Naomi Long
East Belfast · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“Underneath the Facebook posts to say that he had passed away, people speculated with such comments as, "Probably high on drugs", "Probably drunk", and, "Typical boy racer". There was all of that speculation. It was hurtful to the family, and it was inaccurate.”
“There are circumstances that we need to consider and be careful of. I was told, for example, that, when the issue of good character references at trial was being looked at in New South Wales — Committee members may wish to look at this for themselves — one of the groups that opposed their removal was representative of domestic abuse victi…”
“It sets out the strategic direction adopted by the Department and key partners to tackle those appalling crimes and protect vulnerable victims of exploitation.”
“The provision seeks to provide protection, via legal advice and representation for complainants, against the use of non-relevant personal material and evidence of previous sexual history being used in the court process.”
“<BR /> <BR />On the wider issue of ensuring that a withdrawal of services never happens again, I think that most of us agree that, although everyone has the right to take industrial action, no one has the right to derail and hold to ransom the entire justice system in that way.”
“Those measures will go some way towards helping to support complainants and enable them to have input into the decision-making process about what records containing their personal and sensitive information are required to be shared with the defence.”
The complete record
Every one of 7,548 lines we hold for Naomi Long, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 67 of 151.
“We must also collectively be clear, however, that there is no excuse ever for taking to the streets to intimidate others and create havoc in our community. Some of the people who have been the target of violence in Belfast are only here because they have experienced hardship and abuse in their home country that most of us can barely imagine. They are here to build a better life and to contribute constructively to society. They are here seeking safety, and they deserve to live in peace. Others, however, are long-standing members of our community, many second- and third-generation, who have built businesses, created employment opportunities and provided services to our community for longer than some of the rioters have been alive.”
“I want to speak to those people who are genuinely confused, frightened or even angry about immigration and to those who believe that immigrants and asylum seekers are the cause of their own hardship. They are not. Your anger is misdirected. Lack of investment by the previous Government in public services and housing is the cause, and, by taking out your frustrations on others because of their ethnicity, religion or skin colour, more scarce resources are being wasted. You are being manipulated by far right groups and social media fakery. <BR /> <BR />As political leaders, it is our role to counter, not amplify, division and disinformation. If you have genuine concerns about our community, raise it with us as your local MLAs.”
“<BR /> <BR />There have been suggestions from some that the violence is a result of people with genuine concerns about immigration seeking to protest legitimately. Those demonstrations, as they were advertised, were never intended to be either legitimate or lawful. From the outset, they were intended to intimidate and threaten, to break the law on public processions and to block roads, and I believe that they were intended to create violence and unrest. The call for women and children to stand at the front was, in my view, a clear attempt to use them as human shields when violence started. They were not, in my view, ever intended to be legitimate. They are hate marches. <BR /> <BR />I want, however, to speak beyond them.”
“In the hours following that attack, false media claims about the perpetrator were amplified on social media. 'The Guardian' reported that there were at least 27 million impressions of posts on Twitter alone that stated or speculated that the suspected attacker was Muslim, a migrant, a refugee or a foreigner. <BR /> <BR />Despite the pleas of the families of those girls for the unrest to stop, their anguish and pain is being exploited by those who are behind the riots. What we are witnessing is a form of radicalisation of people online through disinformation and outright lies propagated by far right and white supremacist elements, both domestic and international, and it is incredibly dangerous. Although people have a right to an opinion when it comes to issues such as immigration, as with any issue, it needs to be an informed opinion.”
“<BR /> <BR />I also thank the police officers who have had to respond to the violence, and I give my best wishes for a speedy recovery to those who have been injured in the line of duty. I will return to the issue of policing later in my remarks. <BR /> <BR />The most recent unrest that we have seen in towns and cities across the UK was, on the face of it, in retaliation to an abhorrent knife attack in Southport. I speak for all my colleagues, and I think those from other parties, when I say that my thoughts are with all those children who were attacked and their families, and my deepest condolences go out to the families of the three little girls who were murdered: Elsie Dot Stancombe, Alice Dasilva Aguiar and Bebe King. Their families' loss is unspeakable.”
“The actions of a small and violent minority are motivated by a desire to foment hate and division, and it should be highlighted for what it is: fearmongering and intimidation at the highest level. <BR /> <BR />Let me say clearly that there is no place in our society for the hate, xenophobia, racism and Islamophobia that we have seen on the streets over recent weeks and days. My thoughts are with all of those who have been impacted on by the targeted violence and intimidation. Specifically to all those who are feeling fearful and anxious as a result of what they have seen and experienced over recent days, I say that we stand with you. That violent minority does not represent the people of Northern Ireland. We in the Chamber do, and we speak for you as well as for them.”
“I propose the motion in the wake of events over recent weeks, and particularly over the weekend and recent days. We do so to condemn them and to offer our solidarity to all those who have been impacted on by that racism and violence. We also want to look forward to determine what we need to do to tackle the underlying issues that have surfaced. <BR /> <BR />I will speak mainly in my capacity as an MLA and leader of the Alliance Party, but I will finish by making some comments as the Minister of Justice. <BR /> <BR />I begin by condemning absolutely and unequivocally the reprehensible events of the past number of weeks in Antrim and, more acutely, over the weekend in Belfast and further afield.”
“However, I have recognised that the matter is of significant importance and have made Executive colleagues aware of the wider constitutional matters raised in the judgement and sought their point of view. I will take those views into account when considering the correct way forward.”
“The Member has raised two issues. First, should I take my legal advice from the KC and senior counsel who are intimately engaged with the case or from an editorial of a newspaper? The answer to that should be clear even to the person who asked the question. I will base my decision on legal advice and not on opinion or editorialisation of the matter. There have been unhelpful mistruths and miscommunications on what has been asked. It would be helpful if people returned to the original judgement when looking at the matter. <BR /> <BR />In respect of my ability to take forward an appeal as Justice Minister, it is clear that I do not need Executive approval. At this stage, the decision is mine to make, because the primary finding was for DOJ and was therefore not a cross-cutting issue.”
“I have, indeed, had representations from and a direct meeting with a number of bodies that represent people who are in that space. There was no intention by me as Minister, my officials, Sir John Gillen, who asked that there be anonymity up to the point of charge, or any Member of the House who passed that legislation to cause any harm or distress to any victim; quite the contrary. The Justice (Sexual Offences and Trafficking Victims) Bill was brought forward with a view to enhancing the protections for victims in court and in wider society. It is important that we reflect on that. I am absolutely clear that there was no intention on anyone's part to cause harm, nor would I ever wish to do so.”
“I have to weigh up all those factors and the degree to which there is consensus around the Executive table on whether this is a matter of importance. Ultimately, that is the consideration that I will get after the deadline of 5.00 pm this evening.”
“I am glad that the Chair of the Committee has asked an insightful question on cost, because it is important. The costs to the Department of the judicial review up to this point have not been significant. The cost to the Department of any appeal would be similar. Consideration of costs will, of course, form part of my consideration on the way forward. However, the substantive consequential impacts of the judgement will be the primary factor in my decision. The cost to the public purse and to the Assembly and Committees of having to spend time taking evidence on and debating and minuting exchanges on sections that are non-controversial and widely agreed would, in all likelihood, be way more significant than the cost of any appeal.”
“That is a matter for another day. The pressure currently before the Department is to decide whether the overall judgement should be appealed on the basis of the constitutional issues that arise and flow from it. However, as I have said, there are opportunities, including during this term, to redress the imbalance that the court decided on. Alternatively, the sections being struck down means that they are no longer in operation. Therefore, we could simply allow the Act to continue as is: with no control whatsoever over the publication of the names of people who have been accused of but not charged with or convicted of an offence.”
“Perhaps, if the Member read the judgement rather than the 'Belfast Telegraph', he would have a better grasp of what the issues are. The judge did not find that post-death anonymity was inappropriate or that the matter was outwith the legislative competence of the Assembly. The judge found that there was inadequate opportunity to challenge, during the lifetime of a suspect, the ability to publish their details. As I have already said clearly, there are legislative fixes for both, either or none of those issues. That is not the issue on which I was consulting Executive colleagues.”
“It is on those constitutional matters and their potential impacts alone that I sought the views of Executive colleagues. While any decision on an appeal is for me to take, it is important, given the wider ramifications identified, that I consider their responses before making any decisions as to the way forward. The deadline for responses is 5.00 pm today. When I have reached a decision, I will ensure, as I previously promised, that I notify MLAs as a matter of urgency.”
“<BR /> <BR />The judgement imposes a high standard of rationality on the reasoning in the Assembly and Committee debates during the passage of legislation. That is likely to generate future challenges to legislative competence based on a forensic dissection of the quality and rationality of Assembly and Committee debates. That is a finding that imposes a threshold standard on the legislative process that will be difficult to meet in practice. The approach taken by the court risks undermining the effectiveness of the Assembly. The assumption that a matter not debated has not been adequately considered is not in line with the reality of the operation of the political scrutiny process, which cannot be fully considered by simply reading Hansard or Committee minutes.”
“It would be hugely remiss of me not to make my Executive colleagues aware of the extent of the judgement in that respect. <BR /> <BR />The court judgement declared that sections 12 to 14 of the Justice (Sexual Offences and Trafficking Victims) Act (Northern Ireland) 2022 are not law, as they are outside the legislative competence of the Assembly, since they are incompatible with the applicant's article 10 rights. That incompatibility finding is a very narrow one that could be addressed in a number of ways, including by legislative amendment. Those sections are not the reason for any potential appeal. I intend to give further consideration to a Justice-specific response to that aspect of the judgement, irrespective of any decision about whether to take forward an appeal.”
“The report in the 'Belfast Telegraph' that I am appealing the judgement is factually incorrect. I have made no decision as yet on appeal. In my consideration of the way forward and informed by legal opinion, I wrote to Executive colleagues on 28 June to make them aware of the consequential impacts of what is a profound constitutional ruling by the court that will have repercussive impacts across every Stormont Department and the legislative process and to seek their views on that point. The legal advice available to me makes it clear that there are potentially far-reaching ramifications for the Assembly and all Departments. This is the first time that the High Court has used the power in section 6 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 to declare provisions to be outside the legislative competence of the Assembly and not law.”
“<BR /> <BR />The order that is being debated ensures that Northern Ireland officers with functions under the Proceeds of Crime Act can exercise their powers, which are underpinned by up-to-date and effective guidance. The order also ensures that safeguards are in place for those who may be the subject of a POCA-related investigation. I commend the order and ask that the Assembly accept it by approving the motion before the House.”
“Investigating and removing criminal assets has a powerful disruptive effect on organised criminals, can impact on their so-called status, can cause problems between criminal groups and restricts their ability to fund further criminality. <BR /> <BR />Whilst the use of crypto assets in the Northern Ireland context has been assessed as still not as prevalent as it is in other parts, it is, nevertheless, a growing area of concern for the PSNI and other investigatory bodies. Therefore, it is important that we keep pace with change and stay ahead of those criminals who are very agile in how they change their modes of operation to try to evade scrutiny and detection.”
“However, in addition to the codes of practice, which provide an additional layer of protection to the public, there is judicial oversight of the use of those codes. <BR /> <BR />Organised crime is not victimless and is not conducted in a vacuum. Its detrimental impact can be seen and felt in our communities, where it causes real harm and wrecks lives and livelihoods. It also diverts money away from the public services that we need to use on a day-to-day basis. Organised crime is completely and utterly unacceptable, and we want to do all that we can to stop it. Law enforcement partners in the organised crime task force are committed to tackling organised criminality in all its forms. Removing the proceeds of crime is an important part of our combined efforts.”
“I put on record my thanks to all Members for this positive debate and for the contributions that they have made. I also place on record my thanks to the Chair of the Committee for her remarks, as well as the Deputy Chair, and put on record my appreciation for the scrutiny that has been applied by the Committee on these issues. <BR /> <BR />In response to the question about the safeguards in the exercise of POCA powers, POCA contains a wide range of very important tools to be able to tackle criminal finances. The search and investigation powers are, as acknowledged in the debate, invasive in respect of an individual's privacy, so oversight obviously has to be applied to agencies when they use them. The exercise of powers by the PSNI is subject to the usual oversight of the Policing Board.”
“Collectively, we must ensure that organised criminality is both socially unacceptable and economically unviable. I therefore ask the Assembly to support the strengthening of POCA in Northern Ireland and approve the order. We need to send a clear, consistent and collective message that crime will not pay and that we will do everything in our power to ensure that law enforcement agencies have all the powers that they need to deny criminals the use of their assets, to recover the proceeds of crime and to disrupt and deter criminality. I commend the order to the House.”
“Removing the profits from their criminal activity reduces incentives and has a disruptive effect on the cycle that sustains serious and organised crime. In turn, that reduces harm to individuals, families and businesses across communities. It is therefore important to recognise that the POCA regime is an integral part of the overall response to tackling organised criminality in all its forms. Enhancing the POCA framework is also consistent with what my Department and its partners on the organised crime task force (OCTF) seek to achieve under the organised crime strategy for Northern Ireland, particularly on pursuing offenders. <BR /> <BR />The codes are important safeguards that underpin the whole POCA regime and are specifically intended to deal with the new and emerging issue of crypto assets.”
“The new code provides guidance to constables and accredited financial investigators on the exercise of powers to search for crypto assets. It also provides guidance on applications by officers to judicial officers or senior officers for prior approval to exercise the powers. <BR /> <BR />POCA stipulates that the Department of Justice must prepare and publish a draft of any new or revised code of practice. My Department ran an eight-week public consultation on the three codes, from 15 February until 10 April 2024. No adverse impacts were mentioned, and no amendments were suggested, so there were no material changes made to the codes as a result of the consultation. <BR /> <BR />Setting aside the technical detail, it is important to reflect on what the codes help deliver. We know that criminals are motivated by greed and personal gain.”
“First, the search, seizure and detention of property (Northern Ireland) code of practice is issued under section 195T of the 2002 Act and provides guidance to constables and accredited financial investigators on the exercise of powers to search, seize and detain property that may be needed to satisfy a future confiscation order following conviction. Secondly, the investigations (Northern Ireland) code of practice, issued under section 377ZA of the 2002 Act, provides guidance to constables and accredited financial investigators on the exercise of the investigation powers in POCA. Finally, the recovery of crypto assets search powers (Northern Ireland) code of practice is a new code of practice, issued under section 303Z25 of the 2002 Act.”
“It is anticipated, subject, of course, to the Assembly's approval today, that the two revised codes and one new code will take effect on 17 July, with draft codes of practice having been made available online since the new crypto assets powers were commenced. <BR /> <BR />Whilst I do not propose to go into the full technical detail of each code, Members may find a brief summary of their content helpful.”
“Those officers are primarily PSNI officers and accredited financial investigators in the PSNI, the Department for Communities and the Northern Ireland Environment Agency. The designation of the powers is subject to ongoing training and accreditation. Taking into account appropriate jurisdictional differences, the codes are closely aligned to those prepared by the Home Office for officers exercising POCA powers in reserved agencies or on behalf of other bodies in England and Wales. <BR /> <BR />Two of the codes relate to existing codes that have been subject to minor updates to reflect how the new crypto asset powers should be exercised in relation to search, seizure and detention, as well as investigations. One new code advises officers on how to exercise powers in respect of the recovery of crypto assets.”
“The POCA regime has been further enhanced by the Economic Crime and Corporate Transparency Act 2023, giving law enforcement partners new powers to seize crypto assets when investigating the proceeds of crime. Crypto assets are digital assets that can be transferred, stored or traded electronically. They exist electronically and use a peer-to-peer system. Perhaps the most commonly known are those such as bitcoin. Crypto assets are increasingly being used by criminals to move and launder the profits of various crimes, including drug crime, fraud and money laundering. <BR /> <BR />Members are invited to approve the three codes of practice that give guidance to officers in Northern Ireland who are exercising POCA functions following commencement of the relevant provisions relating to crypto assets.”
“POCA has, since its inception, proven to be an integral part of the response to organised criminality, which, as Members will know, is driven by sheer greed and a disregard for the harmful impact that crime has on our society.”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. The purpose of the order is to bring into operation three codes of practice for the use of powers under the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002, as amended by the Economic Crime and Corporate Transparency Act 2023. <BR /> <BR />By way of background, the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002, which is otherwise known as POCA, is a UK-wide Act designed to provide law enforcement partners with tools to recover the proceeds of crime and deny criminals the opportunity to accumulate assets secured by illegal means. POCA contains a wide range of provisions that deal with, amongst other things, cash seizure; forfeiture; asset freezing; the disclosure of information by financial institutions during investigations; and requirements on professionals in the regulated industries to submit suspicious activity reports.”
“To correct the Member, I said that the ombudsman is now on extended absence due to illness. I said that the recruitment of a new chief executive had concluded, not started, and the ombudsman delegated her powers to the senior director of investigations pursuant to paragraph 9 of schedule 3 to the Police (Northern Ireland) Act 1998, which she has the power to do.”
“At this stage, I have been briefed only on the new chief executive role, because that is the new role that is being brought to bear. The ombudsman had taken forward a process to recruit a new chief executive, and that has now been completed. It is a matter now for the ombudsman to run the office. In her absence due to illness, that is being done by a delegation of her powers to the senior director of investigations.”
“Whether the ombudsman chooses to step aside or not is, in the first instance, a matter for the ombudsman and, in the second instance, a matter for the Executive Office and the First Minister and deputy First Minister. With respect to the investigation, I am not sure what briefing the Member has had, but I am not aware that the investigation has been stalled. Moreover, it is important that, while there is a live investigation, people say less rather than more in respect of it.”
“Our commitment will be to keep Members apprised as is appropriate in the current situation. There are legally complex matters at play, as well as personal matters, and it is important that we respect the privacy but also the process that is under way at the moment.”
“The ombudsman herself is a corporation sole, in that she is entirely independent and is appointed by the Executive Office. The office of the ombudsman has an oversight function from the ombudsman herself but also, in respect of its accountability and sponsor branch responsibilities, to the Department of Justice, I have kept the Executive Office updated on developments over recent months and am writing to it again today in light of the recent illness of the ombudsman to keep it informed. Any decision in relation to the future of the current ombudsman is a matter for the Executive Office and not the Department of Justice.”
“There is a legal duty on the ombudsman's office, which I mentioned during questions, to comply with requests from the Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery, and the office will continue to do that. It has advised us that there will be no significant operational impact on the office's capacity due to the Police Ombudsman's absence due to illness. If that changes, I will expect the Department to be duly informed.”
“The ombudsman's office has been undertaking an appointment process to replace the chief executive and has identified a candidate for the role who has not yet started in post.”
“It would be inappropriate for me to comment on the specifics of the case to which the Member refers. First, it is a personnel matter, and, secondly, it relates to an ongoing police investigation. I therefore have nothing to add to my original comment.”
“The office has advised that there will be no significant operational impact on the office's capacity as a result of the Police Ombudsman's absence. The ombudsman has delegated her powers to the senior director of investigations, pursuant to paragraph 9 of schedule 3 to the Police (Northern Ireland) Act 1998.”
“We will continue to work with our statutory partners, the wider justice system and the community and voluntary sector. In particular, we are working on the judge-led voluntary protocol. It has seen a 70% reduction in the average time between reporting a sexual offence and court disposal. The voluntary protocol is for child witnesses under 13, but it is now being extended. They are expediting as much as possible similar serious sexual offences involving children under 16 in all court divisions. If we can do more at each stage, whether that is through the children's sexual offences legal advisers, experiences like this or, indeed, the existing NSPCC-led establishment of remote evidence centres, we will continue to do all in our power to work with partners to deliver the best possible outcomes.”
“Access to free legal advice, which we discussed in response to Ms Cara Hunter's question, is hugely important to people. Many people are now able to give evidence from remote evidence centres away from court and are therefore much more likely to attend their court hearings and not be intimidated away from doing so. Members of the public can no longer be in a courtroom during a trial. Complainants are no longer required to give oral evidence at a committal hearing, forcing them to give evidence about the most traumatic moment in their life twice. Across the criminal justice system, professionals have better access to training so that they can understand and deal sensitively with the trauma that complainants have suffered. It is hugely important that we continue that work.”
“I remain fully committed to the full implementation of the Gillen review. It is a transformational programme, but it requires a collaborative approach across other Departments, statutory agencies and third-sector organisations. Some work streams — for example, those related to relationships and sexuality education — fall to the Minister of Education to progress. We have made good progress, with 76% of recommendations having been implemented to some degree and 62% fully completed. A further 14% are partially completed, and that is usually in the form of a pilot. <BR /> <BR />While it is useful to note the number of completed recommendations, it is equally important to note the measures and services introduced as part of the implementation programme that are making a real-life difference to victims.”
“The obvious thing that most of us can see is that many groups have successfully transitioned with no government support: they have transitioned fully into organised crime gangs. Where they want to make a step change in function, they seem capable of doing it without support from anywhere else. Group transition, in the sense of those organisations becoming post-conflict organisations, is not the answer. Those individuals need to transition to being law-abiding members of our community. They need to integrate into society on the same basis as the rest of us and cease the coercive control, threat and intimidation that they wield. Some people refer to these as shows of strength; in my view, they are shows of fragility. When you have to ship people in from outside to cause intimidation in a constituency, there is nothing strong about it.”
“I would love to say that I have pleasure in doing so, but I have no pleasure in doing so. It is incredibly disturbing that, at this juncture in Northern Ireland, we continue to see such shows of strength. The people of Northern Ireland generally and of east Belfast in particular are weary of paramilitary organisations exerting coercive control in their community. They are not interested in changes in leadership and management; they are interested in those organisations being put out of business. The sooner that happens, the better for us all.”
“There are a number of areas where we work with TEO, including the Communities in Transition scheme. We also work with the Department for Communities on diversionary activity and trying to support young people particularly but also wider communities in building resilience against paramilitary and organised crime, which, we know, is a genuine issue for many people. <BR /> <BR />It was remiss of me not to mention that the policing and community safety partnerships (PCSPs) in each of the council areas are funded by my Department. My Department also invests in local projects and diversionary schemes to support the wider work of the PSNI and the other law enforcement agencies and their community and voluntary sector partners.”
“I will not pretend that I can run through every scheme that the Department is involved in, but we have a relatively small footprint in the work that we do. The Youth Justice Agency is engaged in diversionary programmes dealing particularly with young people. The assets recovery community scheme (ARCS) is used to invest in community-based organisations that provide facilities. If the Member would like, I can provide him with further detail about what organisations in his constituency we fund on those issues.”
“<BR /> <BR />Ultimately, however, those major projects are entirely reliant on the availability of capital investment, for which I am competing with schools, hospitals and the rest of the public sector. Often, people do not realise just how important it is that we rebuild our prison system and provide a safe and dignified environment not only for the people who live there but for those who work there.”
“Again, I reassure the Member that work has commenced in terms of the design process, the business case and all of the preliminaries that need to be done. However, we cannot start to cut the sod on those two major pieces of the jigsaw until we know that we have the resources to do so. I know that the Member visits the prison to check on progress, so he will know that there has been other significant development around Magilligan. For example, there have been improvements to power lines, to the building exterior, to the house of worship and to other spaces in the prison that are significant. We will continue to make those adaptations to the system in the meantime.”
“As the Member knows, we remain absolutely committed to a replacement facility being built at Magilligan. Initially, the plan was for the residential accommodation and the kitchen and dining accommodation to move forward as a single project. Due to the restrictions on resources in the Department, particularly in the capital budget, and the urgency of the work required on the kitchen and dining facilities, we have decided instead to split those into two separate business cases. We will advance the kitchen and dining facilities first, and we will submit a business case at a later stage to advance the accommodation element. We believe that the kitchen is the bit of the facility that is at most risk, given its age and the need for an upgrade.”