and assessments. We will be able to do that if they allow us to deal with them in a proactive way.”
“<BR /> <BR />I have outlined the fundamental problems that I have with the Bill. They are problems that I brought to the attention of the sponsor of the Bill many months ago and that have been ignored. The issue now needs to come back to the Department. It is nothing to do with taking credit for legislation, but the Assembly cannot pass legislation that does not take full account of consequences and risks — consequences for the business community and risks to my Department that the legislation will be challenged. It is my assessment that there will need to be a further consultation, targeted and over eight weeks, to allow the Department to assess and bottom out those issues.”
“It would set a precedent for well-meaning but ill-conceived proposals being thrown together in private Member's Bills in order to introduce new rate relief. I will be here every week making changes to rating legislation unless we insist on some standards in relation to policy development. <BR /> <BR />That is in relation to due process. There is also the separate issue relating to the drafting of the private Member's Bill. With your indulgence, Mr Deputy Speaker, allow me to move on to that. <BR /> <BR />Mr McKay’s Bill requires the community and amateur sports club designation to be shown in the non-domestic valuation list. You may ask what the problem is with that. It will not work, because that is a statutory public document and contains no such designation. Again, that underlines the lack of care in bringing forward the Bill.”
“Asking clubs with successful social facilities to pay just 20% rates on the sporting facilities strikes me as a not-unreasonable balance. That is the question we should be asking ourselves today. <BR /> <BR />What I would support is a model along the lines that applies to community halls, which would allow community amateur sports clubs to get 100% relief if they do not have a permanent licence. However, I put that to the sponsor when I met him earlier this month, and he refused to consider it. To Mr McCallister's point, perhaps the Assembly would take a different view of it if it knew that I asked the Member whether the Department could take over his legislation and deal with those issues, and he refused. <BR /> <BR />As things stand, I cannot support the Bill.”
“I would expect nothing less, Mr Deputy Speaker. <BR /> <BR />It is hard enough for pubs and restaurants to compete as matters stand. It is not just for food and drink. It is the whole function trade in some areas. It is not just the licensed trade either. I have had numerous representations in relation to privately owned golf clubs, for example. In fact, one of them in the Member's constituency is very exercised by the fact that amateur sports clubs get relief on their rates, yet they have to compete while paying full rates. Those are people who have diversified out of farming and have ploughed their money into a new enterprise, yet the Bill would further disadvantage them. <BR /> <BR />We simply cannot make an uneven playing field more uneven.”
“That was his colleague Máirtín Ó Muilleoir. Mr McKay’s response to that is to apportion out the bars, lounges, restaurants and function rooms so that only sporting facilities get 100% relief. That sounds attractive, but when you look into it properly, you will find that the rates levied on club rooms are based on cost, which already leads to a hidden subsidy when you compare that to rates paid per square foot by licensed premises and hotels, because they pay their rates based on receipts and expenditures. <BR /> <BR />It is hard enough. I completely reject — it does not surprise me — the sort of nonsense that is thrown out from Sinn Féin that we are beholden to the business community and that it must be some hidden interest. I completely reject that. This is anti-competitive, and it is hard enough for some —”
“Again, surprise, surprise, the Minister of Culture, Arts and Leisure said that there should be no impact on DCAL's budget baseline. So, everybody wants relief, but nobody wants to pay for it. That is the fundamental issue. It does not surprise me, but again we come up against that with Sinn Féin. <BR /> <BR />Another party colleague of his, Máirtín Ó Muilleoir, stated at the Committee in September:”
“I notice that the Minister of the Environment is happy with the Bill, but then the Minister of the Environment also wants me to find the increased costs to facilitate him to make exactly the same grant. So it is "Give the money away, but give me the same money, because I want to give the same amount of money to the DOE." <BR /> <BR />What about the issues in relation to the DOJ and the policy on criminal damage compensation? Have those been addressed? No, they have not been addressed. <BR /> <BR />Finally, what has been done to address the issues raised by his party colleague, the Minister of Culture, Arts and Leisure, in her Department's letter to the Finance Committee in May last year, which raised vital issues around social clauses, maximum relief assessment, bar facilities — similar to the concerns raised by the hospitality sector?”
“No, I will not. <BR /> <BR />It is a finely balanced judgement, although I am sure that Mr McKay would stand shoulder to shoulder with me if my Department had to claw back rate relief from ratepayers if we did fall foul of state aid rules, because that would happen, and we would have to go out and get that money from the ratepayers. <BR /> <BR />It is an issue that was raised by the Minister of Enterprise, Trade and Investment, and I am only too aware of it, given my eight years in that role. However, other Ministers and their Departments also have further concerns. The Minister of Enterprise, Trade and Investment had the concern over state aid. The Department of the Environment, of course, will have consequential costs in relation to its derating grant.”
“Rate relief for community amateur sports clubs was the subject of a recent state aid case in Great Britain taken against Her Majesty's Government, and the decision was not reported until the end of April. I listened to Mr Somerville ask, "Why has she not done anything for four years in relation to this issue?" I actually take state aid as quite an important issue in relation to legislation. It remains an issue for us, and an assessment needs to be made so that we do not fall foul of the state aid rules. <BR /> <BR />It is a finely balanced judgement —”