Naomi Long
East Belfast · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“Underneath the Facebook posts to say that he had passed away, people speculated with such comments as, "Probably high on drugs", "Probably drunk", and, "Typical boy racer". There was all of that speculation. It was hurtful to the family, and it was inaccurate.”
“There are circumstances that we need to consider and be careful of. I was told, for example, that, when the issue of good character references at trial was being looked at in New South Wales — Committee members may wish to look at this for themselves — one of the groups that opposed their removal was representative of domestic abuse victi…”
“It sets out the strategic direction adopted by the Department and key partners to tackle those appalling crimes and protect vulnerable victims of exploitation.”
“The provision seeks to provide protection, via legal advice and representation for complainants, against the use of non-relevant personal material and evidence of previous sexual history being used in the court process.”
“<BR /> <BR />On the wider issue of ensuring that a withdrawal of services never happens again, I think that most of us agree that, although everyone has the right to take industrial action, no one has the right to derail and hold to ransom the entire justice system in that way.”
“Those measures will go some way towards helping to support complainants and enable them to have input into the decision-making process about what records containing their personal and sensitive information are required to be shared with the defence.”
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“<BR /> <BR />I am pleased that Assembly colleagues have recently established the all-party group on modern slavery and commercial sexual exploitation and launched an inquiry into adult services websites and their facilitation of those crimes. That is a welcome and proactive development that will provide important evidence on the scale and nature of the sex trafficking and exploitation facilitated online in Northern Ireland. I have every confidence that it will play a vital role in informing our policy response, strengthening protection for victims and disrupting those who perpetrate harm. It will reinforce our collective focus on tackling that abhorrent crime, ensuring that support for victims remains effective and firmly victim-centred.”
“I am sure that Mr Carroll would agree that we need to take that incredibly seriously. Websites that facilitate the potential for exploitation cannot be tolerated, and we must work together to tackle the issue. <BR /> <BR />Members are well aware that commercial sexual exploitation is a crime that does not respect borders. It is vital that we continue to work closely with our neighbouring jurisdictions to strengthen our collective response, share policy and operational developments and identify further opportunities for collaboration. Recognising the cross-border relevance of tackling commercial sexual exploitation, my officials are already engaged in work with other jurisdictions across the UK and Ireland to discuss how the crime presents in each jurisdiction and opportunities for collaboration on policy and operational activity.”
“Sexual exploitation and trafficking are already highly lucrative, and such platforms further enable the large-scale monetisation and industrial exploitation of some of society's most vulnerable individuals. The UK's Joint Slavery and Trafficking Analysis Centre has stated:”
“Pimping websites are online platforms through which sexual services are advertised. Evidence from other jurisdictions clearly shows that such sites are increasingly exploited by traffickers as a means to advertise, monitor and exert control over victims of modern slavery. They also give a veneer of professionalism and even respectability to something that is exploitative, degrading and dehumanising. The objectification and commodification of human bodies is profoundly disturbing and creates a risk of everyone in society being reduced in that way. <BR /> <BR />The websites increase the scale and profitability of sex trafficking by making it easier to perpetrate the crime.”
“<BR /> <BR />The previous speaker talked about people's choices, but I would ask whether people make those choices on the basis of desperation and need, as opposed to free will. There is a coercive element to people's decision-making that needs to be addressed when we deal with such issues. The fact that somebody chooses from a menu of particularly unpalatable options does not necessarily mean that they are content with their decision. The victims of such exploitation are some of the most vulnerable, and the crimes against them often go unnoticed and unreported. Victims are often hidden in plain sight on those websites. <BR /> <BR />Social media and online activity have become integral to modern life, but they give rise to serious risks, particularly of grooming, exploitation and abuse.”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I am grateful for the opportunity to respond to today's debate. As most Members are aware, telecommunications is a reserved matter for which the UK Government have responsibility. However, as Justice Minister, I am unwavering in my commitment to protect women and girls from harm and to take every possible step within my powers to keep them safe from all forms of abuse and exploitation. <BR /> <BR />The sexual exploitation of women and children is a form of violence against those women and children. Child sexual exploitation is a form of child abuse. Commercial sexual exploitation and the human trafficking of women and children through adult services websites — so-called pimping websites — is not acceptable in any form and is an affront to our values as a society.”
“It is about starting to engage as a society about what kind of people we are and what kind of people we want to be and then starting to educate our young people about discernment when it comes to using what are powerful tools when they are used for the good but can be utterly destructive tools when they are not.”
“This is an opportunity for people to talk about what socially responsible use of social media is and about the digital access that we have. The idea that people would send up a drone to photograph dead bodies lying at the side of a road after a car accident is repugnant on every level, particularly in the knowledge that the families of those people may see the images before they have been notified of what has happened. That is what passes for normal in today's society, however. It is therefore not enough simply to close down deepfake images or to have Caoimhé's law.”
“It is unacceptable that we live in a society in which some men and boys still think that it is acceptable to sexualise and objectify women and girls in that way. We have to do all that we can to protect our community from the harm that those and other forms of online abuse cause and seek to address the wider issue of misogyny and violence against women and girls, which is, sadly, all too prevalent in Northern Ireland. We will do that only by working together, but no one should be under any illusion. Even if we pass all this legislation, there will still be issues in the online space. <BR /> <BR />Just today, I met campaigners for Caoimhé's law, who wish to see an end to people taking and uploading roadside photographs at car accident sites.”
“If my proposals for the new offences are enacted, my Department will liaise with the Department of Education to raise awareness of their introduction and of the existing offences that criminalise sexually explicit deepfake images of children. That needs to be part of the curriculum not only to equip young girls who are growing up with the threat of being the subject of such explicit deepfake images but to educate young men on the risks of engaging in what they may think is banter but what is a seriously damaging behaviour that has long-term consequences for them. <BR /> <BR />I am sure that Members will agree with and support me on the steps being taken to address the despicable behaviours associated with deepfake images — behaviours that are unfortunately becoming increasingly pervasive.”
“As I did on the development of the Online Safety Act, I will continue to liaise with UK Government Ministers on any developments in that area. <BR /> <BR />It is important to recognise that a criminal justice response alone will not fully address all the harms encountered online. The worrying reports of children making sexually explicit deepfakes of their peers emphasise the need to take a holistic approach focused on prevention and education, as set out in the cross-cutting Executive online safety strategy that has been put in place to assist children and young people who participate in the online world and want to do so in a positive, safe and responsible way.”
“That places a duty, regulated by Ofcom, on social media companies to take steps to protect users from illegal content. If an organisation is considered to have broken the law, Ofcom can impose a penalty of a fine of up to 10% of that organisation's worldwide revenue, or £18 million, whichever is the greater. Where there is a failure to comply, Ofcom can seek a court order to force internet service providers to block access to the site in the UK altogether. <BR /> <BR />Members will, no doubt, be aware of recent announcements by the Secretary of State for Science, Innovation and Technology on the UK Government's intention to issue a three-month consultation on further measures to keep children safe online, including, potentially, restrictions on addictive features, a ban on social media access and better age checks.”
“<BR /> <BR />More widely, I will continue to do everything possible to keep women and children safe from harm and to protect them from all forms of online abuse and exploitation. Social media and online activity are increasingly central to our lives, but they also present serious risks. As technology evolves, so do the tactics of those who seek to cause harm. We cannot stand still when the creation, manipulation and sharing of sexually explicit deepfake images and child sexual abuse material using AI underscore the need to remain constantly vigilant. <BR /> <BR />Our devolved powers are limited, given that telecoms is a reserved matter, so we need to work with Westminster to deliver a comprehensive response in this space. In that context, I highlight the UK-wide protection afforded by the Online Safety Act 2023.”
“The proposed legislation, which will be tabled next month at Lords Report Stage as an amendment to the Crime and Policing Bill, would allow the police to target the firms and individuals who design and supply those tools. Regrettably, the plan to table an amendment to an existing amendment to the Bill means that it cannot be extended to Northern Ireland despite our best efforts. However, I very much welcome the recent announcement by my colleague Kate Nicholl of her plans to provide for similar legislation to make it illegal in Northern Ireland to create AI tools that enable non-consensual, sexually explicit AI-generated images. I hope that it will be possible to get consent from all parts of the Chamber to ensure that we keep pace with developments elsewhere.”
“<BR /> <BR />Members referred to retrospectivity. Article 7 of the European Convention on Human Rights states that no one shall be held guilty of a criminal offence for an act that was not a crime at the time that it was committed. In introducing criminal offences, therefore, it would be highly unusual and potentially in breach of article 7 to make them retrospective, which is why there is a degree of urgency in delivering the provision now. <BR /> <BR />Unfortunately, the availability of AI tools or nudification apps has made the creation of the images all too easy. The UK Government recently announced their plans to ban such tools where their sole purpose is to use generative AI to turn images of real people into fake nude, sexually explicit pictures and videos.”
“New offences to criminalise the creation of sexually explicit deepfake images of adults, the request for their creation, their sharing and the threat to share them will be included. The draft provision will be shaped by responses to the recent public consultation on legislative proposals. My intention is for every aspect of the despicable behaviour to be captured. That, of course, is the fundamental difference between the draft provision and other amendments: they were developed in previous mandates and are simply being introduced in this one. If enacted, the provision would bring Northern Ireland into line with England and Wales in providing for offences of creation and sharing and, in fact, would provide a more comprehensive package of measures than would have been possible via the LCM route.”
“It is because of drafting pressures in the Office of the Legislative Counsel and because — I will get on to this later in my speech — we had to look at the outcome of the consultation. That is why. It is easy to eliminate the issue of vagrancy by repealing two pieces of legislation: that is a simple delete, following the consultation that had already been done in the previous mandate. This is a new consultation that had to be done at pace. The two are not comparable.”
“It will be tabled at Consideration Stage of the Justice Bill, which is going through the Assembly. The timings will, ultimately, be dictated by the Assembly and the Committee, but the aim is to complete the amendment to introduce that offence in March. New offences to criminalise the creating —.”
“It is extremely worrying that there is an increasing number of reports worldwide, including in Northern Ireland, of schoolchildren creating sexually explicit deepfake images of their classmates and other peers. That vile behaviour is already an offence under the Protection of Children (Northern Ireland) Order 1978 and is punishable on summary conviction by up to six months' imprisonment or on conviction on indictment by up to 10 years' imprisonment. It is vital, therefore, that boys know that creating such images can have serious consequences for them, lasting the rest of their lives. <BR /> <BR />There is currently no legislation governing sexually explicit deepfake images of adults, but I am determined to address that gap and the threat and harm that such images cause. I will introduce a new deepfake offence by way of an amendment.”
“In 2023, it was reported that more deepfake videos were viewed in that year than in all the preceding years put together. On the top deepfake sites, videos had been viewed more than 4·2 billion times. The psychological impact on individuals of knowing that those images are out there is severe. <BR /> <BR />The proliferation of those images online has a wider societal impact. It perpetuates, promotes and normalises misogyny and the sexualisation of women. Such images dehumanise and objectify us. I believe that they also desensitise people, particularly men and boys, to the harm that such objectification can cause in real life. I will turn, briefly, to the impact on boys.”
“Those images and the people who create and share them seek to take those rights away from their victims and to humiliate, harm and abuse them. The harm that is caused by the creation and sharing of such images is incalculable. Victims report feeling embarrassed, violated and unsafe as well as suffering from anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder and suicidal ideation because of their experiences. <BR /> <BR />People assume that so-called non-contact sexual offences are, in some way, less harmful or less real than contact sexual offences. Speak to any victim, and they will tell you otherwise. Knowing that a prospective employer who googles your name may find a deepfake image before they find out any of your qualifications or skills for a job is a profoundly disturbing experience for any person to go through, and many people do.”
“Women and girls now have to face the growing threat of having their image sexually manipulated online. I am deeply concerned about the exponential rise and the proliferation of online abuse in the form of non-consensual sexually explicit deepfake images. Unfortunately, AI tools have made it significantly easier to create such abusive images. That is an abhorrent form of sexual abuse and exploitation that is targeted overwhelmingly at women and girls. Many Members noted that research shows that deepfake pornography makes up 98% of all deepfake videos online, and that 99% of the individuals who are targeted in those deepfake videos are women. <BR /> <BR />Everyone has a right to the protection of their image, their autonomy, their privacy and their dignity.”
“Further new reserved offences that will be introduced by the Bill to extend across the UK include the creation of a new offence of online facilitation of child sexual exploitation and abuse and a new power to scan for child sexual abuse images at the UK border, meaning that phones could be taken at the border, when people are entering the country, and scanned for those images. <BR /> <BR />Members will agree that, while that is a welcome and significant framework of protective measures, its necessity illustrates the level and nature of the harms, the level of abuse that is targeted at women and children and the dynamic and rapid changes that we have seen in those over recent years. Sadly, those with malign intent will always find new ways to continue the abuse.”
“They include measures to amend the current offence of the possession of a paedophile manual to bring AI-generated child sex abuse images within the scope of the offence definition, and to criminalise pornography that depicts strangulation and suffocation; and provisions for a new offence of child sexual image abuse generators to criminalise those who make, adapt, possess, supply or offer to supply anything that is made or adapted to create, or facilitate the creation of, child sexual abuse images.”
“I enhanced protections around the offences of the abuse of a position of trust and the disclosing of private sexual images, which is more commonly referred to as revenge porn. Those offences have added real, tangible and valuable protections against online and offline abuse. <BR /> <BR />The extension of the provisions in the UK Crime and Policing Bill to Northern Ireland will further strengthen those protections. The first of two intended legislative consent motions was agreed by the Assembly on 23 June 2025, and the second motion is scheduled for debate here on 2 February.”
“In the previous Assembly mandate, I introduced a new domestic abuse offence that captured controlling and coercive behaviour and psychological, emotional or financial abuse. It also covers online abuse, where abusers exploit the use of technology, social media and other online means to control or coerce their victim. I introduced new offences of stalking, upskirting, downblousing, cyberflashing and four new offences to tackle adults who pretend to be a child with a view to sexual grooming, which bolstered the child grooming offences. I created a stand-alone offence of non-fatal strangulation to provide greater protection against behaviour that is often used by abusers to exert control and create fear, serving as a precursor to further violence, and which is closely linked to domestic homicide.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I am very grateful to Cara and her colleagues for bringing this important motion before the House today, and specifically Cara and Diane, who, again, very powerfully shared their personal experience of the issue. <BR /> <BR />Recent political, media and public focus on the issue of the use of X's AI chatbot, Grok, has brought into sharp focus how advances in technologies that may bring benefits to society are also used by those with malign intent to perpetrate further sexual abuse and exploitation against women and girls. Members will know that I am fully committed to strengthening the law to try to stop all abuse and violence against women and girls, and against men where that happens, although Members have rightly identified that the vast majority of victims of this abuse are women and girls.”
“The Member will, of course, be aware but has not reflected that, initially, the deepfake issue was to be dealt with by Westminster legislation and that Westminster would then have sought a legislative consent motion (LCM) from us. It was only at the point at which the LCM was no longer a possibility that it even entered Westminster's consciousness that we would have to legislate locally. That is the reason that deepfakes were not covered in the first round of amendments. Initially, the deepfake issue was to be covered in the Crime and Policing Bill, and it was then moved to a different Bill. We were therefore not able to grant legislative consent within the required time frame. The Member knows all that, so why he is blaming me is beyond me.”
“To be fair, I offered to bring forward the deepfake amendments. Indeed, I wrote to the Executive on 4 November, seeking permission to do so, but I did not get clearance for that until last Thursday. It is fair to say, however, that I share the Member's frustration, because the Bill has now been sitting in Committee for almost 18 months. The question is this: what is the Committee scrutinising at this point?”
“I think that there is a way forward. I do not want to say too much about it, because I want to give the CBA the opportunity to engage with its members. All I can say is that, if the CBA engages with me in good faith and with good will, we will resolve this quickly.”
“The bottom line is that, regardless of who the mediator is, the same problems will remain. At this stage, to almost go back to the beginning of a process and start mediation, to me, does not deal with the issue. Everyone has agreed as recently as 8 December that the working group is the right track and that the road map that has been set out is the right way forward. If there are disputes about how quickly some of that is accelerating, again, and without getting into the detail, I am happy to look at that, and, more than that, I am keen to look at that.”
“The issue of mediation is one that, as the Member will know, has been discussed. It was suggested initially by the Lady Chief Justice, and it is something that I considered. I also took the view of Tom Burgess, who had been chairing the working group, as requested by the professions.”
“It has not damaged the Solicitors' Criminal Bar Association in the slightest that it has continued to provide services to its clients throughout the dispute. In fact, because it has done that side by side with providing us with evidence, it has actually managed to get some wins across the line, whereas the CBA has not provided the evidence to allow us to do the same for it.”
“For example, when cases go to the Court of Appeals, they go through a process of taxation where someone submits their bill to the taxing master and it is adjusted there. That is not a particularly transparent process. The Northern Ireland Audit Office and the Public Accounts Committee have raised issues about the lack of transparency, which is something that we want to reform. However, that is not part of the current discussion. I am looking for things that I believe we can expedite and that are already on the agreed road map that we all sat down and agreed in December. If we can expedite some of those to get the CBA back into court to give full service, the other issues will be dealt with in due course.”
“I said earlier that I did not really want to enter into a negotiation in public on this. Refresher fees are certainly a part of it. Actually, I think that that will be the bit that will be much more readily resolved. There is the issue of government legal services rates, which is something that was raised in the Chamber during the discussion that we had on the subject last week. They do not apply in the Crown Court in criminal cases. That is also something that has been raised, and we have said that, given the right evidence base, we are happy to look at that. There are a number of other issues, including an uplift to the fee structure that is there, but, again, that requires evidence to demonstrate that it is justifiable, affordable and necessary. <BR /> <BR />There are other issues that we are dealing with.”
“Therefore, I see no reason why we would not include transgender individuals in the hate crime Bill, given the evidence from the PSNI about the rise in hate incidents targeting specifically those who are transgender — and also, I have to say, a significant rise on the basis of race.”
“Anybody who is subjected to a hate crime deserves to be protected, but, further than that, there has to be recognition that there are secondary and tertiary victims of any crime. That is particularly acute in marginalised communities, where people may feel that the justice system is not responsive, or they may feel more vulnerable as a result of such attacks, and that is the purpose of hate crime legislation. It is not to create a hierarchy or a tiered system of victims, because we recognise that a broken nose is a broken nose and a broken arm is a broken arm, but if you have been targeted because of who you are inherently, it has a different impact on someone's psychology and on other people who identify with that person. I believe that all of us in the Chamber wish to see an end to such violent activity.”
“I have had no response or, indeed, queries from the remaining party, and, on that basis, the legislation is now being drafted with transgender included as one of the characteristics. However, that clause will obviously come before the Executive for consideration in due course, and we will see if there is any further objection at that time.”
“I originally got permission from the Executive to include the standard protected groups in Northern Ireland, meaning those to do with religion, sexual orientation, disability and race; those are already included. In response to evidence presented by Judge Marrinan and further evidence that has arisen over the past number of years from PSNI statistics around hate crime incidents, I wrote to Executive colleagues recently requesting permission, not to change the Bill and its intent or how those aggravators would be applied, but to add transgender as a further protected characteristic. I am still awaiting a formal response from the Executive, but I have had responses from three of the parties in the Executive, which have been positive.”
“If I ever felt that I was not up to the job, I would be the first person to step aside: let me be clear about that. The justice system is more important than any individual and certainly more important than the TikTok that you are preparing. It is really important, if people lack confidence in the justice system, for me to say this: if some of those who get up in the Chamber week on week and trail the justice system through the mud, ignoring the good work that is done daily by highly professional members of the judiciary, the legal profession, the Prison Service, the police and by all the other people who do it, would, in a more balanced way, spend more time shining a light on some of the positive things that happen, perhaps they could actually contribute to increasing confidence in the justice system.”
“I do not recognise the characterisation that the Member gave, and therefore, I am afraid, I am unable to shine any light on his question.”
“If they are properly deployed, they can be useful. They remove some of the pressure on individual victims to seek out a non-molestation order or something similar, and they allow that protection to be court-endorsed, which means that the person involved knows that breaching the order would be a serious matter in their future treatment in the courts. <BR /> <BR />There are things that we can do to improve use and roll-out and to raise awareness of the orders. A number of things that we brought forward in the previous mandate could be better used, but I recognise that the police have limited resources, and we are trying to cope with that, because it is a major challenge.”
“There is a role for the PSNI in training, and we are happy to provide people with the resources — the materials — that they may need to provide information to officers. The operationalisation aspect of how that would done would be a matter for the Chief Constable and the Policing Board. <BR /> <BR />When it comes to how the orders might be better used, the use of stalking protection orders by judges is one of the things that we are looking at. Use of the orders often becomes an onerous process for the PSNI that involves additional court proceedings, whereas, if the process can be as one with the original court proceedings, and the judge can reach a determination on the order, that may help to speed things up. <BR /> <BR />We are looking at a number of options to make the orders more effective.”
“There is a plan, as part of the legislation that we will introduce, for a judge to be able to put stalking protection orders in place either at the point of conviction or on acquittal, where the judge believes that the person, not having been convicted, still represents a risk to the complainant. They can be useful, but we need to look at how they are applied. One reason why, as with things such as domestic abuse protection notices and orders, we want to get the arrangements for them right is so that they do not offer any false sense of security to victims, who may rely on them for their safety.”
“So far, there has been agreement on only one of those cases, but I understand that conversations are ongoing between the PPS and the Bar about some of the other cases. That is one thing that we can do. <BR /> <BR />In the longer term, we need to look at the issue, because this is not the first time that we have had a strike by the criminal Bar. We cannot have the justice system essentially being held hostage periodically as a result of disputes. We can do better on issues such as regular reviews, fee levels and regular engagement, and I have undertaken to do so, but we also need to look at alternative delivery of service, which will be put on the longer finger. Nevertheless, it still needs to be looked at.”
“There are a number of things. First, I have not given up hope yet that it can be concluded sooner rather than later. It is important that one should not be overly hopeful but, rather, be sensible about it. It can be done. With goodwill on both sides, we can get to where we need to be in a relatively short time, but that depends on people showing willing. <BR /> <BR />We need to look at two things. One is the short-term measures on mitigations. A total of 13 cases have been assessed by people who are experts in supporting victims and witnesses and understand the cases. Those cases have been identified for a derogation from the strike. We are asking the Bar to proceed with those 13 cases. They are already in progress, so it makes sense that they be able to progress to a conclusion. They involve high-risk and vulnerable victims.”
“We are also looking at things that were not part of that formal proposal but that, based on the conversations that we had on 5 November, I believe can be solved in a relatively short time, which would perhaps go some way to rebuilding trust on both sides following how the dispute has played out. That would be very welcome all round.”
“I met the criminal Bar last week. It was important that I did so, because, ultimately, the dispute is directly with the criminal Bar, as opposed to with the wider Bar Council. I felt that the engagement was constructive. I caveat that, however, by saying that my meeting with the previous chair of the criminal Bar on 5 November had also been deemed to be a constructive and positive engagement, on their part and mine. I therefore do not take for granted any outcome of that meeting. The criminal Bar now needs to liaise with its membership. It is ultimately a membership organisation. I want to give it the time and space to do that without further public interventions in order to allow it to see whether we can reach a conclusion to the dispute.”
“Young people need to be equipped with information so that they know that it is not normal behaviour. It is not expected behaviour but abusive and dangerous behaviour, and that message needs to be communicated clearly to young people in an age-appropriate way, recognising that such sites are increasingly available and visible to children as young as 10.”
“If we have boys as young as 10 who are asking such questions of teachers, and if we have girls as young as 14 who are experiencing such behaviours, we need to intervene much sooner and have the conversations with them, not to strip them of their innocence but to protect them from those who are already being corrupted by what they see online on those quite extreme pornographic websites.”