Mark Durkan
Foyle · Social Democratic and Labour Party · Northern Ireland
“That review involved an extensive engagement exercise with charities, regulators and funders, aimed at creating a more modern and proportionate regulatory system.”
“When the review was commenced in 2021, many organisations were still in the midst of responding to the pandemic. Since then, they have faced a succession of new and evolving challenges. The ending of European funding programmes, on which so many in our communities relied for decades, has left a significant gap.”
“<BR /> <BR />The broad principles behind the Bill are sensible. The changes will modernise charity regulation, strengthen the Charity Commission's ability to intervene where misconduct or mismanagement occurs, improve information sharing and, importantly, reduce unnecessary red tape, particularly for smaller charities with limited adminis…”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak today. Before turning to the detail of the legislation — there will not even be that much detail in the debate today at Second Stage — I pay tribute to our charity sector. Across every constituency, charities provide support that changes and saves lives every single day.”
“<BR /> <BR />Whilst the SDLP supports legislation that removes unnecessary bureaucracy, we should not kid ourselves that administrative reform alone will secure the future of charities and organisations in the voluntary and community sector.”
“I thank the Minister for giving way. Like other Members, I welcome the fact that we have reached this point. There seems to be consensus among Committee members and, I am sure, all Members that the introduction of these measures will save lives, which begs the question of whether the 10-year delay in introducing the measures had an opposi…”
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“Foyle Foodbank has witnessed a spike in demand in recent years. During COVID, it saw a 75% increase in usage. I dread to think how many more people in Derry will rely on that support and service should that cut to universal credit proceed.”
“I appreciate the opportunity to speak on the need for the Executive not only to oppose the UK Government's plan to remove the £20 uplift to universal credit but to plan and prepare and to protect people here should the Tories persist with that punitive policy, as well as, importantly, to consider what that cruel cut means for my constituents in Foyle. <BR /> <BR />The SDLP has always been critical of universal credit. We voted against the Welfare Reform Bill when others here rubber-stamped it. Our stance has been vindicated ever since. I am sure that I would not be alone in saying that assisting people to navigate that complex system is a daily occurrence in all our offices. All too often, we have to direct desperate people and families towards food banks during the cruel five-week wait.”
“I look forward to the progress of the Bill. We certainly will not be obstructing its passage.”
“We cannot afford to do the bare minimum when it comes to a matter that will define not just this Executive but this generation. Failure to act now will have severe repercussions, so we are glad that we potentially have two Acts, but we have to act to ensure that we get a good Act. There is no planet B. <BR /> <BR />Commitment to advancing this legislation is an important cornerstone of New Decade, New Approach. I am glad that it seems to be being addressed now because, for a while, there was a suspicion that there was some back-pedalling on that. We cannot afford a piecemeal approach, because the time for climate justice is now. <BR /> <BR />In conclusion, we support the sentiments and broad principles of the Bill but would very much like to see action taken and amendments made so that it is strengthened significantly.”
“We live in an interconnected climate in which an ecological emergency has been driven by human activities. Therefore, ambitious action is critical. How we live our lives is placing pressure on biodiversity. We must learn to do things differently and to do better. The Bill neglects, in our view, to place sufficient attention on nature, nature-based solutions or biodiversity. It must be strengthened in that regard. The Climate Coalition points to the Scottish Climate Change Act as an example of good practice, which establishes a duty on Ministers when setting targets with regard to environmental impacts, particularly on biodiversity. Legislation here should mirror that approach, given our similar geographical make-up. <BR /> <BR />Looking toward a greener future is not about restricting certain sectors but about maximising opportunities.”
“As has been referred to, we are looking at a "code red for humanity". The inclusion of a just transition, set out in law, is a necessity, not a pipe dream. The Minister's Bill and its silence on that key component is as conspicuous as it is disappointing. We need to set out a framework for net zero carbon investment, create work that is fair and sustainable and reduce inequality as far as possible.”
“<BR /> <BR />Climate change will affect all sectors, not just agriculture. The possibilities that enacting climate action legislation can bring should be embraced rather than be seen as something negative. It is undoubtedly a vehicle for prosperity and should be grasped with both hands, but regardless of economic losses or gains, tackling climate change and hitting net zero carbon targets can no longer be put off. Delivering a real, tangible change requires difficult conversations and very difficult decisions. The alternative — inaction by the Assembly here and now — does not bear thinking about. <BR /> <BR />The climate crisis has caused, and is causing, devastation to people and communities across the world. The language being used by climate experts leaves no room for ambiguity.”
“There has also been opposition from environmentalists to this Bill based on its perceived lack of ambition. Any climate change Bill must focus on working with, not against, the agriculture sector to ensure that it is supported and to enable it to establish sustainable practices; for example, by incentivising farmers to sequester more carbon in their land, as we move forward together. <BR /> <BR />We have moved, or at least are moving, beyond the old-world view that environmental requirements must constrain economic performance and productivity. It is possible to create a better environment and a stronger economy — a sentiment, as Mr McGuigan reminded us, that is shared by Mr Poots, who is on record as affirming that environmental challenges present economic opportunities.”
“It has also given many the opportunity to reconnect with our natural environment and realise the importance of protecting it. <BR /> <BR />We now need to witness a sea change in behaviours within the powers that be. I pay tribute to the Climate Coalition Northern Ireland and the many groups and individuals who have not let up in that regard. They have been an invaluable resource who have worked tirelessly in their mission to put climate action firmly on the agenda. <BR /> <BR />However, I cannot pretend — it has become obvious this afternoon — that there is or has been consensus on the issue. Reservations — in some cases, outright opposition — about the targets in the private Member's Climate Change Bill have come from certain quarters in industry and agriculture.”
“For too long, the Executive have sat on their hands when it comes to legislation on climate change — I say that as a former Minister — not to mention the three years of complete inaction that we suffered collectively across the North to the detriment of its denizens and climate. The dither and delay mean that Northern Ireland remains the only jurisdiction in these islands without greenhouse gas reduction targets enshrined in law. <BR /> <BR />The focus on green recovery and the creation of a sustainable society are of even greater significance as we emerge from the fog of COVID. If we have learned anything from this horrific year it is that we must do things differently. The pandemic has served as a reminder of the delicate and unpredictable balance between humans and the natural world.”
“To do so could not only make for a weaker piece of work but add another layer of confusion that we cannot afford when there is already so much confusion out there, particularly in some sectors, on such a vital matter. <BR /> <BR />The vision of net zero emissions can be achieved only through collaborative working, declaring a climate emergency and establishing a mandate for climate change mitigation and adaptation. The roles of a Northern Ireland climate office and climate commissioner as overseers will be integral in accomplishing those goals. This is a necessary incorporation to any climate legislation, and it is crucial that any mechanism of scrutiny is independent. <BR /> <BR />The targets are ambitious, but they are ambitious because they need to be.”
“I thank the Member for his intervention. I am fairly sure that his former colleague Mr McKay will be watching with interest in his new role. <BR /> <BR />In our view, the Bill's most significant shortcoming is the absence of a net zero target for the North. Scientific evidence makes it clear that Northern Ireland needs to meet net zero carbon emissions by 2045. To deviate from that policy would see the North at odds with the direction of travel being pursued elsewhere. <BR /> <BR />We cannot accept anything less than net zero. What we have here is a dilution of that target. It is a bit of a hokey-cokey piece of legislation, if you will — half in and half out. As such, we have significant concerns also about clauses 4 and 5, which will give powers to the Department to change emissions targets' years and baselines.”
“I should mention that Daithí McKay initially introduced the single-use carrier bag levy under a private Member's Bill. Yes, I will give way.”
“I thank the Minister for his intervention. I do not doubt the benefits of an incremental approach to issues where necessary. He gives me more credit than I deserve. It was my predecessor and party colleague Alex Attwood in the ministerial role who did all the heavy lifting. I came along in time to get the headlines. I look forward to seeing the Minister's proposals for strengthening the single-use carrier bag levy, and I hope to see something forthcoming from him on the bottle deposit return scheme as well.”
“Since we last debated the issue in the Chamber, the situation has deteriorated even further, as per the IPCC sixth assessment report, which the UN Secretary-General called a "code red for humanity." How many more wake-up calls will it take? We cannot continue to push the snooze button on the climate emergency.”
“That is to be acknowledged and welcomed. He outlined the complexity of legislating on the issue, which I do not doubt for a second. I wonder whether that complexity has been compounded by the establishment of DAERA: the amalgamation of the Department with responsibility for environmental protection with the Department with responsibility for agriculture. We are where we are, however. <BR /> <BR />In our view, the Bill as it stands lacks ambition. In some ways, it is remarkable for what it fails to include rather than what it includes. Put simply, it falls a bit short. It is not as radical as it needs to be, nor does it treat climate change with the urgency required.”
“We need to make sure that we get on the right one: the one that will take us where we need to go. We cannot afford to dither and end up missing both, nor do we want a collision between the two. Very much in the spirit of this legislation, and perhaps echoing some of the Member opposite's sentiment, we should at least explore vehicle sharing options in order to improve efficiency. <BR /> <BR />In discussing the Bill that Minister Poots has introduced, we cannot neglect to mention the private Member's Bill that is progressing through the Assembly and to which I have referred. Although it shares a similar aim, I argue that it is much more robust than the legislation before us today. Minister Poots outlined his commitment to tackling climate change and laid out some positive actions that he has taken in his role as Minister.”
“No longer can it be swept under a carpet or buried in a hole in the ground to be dealt with at a later date. It remains a blot on our collective record that it has taken so long to implement specific legislation to prevent climate breakdown through emission reduction targets, working towards carbon neutrality or preparing industry for tomorrow's economy. <BR /> <BR />While the COVID pandemic may have played some part in the delay in implementing climate change legislation here, the collapse of the Assembly and the shameful three-year stalemate have left Northern Ireland lagging even further behind on the single biggest issue facing this Executive and those beyond. However, I appreciate that steps are being taken to rectify that. As the old adage goes, you wait ages for a bus, and then two come along at once.”
“The urgent need for a climate change Bill has been well established. The extensive body of research demands that we act immediately — globally, locally and as individuals — in response to the emergency. Climate change is arguably the most serious threat that we face, not just to the environment but to our health and our economic and global security. <BR /> <BR />The overwhelming scientific consensus is that the impacts of climate change are accelerating and that they are largely driven by greenhouse gas emissions that result from human activity. If we are to combat the devastating impact of climate change, we have a responsibility to act. We owe it to ourselves and especially to future generations to face up to that uncomfortable reality.”
“I thank Mr McGuigan for giving way. I should like to be associated with the remarks of Members from across the Chamber about his courage and has contribution to the debate, not just today but over his time as an MLA. <BR /> <BR />The Member outlined the fact that this is the first overhaul of gambling in 35 years and lamented the fact that previous Ministers for Social Development, for example, did not act. Would the Member be as sympathetic to the legislation if a Minister from another party were bringing it forward, or might he find fault in the fact that it does not include the provisions that he is outlining must be in the second piece of legislation? Is he saying as well that we have to wait and see how Westminster does it? That is a strange position for someone in Sinn Féin to take.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. As a member of the Communities Committee, I do not know whether bemoaning is the right word or the word that we use to describe the volume of work that the Committee gets. I mentioned, as other Committee members did during the earlier part of the debate, the importance of getting the legislation right. In that vein, we will take whatever comes our way, and we will do whatever we have to do with it.”
“I thank the deputy First Minister for her answer. I look forward to seeing more detail from that important presentation. The Infrastructure Minister, Nichola Mallon, has won Executive support for a climate summit to be held ahead of the UN Climate Change Conference of the Parties (COP26). That summit is to be organised by the Executive Office. Will the deputy First Minister provide an update on when it will happen and confirm that a wider range of stakeholders and experts, including Climate Coalition NI (CCNI), will be invited?”
“However, rather than being nuanced, the Bill is neglectful. <BR /> <BR />Overall, the SDLP supports the broad principles of the Bill, but, as you may have gathered, we recognise its significant shortcomings and failure to provide a bespoke set of safeguards for those across the North who are at risk of gambling-related harm. The Bill had potential, but it is looking like an opportunity missed. It will be up to us on the Committee and the Assembly to work hard to improve it. <BR /> <BR />We will support the Bill's passage today in order to give us the chance to do that important work to protect people from the harm and damage that gambling can do.”
“The Bill has no teeth. To leave a place that is recognised and accepted by all to be at the greatest risk of gambling-related harm without appropriate protections is not only unconscionable but quite reckless. The Minister cited a lack of time as a reason or some sort of justification for this piecemeal approach, but whose fault is it that we have not had a full mandate? Does the fact that we were not here for three years and not able to legislate at all mean that we should now accept substandard legislation? I do not think so, and I do not think that that is fair on people either. <BR /> <BR />I am mindful that the gambling industry is an important employer in the North and that gambling, as Ms Ferguson pointed out, can be and is enjoyed responsibly by many. When enshrining gambling protections into law, those points must be considered.”
“The fact that the Minister is missing an opportunity to implement her party's policy is even more confounding. Ms Ferguson referred to her party's "all-Ireland" approach, but it seems more like a Twenty-six Counties gambling strategy. Here in the Six Counties, where Sinn Féin has the power to improve things meaningfully and radically for people, it is tinkering around the edges. <BR /> <BR />The Bill makes for quite a disappointing read. It does not provide the bare minimum of regulating online betting or fixed-odds betting terminals. I am of the belief that, if something is worth doing, it is worth doing right. The delay in bringing forward the necessary regulations will only compound problem gambling and do nothing to help those caught in the grip of gambling addiction.”
“<BR /> <BR />Clause 15, which sets out the terms of a code of practice, is, again, remarkable in its feebleness. For cases in which some in the industry breach the code, the provision fails to impose even a slap on the wrist. Without enforcement powers, it proves meaningless. <BR /> <BR />The oversights and shortcomings that I have outlined so far highlight the need for in-depth scrutiny and amendments that, I hope, will be considered and passed at Committee Stage to strengthen the sentiments and body therein. <BR /> <BR />In bringing my remarks to a close, I will say that I find it difficult to comprehend that, despite universal support, it is fair to say, across the Chamber for strong regulation, the Minister presents a Bill that does little to help those who are experiencing problem gambling and their families.”
“<BR /> <BR />To address the exponential rise in online gambling, we need a more comprehensive approach that takes into account the North's unique challenges and keeps pace with the industry. The current voluntary model is inadequate and neglects to look at the bigger picture. Figures provided by the NI Turf Guardians Association revealed that, in 2019, only £24,000 was paid to counselling services to support problem gamblers. Considering the commitment of £25 million a year until 2025 that was made by five of the largest gambling companies in England, Scotland and Wales to support those affected by gambling addiction, and bearing in mind that the problem, as all Members so far have said, is most profound in Northern Ireland, £24,000 is but a drop in the ocean. It is a complete pittance in comparison.”
“There are concerns that the proposal will place restrictions on smaller businesses such as bookmakers and bingo halls, thus reducing the effectiveness of garnering funds to support people who are experiencing gambling addiction. Again, it seems to let online providers off the hook. Bookmakers who are established here, paying rates and employing people will, effectively, be left to carry the can for the whole industry. The proposed levy is eerily similar to the provision made under the Gambling Act 2005, the shortcomings of which have already been highlighted at Westminster and by stakeholders. We need to do better than to copy and paste from existing legislation elsewhere, particularly when it is outdated.”
“I thank the Member for his contribution. It is important that we listen to the voices of those who have been and those who are being damaged by gambling. I commend Mr McConville for the courage that he has demonstrated. Just last week, I watched a documentary about a different code — the Premier League in England — in the 1990s. Keith Gillespie, another man from this part of the world, was very good at outlining the risks of gambling. <BR /> <BR />I see some rationale for permitting Sunday opening for bookmakers' shops. Many of our major sporting events reach their climax on Sundays, and local businesses miss out while online providers, bookmakers over the border and, indeed, illegal bookmakers can prosper. <BR /> <BR />Clause 14 establishes a levy on the betting industry.”
“I recognise that that clause has already proved to be a point of contention for some in the Chamber; I am sure that we will hear more on that throughout the day. Criticism has been levelled at clause 3 for normalising gambling in our society. I do not want to gloss over those concerns entirely, but to dwell on that one element is to lose sight of the real issues in the Bill and the wider problem of gambling-related harm. For example, online gambling, which accounts for so much of gambling here, is available 24/7 and is accessible from home, work or wherever else someone may be. I argue that attention should be focused on the online element and on the overall failure of the Bill to provide a framework of protections. Personally —.”
“That is another welcome inclusion, but I fear that, in aiming for the low-hanging fruit, the Department fails to tackle the bigger issues in hand. We would have liked the inclusion of a regulatory provision for fixed-odds betting terminals. I appreciate that that is a legally grey area, but the exclusion of such a key component is regrettable, to say the least. The voluntary reduction in the fixed-odds betting terminal maximum stake to £2 by larger gambling organisations was a welcome step. The absence, however, of a regulator or regulatory body to oversee the number of gaming machines in operation or to determine how many have been recalibrated to reduce the maximum stake puts people at greater risk of gambling-related harm. <BR /> <BR />I turn briefly to clause 3, which permits betting shops to trade on Sundays and Good Friday.”
“I note with interest that the Minister's party has contributed vociferously to a similar debate in the Dáil, where it has called for all the trimmings — a gambling regulator, an online regulator and self-exclusion regulation — that we would like to see in the Bill. My question is this: why is the Minister opting to deviate in the North from her party's policy? Surely we should push for a 32-county strategy that applies protections for vulnerable people. We need regulation across the island and the islands. <BR /> <BR />I turn to the detail of the Bill. We welcome clause 7, which makes it an offence to invite a person under 18 to play gaming machines. Clauses 12 and 13 focus on the enforceability of gambling contracts.”
“The North has the most profound gambling problem across these islands. That is in no small part attributable to the fact that we have not witnessed any significant gambling law reform for almost four decades. It is therefore hugely disappointing that the Bill fails to address the root causes of gambling and omits significant safeguards. I recognise that, as the Minister said, the Bill is a starting point, but, while some elements are good and welcome, the legislation that the Minister has introduced is notable for what it does not do, rather than for what it does. <BR /> <BR />The issue is not isolated to the North; rather, it is a problem for the whole island. Mr O'Toole referred to an anomaly between the two jurisdictions.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on the Bill and on the important matter of gambling-related harm in our communities. I hope that, in doing so, we can raise awareness and break some of the stigma surrounding the addiction, which affects swathes of people in our society, as well as legislate to prevent and mitigate the damage that gambling can and does do. <BR /> <BR />Others have leant on some of the figures, but, in real terms, the North has a total of 40,000 problem gamblers. That means that there are 40,000 individuals and their families who desperately need protections and support. The Bill fails to provide either. It lacks not only ambition but substance in that regard. The statistics are clear. The Chair of the Committee and my Foyle constituency colleague have already used them.”
“Going forward, the Executive must promote the positives of employing people with autism and ensure that advice on supporting those individuals is made available to employers. <BR /> <BR />I am conscious that it is lunchtime. Given that autism affects so many areas of government, it is difficult to address them all in such a short space of time. I could opine where we need to go, what we should be doing and what not to do. Suffice it to say, however, we support the Bill and look forward to its passing Second Stage.”
“While I agree with the sentiments of this Bill and the ambitious ideas set out on paper, putting those plans from paper into practice to deliver real change and benefit to people's lives requires the provision of adequate funding. The outworkings of the autism strategy cannot be left battling for financial support and investment at every juncture. <BR /> <BR />In conclusion, as a society, we have made huge leaps in improving support and developing our understanding of the needs of people with autism, yet we are nowhere near the finish line, and today's debate has brought that very much to the fore. The envisaged future of an enlightened, inclusive society depends on the creation of communities in which those with autism, their families and their carers can feel safe, included and understood in every aspect of their lives.”
“For many households where routine is golden, this monumental shift in their daily lives, and coming to terms with the new normal, has been hugely detrimental. The findings in this report show that the events of recent months have had a disproportionate, and often devastating, impact on the mental health, well-being and education prospects of people with autism and their families. Again, it is clear that the autism strategy explicitly looks at a new funding model. <BR /> <BR />We cannot rest on our laurels where the delivery of effective and accessible autism services is concerned. A system establishing the needs of autistic individuals and their families to cope with the repercussions of COVID-19 and beyond is key.”
“The phased implementation of a new special educational needs framework will go a long way, I hope, in providing assurance that people with autism are supported throughout every step of their education. <BR /> <BR />No conversation on autism can be had without acknowledging the toll that the past 18 months has taken on people with autism and their families. Lockdown and its aftermath have undoubtedly impacted on all our lives but, for those living with autism, this period has been fraught with unimaginable challenges. The National Autistic Society's report, 'Left Stranded', presents stark evidence of that. I have personally listened to some heart-wrenching stories from families who struggled throughout lockdown without respite and with limited access to services.”
“No child should be neglected on colossal waiting lists and fighting for the support to which they are entitled. Nevertheless, clause 4, the annual report detailing how autism funding will be allocated, is a welcome and necessary inclusion in the Bill. <BR /> <BR />While obtaining diagnosis, an often laborious process, is just the first step, it is important that the support provisions post diagnosis are also properly resourced. Figures, again from Autism NI, and quoted by Ms Hunter, show that one in 22 children have an ASD diagnosis. That is at least one child in every classroom, many of whom are, or will be, in mainstream education, which further underscores the importance of mandatory autism training for all teaching staff — a commitment made in this Chamber in February last year and referred to by Mr Sheehan.”
“These staggering figures are, in part, born out of the pandemic compounding already dire waiting lists. Given that access to autism services was already under immense pressures, the exponential increase in demand means that the needs of many children and their families have not — and, sadly, will not — be met. This will undoubtedly impact on their ability to do things that most people take for granted, particularly with regard to education, making an already frustrating and lengthy process even more stressful. <BR /> <BR />It is imperative that this area of underinvestment be addressed by the Executive. We need to create a fit-for-purpose system — a system of understanding that meets the needs of autistic individuals and their families. That begins with early diagnosis.”
“Not having that crucial diagnosis or the assistance that comes with it is distressing itself but now, with the impact of COVID, their chance of getting a diagnosis has been pushed even further down the road. These delays are nothing new, and it is lamentable that adequate care pathways, both before and after diagnosis, are yet to be established, despite knowledge of the issues laid out in the 'Broken promises' report by Autism NI, that other Members have referred to, written prior to the Executive's collapse. As a result, an improved framework could not be implemented, leaving access to autism services in a state of inertia. <BR /> <BR />This is an area marred by historic underinvestment, and funding, thus far, has failed to match or come anywhere close to the increase in demand, year on year, for autism support and services.”
“As of March this year, around 4,500 children here were waiting for an ASD assessment. In the Western Trust alone, there were 1,085 patients on the waiting list, 527 of whom had been waiting for longer than a year. That represents 4,500 children struggling in a class of their peers, frustrated with the added turmoil caused by lockdown and left without the additional support that they desperately need. It represents 4,500 families battling for answers, trying their utmost to secure assistance for their children. The system has failed each and every one of those. <BR /> <BR />It is unconscionable that children and their parents live with uncertainty, without a statement and, more importantly, without the critical support that follows one.”
“While I appreciate the reservations that have been expressed by the Children's Commissioner and others about clause 5, I argue that the prevalence of autism demands radical thinking. An independent reviewer would improve accountability, working alongside the existing scrutiny mechanisms. However, the crux of that work is the creation of an early intervention service. The sooner that an ASD diagnosis can be given, the sooner that support services can be accessed. <BR /> <BR />It is clear that autism services across the North are at breaking point. Some of the figures have been quoted here today already. Figures that I obtained recently from the Health Minister via a question relating to ASD assessment waiting lists for children are testament to a system that is in absolute chaos.”
“The Bill is an opportunity for the North to be a leader on these islands with regards to best autism practices and the creation of a more inclusive society. That opportunity must be grasped. Ensuring that the needs of adults with autism are met in terms of lifelong learning, employment support, well-being, and facilitated supporting housing opportunities are all integral cogs in the support framework for individuals and their families. <BR /> <BR />Evidently, the Bill is cross-cutting and requires a multidisciplinary and consistent approach across all Departments. Sadly, we have not seen that to date. The role of the autism reviewer to monitor the implementation and effectiveness of autism legislation is important.”
“Clause 2, which concerns additional components of the autism strategy, does just that. In particular, the focus on the role that is played by public bodies is critical. All those who provide a public service throughout the North should be trained to appreciate the challenges that are faced by people with autism, whether that is in the workplace, in schools, on public transport, or in the provision of healthcare. <BR /> <BR />The need for greater training and awareness in relation to autism has been recognised in all jurisdictions, particularly among front-line workers and especially among health and education professionals. Mandatory training for front-line workers must be more than just a consideration.”
“<BR /> <BR />According to the National Autistic Society, its members attest that the one thing that would make the biggest difference in their daily lives would be if people understood autism. That is simplistic, but, nevertheless, it is a vital starting point. It is our responsibility here today to ensure that a vision of understanding is enshrined in law. To understand is to listen. I am content that much of that work has been informed by and done in conjunction with those who have a lived experience of autism. The nature of co-design is a key component here. That first-hand contribution must be at the core of the legislation to ensure its effectiveness. It is not enough to just be aware; rather, it is incumbent on all of us to listen to, respect and include people with autism.”
“Sadly, the potential of the Autism Act (NI), which was championed and brought forward by my party colleague Dominic Bradley, to transform people's lives has been compromised by a lack of not only financial support but ministerial decision-making over the past decade. While public awareness around the issue has improved massively during that time, that is thanks in no small part to organisations like Autism NI and the National Autistic Society and others in my constituency like Parents of Older Children with Autism (POCA), the Jigsaw Project, Circle of Support, and their members. It is painfully clear that services and legislation here have not kept step with the needs of individuals with autism.”
“I am glad to speak on this private Member's Bill, which, I hope, will provide a springboard to the creation of a more equal, supported and fulfilling environment for individuals with autism, their families and their carers. I must pay tribute to the all-party group on autism and, in particular, to the Bill sponsor, Pam Cameron, for ensuring that the experiences of people with autism are heard and for bringing this private Member's Bill to the Assembly. <BR /> <BR />The Bill is a vital addendum that will strengthen the Autism Act 2011 and see much-needed improvements, including early intervention and information services, as have been mentioned.”
“I thank the Minister for her action to date. I welcome the fact that the Executive have endorsed the letter to Treasury on this very important issue. Will the Minister outline what conversations she has had with Executive colleagues on how we can mitigate this, should the Tories persist down this punitive policy path, and where the money might come from to do so? Also, on the wider review of mitigations, legislation will be required for that, so what delay might we see should we have to do that?”
“We were without decision-making or legislative powers for three years. God knows how far behind we are already. We cannot afford to fall further behind.”